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ΟΠ ORATIONS 


ee 
DEMOSTHENES 
ON THE CROWN 
AND ON THE EMBASSY. 


TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES, &c., 


BY 


CHARLES RANN KENNEDY. 


IN TWO VOLUMES. 


VOL. II. 


NEW YORK: 
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, 
FRANKLIN SQUARE. 


1862. 


BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
CHESTNUT HILL, ΜΑΒΒ. 


Υ 


Harper’s New Classical Library. 


Comprising Literal Translations of 


CZESAR. JUVENAL, 

VIRGIL. XENOPHON. 

HORACE. ᾿ς HOMER’S ILIAD. 
SALLUST. HOMER’S ODYSSEY, &c. 
CICERO’S ORATIONS. THUCYDIDES. 
CICERO’S OFFICES, &c. HERODOTUS. 7 


CICERO ON ORATORY, &c. 


EURIPIDES. 2 yols. 


TACITUS. 2 vols. SOPHOCLES. 
TERENCE. ZESCHYLUS. ' 


DEMOSTHENES. 2 vols. : ¢ 


12mo, Muslin, 75 cents a Volume, 


\EbR 
me Ἢ 
PREFACE 


Tue delay in bringing out this volume has been chiefly 
owing to the labor bestowed upon the Oration for the 





Crown, in which after all 1 feel I have but imperfectly 


succeeded. He is indeed a confident man who can sat- 
isfy himself upon such a task. The previous translations 
which I have consulted, I should rather say which I have 
constantly had before me, are those of Leland, Francis, 
Lord Brougham, Spillan, Auger, Jacobs, and Pabst. I 
believe there are some others, which I have not seen. 
These, however, I have carefully perused and compared ; 


and to all the translators I am indebted for their assist- 


ance, but especially to Jacobs, of whose. valuable notes 
and dissertations I have made ample use. It is a pity 
that his labors have been confined to the political speeches 
of Demosthenes. 

Shilleto’s edition of the Oration on the Embassy -was 
unfortunately not put into my hands until I had completed 
the first half of the translation. The author has proved 
himself to be one of the profoundest of English scholars. 
His plan of writing critical notes in Latin, and explana- 


tory in English, is novel, but not unattended with ad- . 


vantage. 





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CONTENTS 


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ΟΒΑΤΙΟΝΒ :— 
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Νῦν πΠοΠέο ON sie wy os bce vine ss bm ave eens vaen event 116 
APPENDICES :— 
I. The Sacred War... . ΤΉ ἧς ΡΤ ἘΣΤΕ © se 223 
Be raters and Statesmen... «τος isc c cove dees oe 810 
ΠῚ ne: Council of Aredpagus.. ον τον ον ect oot ae 842 
IV. The Council of Five Hundred ..............e.e00- 845 
mua Popular Astombly 7.2 csbeees 46s. cab ens sen 349 
ΕΠ ΤΡ Comin Of POlyDIUS. 6.6. ce eee cre eects: w+. 854 
MMM ἀπ μη OF LINWAIN, Oe iclcj-o sd isc es duced sve cease ane 358 
Stl, Afiairs of Peloponnests® . 25... .0 6 ie cook νον τος 363 
aE πὸ wis boy aisle ale δες νος οἱ οἷα οἷς sng) wets 376 


X. Whether Ctesiphon broke the Law............+.+. 413 


ον. ee 





THE 


ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES 


THE ORATION ON THE CROWN. 


THE ARGUMENT. 


Thisshas justly been considered the greatest speech of the greatest ora- 
tor in the world. It derives an additional interest from the cireum- 
stance that it was the last great speech delivered in Athens. The 
subject matter of it is virtually a justification of the whole public 
policy and life of Demosthenes; while in point of form it is a defense 
of Ctesiphon for a decree which he proposed in favor of Demos- 

» thenes, B.c. 338, not long after the battle of Cheronea. 

When the news of that disastrous battle reached Athens, the people 
were in the utmost consternation. Nothing less was expected than 
an immediate invasion of Attica by the conqueror; and strong meas- 
ures were taken, under the advice of Hyperides, to put the city in a 
posture of defense. One of the most important was the repair of the 
walls and ramparts. Demosthenes at this time held the office of 
conservator of walls, having been appointed by his own tribe at the 
end of the year B.c. 339. The reparation, which had been com- 
menced before, but suspended during the late campaign, was now 
vigorously prosecuted. He himself superintended the work, and ex- 

ended on it three talents of his own money, beyond what was al- 
owed out of the public treasury. 

The fears of the people were not realized. Philip, while he chastised 
the Thebans, treated the Athenians with moderation and clemency ; 
restoring their prisoners without ransom, burying their dead upon 
the field, andsending their bones to Athens. He deprived them in- 
deed of most of their foreign possessions, but even enlarged their 
domestic territory by the addition of Oropus. 

It seemed that the whole foundation upon which the credit and influ- 
ence of Demosthenes had rested was overthrown. The hopes which 
he had held out of successful resistance to Philip, of re-establishing 
Athenian ascendency, or maintaining the independence of Greece, 
were now proved to be fallacious. The alliance of Thebes, his last 
great measure for the protection of Athens, appeared to have been 

_the immediate cause of her defeat and disgrace, The very moderation 


Vou. IL.—A 


/ 


2 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


with which Philip had used his victory looked like a reproach’to the 
orator, who had s0 often denounced his cruelties before the Athenian ἡ 
assembly, and warned them ‘of his deadly hostility to Athens. 

The Macedonian party considered that the time was come for the hu- 
miliation of their adversary., They assailed him with prosecutions. 
The peace which Athens concluded with Macedonia was the signal 
for war against Demosthenes. But his enemies were mistaken in 
their reckoning, when they supposed that the people would feel re- 
sentment against him as the author of their misfortunes. The Athe- 
nians took a juster and nobler view of the matter: they judged not 
of his counsels by the result, but by their own intrinsic merit. De- 
mosthenes came clear and triumphant out of every prosecution; and 
while Lysicles the general was condemned to capital punishment 
for his misconduct of the war, Demosthenes received from his coun- 
ee fst a signal proof of their esteem and confidence, being appoint- 
ed to pronounce the funeral oration in honor of the citizens who had 
fallen at Cheronea. 

About the same time, and not many months after the battle, Ctesiphon 
introduced a bill to the Council of Five Hundred, proposing to reward 
Demosthenes for his gifts of money to the public, and for his gemeral 
integrity and good conduct as a statesman. It is not unlikely that 
the very object of this measure was to stop the attacks upon Demos- 
thenes, and to give him the opportunity, in case it should be opposed, 
of justifying the whole course of his political life. With that view 
was inserted the clause eulogizing his general character as a states- 
man. The Macedonian party naturally regarded this clause as av 
reflection upon themselves, and a virtual condemnation of the policy 
which they had for so many years espoused. They felt themselves 
therefore compelled to make a stand against it; and they resolved 
upon a course, which was open to them according to the Athenian 
laws, of indicting Ctesiphon as the author of an illegal measure. His 
bill, having been approved by the council, and then brought before 
the popular assembly, was passed in the shape of a decree, by which 
it was declared to be the will of the council and people of Athens, 
“that Demosthenes should be presented with a golden crown, and 
that a proclamation should be made in the theatre, at the great 
Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new tragedies, an- 
nouncing that Demosthenes was rewarded by the people with a 
golden crown for his integrity, for the good-will which he had in- 
variably displayed toward all the Greeks and toward the people of 
Athens, and also for his magnanimity, and because he had ever both 
by word and deed promoted the interests of the people, and been 
zealous to do all the good in his power.” This decree, as the opposite 
party conceived, was open to three objections, two of wil were 
chiefly of a legal nature; the other, while it equally assumed a legal 
form, called in question the real merits of Ctesiphon’s motion, An ~ 
indictment, embodying all the objections, was preferred before the 
archon, the chief magistrate of Athens, to whose cognizance a crim- 
inal proceeding of this kind appertained. The prosecutor was 
“Eschines, the second of Athenian orators, the deadly enemy of 
Demosthenes, who would not only be considered by his party as the 


ON THE CROWN. 8 


fittest person to conduct the cause, but was stimulated to it by every 
motive of rivalry and revenge. The indictment, after reciting the 

' decree, alleged that it violated the Athenian laws in three points, as 
follows :— as 

First, because it was unlawful to make false allegations in any of the 
state documents: 

Secondly, because it was unlawful to confer a crown upon any person” 
who had an account to render of his official conduct; and Demos- 
vert was both a conservator of walls and the treasurer of the theoric 

und: 

Thirdly, because it was unlawful to proclaim the honor of a crown in 
the theatre at the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new 
tragedies; the law being, that if the council gave a crown, it should 
be published in the council-hall; if the people, in the pnyx at the 
popular assembly. ° 

The first of these points raised the substantial question at issue—viz, 
whether the decree of Ctesiphon had stated a falsehood, when it as- 
signed the virtue and patriotism of Demosthenes as reasons for con- 
ferring public honor upon him. The other two, while they were 
mainly of a technical character, were strongly relied on by Aischines 
as affording him the means of securing a verdict. 

Notice of intention to indict had probably been given at the time when 
the decree was passed. The bill was actually preferred on the sixth 
of Elaphebolion, B.c. 338, eight months after the battle of Cheronea, 
and a few days before the Dionysian festival, at which the honor 
conferred upon Demosthenes was to have been proclaimed. It had 
this immediate consequence, that the decree of Ctesiphon could not 
be carried into effect till after the trial; and thus one end, at least, 
was gained by Aischines and his party,—the satisfaction of having 
suspended their adversary’s triumph. But whether they were de- 
terred by the failure of other prosecutions against Demosthenes, or 
whether they judged from the temper of the people that they had 
but little chance of success, the indictment of Ctesiphon was suffered 
to lie dormant for more than seven years, and was not brought to 
trial till the year n.c. 880. It may seem strange that the law of 
Athens should have allowed a criminal prosecution to hang over a 
man for so long a period; but it must be borne in mind that the pro- 
ceeding against Ctesiphon not only involved a charge personally af- 
fecting him, but had the further, and ostensibly the more important, 
object of maintaining the purity of the law itself, and preventing an 
unconstitutional decree from being recorded in the public archives. 
It is probable, however, that the case would never have been re- 
vived, but for the occurrence of political events which seemed to af- 
ford a favorable opportunity. 

Within two years after his victory at Cheronea, Philip had perished by 
the hand of an assassin. The hopes that were excited in Greece by 
the news of his death were quickly dispelled by thé vigorous meas- 

ures of his successor. Notwithstanding the efforts of Demosthenes, 
it was found impossible to concert any feasible plan for a union of 
the Greek states against Macedonia. The rash revolt of the Thebans 
was punished by the extirpation of their city, which struck terror 


» 


4 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


into the very heart of Greece. Athens, suspected of aiding the in- 
surgents, hastened to appease the conqueror by humble submission ; 
and when he insisted on the delivery up of their principal orators, 
including Demosthenes, it was with difficulty that he was prevailed 
upon to accept a less severe measure of satisfaction. The debate 
which took place in the Athenian assembly upon this demand of 
Alexander shows that Demosthenes must still have been in high 
esteem at Athens. The feelings of the people, notwithstanding their 
fears, were against the delivery of the orators: and Phocion’s coun- 
sel, urging them to surrender themselves for the public good, was not 
well received. Alexander in the year following (8.0. 884) passed 
over into Asia, and commenced his career of conquest. Meanwhile 
Greece had a breathing time. The states that sighed for freedom 
looked with anxious expectation for every intelligence from the scene 
of war, as if all their hopes depended on the fate of one man. The 
farther he penetrated into Asia, the better chance there seemed to 
be of his being overwhelmed by the force of the Persian empire. 
While he was yet in the defiles of Cilicia, it was confidently asserted 
by Demosthenes at Athens, that his army would be trampled under 
foot by the cavalry of Darius. The battle of Issus belied this proph- 
ecy; yet it was still believed that the Persian πότῳ, had re- 
sources in itself sufficient to prevail in the war: and the length of 
time that Alexander was occupied in Phenicia and Egypt, while 
Darius was collecting the strength of his empire in the East, seemed 
to favor these sanguine views. og 
About the time that Alexander was marching to fight his last and de- 
cisive battle against the Persian king in Mesopotamia, Agis, king of 
Sparta, put himself at the head of a confederacy, which comprised the 
greater part of the Peloponnesian states, and prepared to throw off 
the Macedonian yoke. ‘Taking his opportunity, while Antipater was 
engaged in suppressing a Thracian insurrection, he raised his standard 
in Laconia, and declared war; but, after gaining some successes and 
laying siege to Megalopolis, which refused to join the league, he was 
defeated in a hard-fought battle by Antipater, and died fighting with 
the valor of an ancient Spartan. This was in the beginning of the 
year B.c. 330. The confederacy was dissolved, and the voice of free- 
dom was again changed to that of submission. Sie! 
Athens had taken no part in the last movement. The cause of her 
neutrality is not quite clear, though it is probably to be attributed to 
a want of proper concert and preparation. Had the Athenians sent — 
their forces to assist Agis in Peloponnesus, they would have been 
exposed to the first attack of the enemy, and the dread of this may 
have restrained them from rising. A Macedonian garrison wa’ main- 
tained in the Cadmea, which would gain speedy intelligence of any 
movement on the part of the Athenians, and the people of the 
Beotian towns were friendly to Macedonia. It is not quite clear 
either what part Demosthenes took upon this occasion. A’schines 
represents him as boasting that he had kindled the flames of war in 
Peloponnesus; and both Plutarch and Dinarchus intimate that he 
exerted himself for that purpose: yet Aischines accuses him also 
of neglecting so good an opportunity for engaging Athens in the 


“ 


_ ON THE CROWN. 5 


contest. Demosthenes may in prudence have abstained from plung- 
ing the Athenians into a war, for which he saw they were ill pre- 
pared ;-and at the same time he might have encouraged the Pelopon- 
nesians to make an effort of which, in the event of success, his own 
country would equally have reaped the benefit. So timid a policy 
he would not certainly have adopted eight years before; but under 
existing circumstances it could hardly be a reproach to him, es- 
pecially when he observed the timid and temporizing spirit which 
was gradually gaining ground among his countrymen. Presents of 
Persian spoil had been sent to Athens, to decorate the Acropolis. 
Phocion corresponded with Alexander as a friend; and it was gen- 
erally represented by all who belonged to his party, that resistance 
to him was hopeless. 


If such feelings prevailed to a great extent before the defeat of Agis, 


they must have been greatly strengthened after that event. Mace- 
donian arms were every where ‘triumphant. Alexander had seated 
himself on the throne of Darius; Antipater, his viceroy, was irresist- 
ible in Greece: Macedonian ascendency, which Demosthenes had 
exerted himself all his life to oppose, seemed now to be completely 
secured. Athens was not what she was even at the time of Cheronea, 
for sixteen years before that disastrous battle, the voice of Demos- 
thenes had been continually resounding in the assembly, instructing, 
animating, improving, elevating the minds and hearts of his hearers; 
exerting such an influence over them, that he may be said to have 
raised up, by the force of his own eloquence, a new generation of 
patriots. But in the eight years that followed it was very different: 


_ his voice in the cause of freedom and glory had been little heard; 


OR 


and besides that the people were cowed by the events which had 
oceurred, a lethargy had fallen on their spirit, for want of some one 
to rouse them. : 


‘This was the time chosen by Aschines for bringing to an issue the long- 


suspended cause. The aspect of affairs both at home and abroad 
seemed favorable to the undertaking ; and he summoned up all his 
force and resolution for the contest. It was to be not only a trial of 
strength between the contending parties at Athens,—the recs of 
Macedonian power, and those that regretted the loss of independence, 
—but a final and decisive struggle between two rival statesmen, 
exasperated against each other by a long series of hostilities. It was _ 
manifest that Ctesiplhion was but the nominal defendant ; the real ob- 
ject of attack was Demosthenes, his whole policy and administration. 
The interest excited was intense, not only at Athens, but throughout 


_ all Greece; and an immense concourse of foreigners flocked from all 


arts to hear the two most celebrated orators in the world. A jury 
lof not less than five hundred) was impanneled by the archon; and 
before a dense and breathless audience the pleadings began, 


As the speeches of both the orators are preserved to us, we have the 


means of comparing one with the other, and forming our opinion of 
their respective merits. The world in general have decided as the 
people of Athens did, not only upon the oratorical merits of the two 
rivals, bat upon the principal questions at issue between them. The 
accuser, who thought to brand his opponent with eternal infamy, has 


6 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


~ 


only added to the lustre of his renown. Independently of the internal 
evidence furnished by this and other orations of Demosthenes, which 
have carried to the hearts of most readers a conviction of his patriot- 
ism, we can not fail to be strongly influenced by the judgment of the 
Athenians themselves, whom neither their own past misfortunes, nor 
the terror inspired by the late victory of Antipater, could deter from 
giving a verdict, by which, while they acquitted Demosthenes from 
all blame, they in effect declared their approbation of his measures 
in opposition to Macedonia. 
The reader who carefully examines the speech of Aschines will not fail 
to observe, that he betrays a consciousness of weakness in that part 
of his case where he attacks the political character of his rival. He — 
seems to feel also that he is speaking in opposition-to the general 
feeling of his hearers. His own character as a politician had been so 
dubious, his conduct so open to suspicion, that while he most bitterly 
assails his adversary, he is constantly under the necessity of defending 
himself. On the whole life, public and private, of Demosthenes, he 
pours a torrent of invective; to this the greater part of his speech is 
devoted: yet he seems to have been impelled toit rather by hate and 
revenge, than by any calculation of advantage. On the other hand, 
when he deals with the legal parts of his case, commenting on those 
specific violations of Athenian law which Ctesiphon’s measure was 
charged with, it is evident that his strength lay there; he handles 
his subject temperately, skillfully, and carefully, laboring to make 
every point clear to the jury, and to impress them with the convic- 
tion that to uphold the laws was the sure way to maintain constitu- 
tional government. On these points he mainly relied, hoping by this 
means to secure a verdict, which would give him a triumph over his 
enemy, and carry the general opinion over Greece, that the credit 
and influence of Demosthenes were extinguished. oe 
Demosthenes, feeling his weakness as to the legal questions, dexterously 
throws them into the middle of his speech, and passes lightly and 
rapidly over them, while he devotes his greatest efforts to the vindi- 
cation of his own merits as a patriot and a statesman. Refusing to 
comply with the insidious demand of Aéschines, that he should take 
the questions in the same order as his accuser, he insists upon his 
legal right to conduct his defense as he pleases. Opening with a 
modest exordium, to conciliate the favor of the jury, he launches 
gradually into the history of his own conduct and measures: present- 
ing first a general view of the condition of Greece when he entered 
ublic life, and of the difficulties under which the Athenians labored 
in their contest with Philip; then setting forth his own views, plans, 
and objects, and showing that he had advised a course of action which 
both the circumstances of the time and the honor of the country 
required. He apologizes for the self-praise mixed up with his speech, 
on the ground that he was driven to it by his opponent. Entering 
on the Sacred War, and the peace of B.c. 346, he labors to exculpate 
himself from all share in the errors then committed, imputing them 
chiefly to the negligence of the other embassadors, and to the treach- 
ery of Philocrates and Aischines, who, by the false hopes which they 
excited at Athens, prevented the people from assisting the Phocians. 


ON THE CROWN. 7 


Sorin! to the events which brought on a renewal of the war, he 
shows how Philip’s ambitious projects and encroachments in every 
part of Greece made it necessary to oppose him, especially for the 
Athenians, who were menaced at home as well as abroad by his 
aggressions in Thrace, Euboa, and Megara. He pursues these topics 
until he has carried with him the feelings of his hearers, which must 
have been strongly on his side when he dilated on the glorious issue 
of the campaigns in Eubcea and the Propontis, and read to them the 
decrees of the Byzantines, Perinthians, and Chersonesites, in honor 
of Athens, all which were due to the vigorous measures of his own 
administration. Having thus secured the good-will and sympathy of 
his judges, he proceeds to discuss the legal charges against Ctesiphon. 
Dwelling on them but for a short time, he plunges into a personal 
attack upon Aischines, holding up to ridicule the meanness of his 
birth and parentage, and retorting on him the same coarse and op- 
probrious language which had been used toward himself. The bitter- 
ness of his invective is only to be excused on the ground of strong 
provocation, added to an assurance that his more grave charges of 
corruption and treason were well founded. Those charges, so often 
advanced before, he here repeats, denouncing more particularly the 
conduct of Aischines upon his mission to Delphi, Β.ο. 339, to which the 
disaster of Cheronea was attributable. The account which A’schines 
had given of this affair he shows to be false, and enters upon a minute 
examination of the proceedings which caused Philip to be appointed 
Amphictyonic general, and to march with an invading army, nomi- 
nally against the Amphissian Locrians, really against Boeotia and 
Attica. A graphic description is given of the consternation at Athens 
on hearing that Philip had seized Elatea. The meeting of the people, 
the advice of Demosthenes to them, his embassy to Thebes, the suc- 
cess of his negotiations, and the conclusion of the alliance between 
Thebes and Athens are briefly recounted, Demosthenes forcibly point- 
ing out the advantage of his measures, contending that they were not 
to be judged by the mere event of the battle, and that it was far 
more glorious for his country to be defeated in a struggle for the 
independence of Greece, than it would have been to keep aloof from 
the contest. Here he makes that noble adjuration, which has in all 
ages been admired, appealing to his countrymen by the deeds of their 
ancestors, of whom they would have acted most unworthily, had they 
without a struggle abandoned the post of honor bequeathed to them. 
He himself as a statesman would have deserved execration, had he 
advised such a course. The failure of their arms was not to be im- 
puted to the minister, who had done all he could to insure their suc- 
cess, but rather to the commanders, or to evil fortune. As A‘schines 
had said so much about the ill fortune which attended him, he draws 
a comparison between the different fortunes of himself and his ri- 
val, first, of their early life and education, next, of their career as 
public men. Aschines from the beginning had taken a part which 

ut him in opposition to the true interests of Athens, which caused 
A to rejoice at her disasters, to quail and tremble at her successes. 
He never came forward to assist her by his counsels when she needed 
them, but only to censure others who had given their honest advice, 


8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


because it had not turned out as well as was expected. It was a signal 
proof of his malignant disposition, that he had expatiated on the 
late disastrous events as if they were a subject of triumph to him, 
without shedding a single tear, without any faltering in his voice, 
without betraying the least emotion or symptom of grief. In reply 
to the challenge of Aischines, to say for what merit he claimed the 
reward of a crown, Demosthenes boldly declares, for his incorrupti- 
bility, by which he was distinguished not only from Aischines, but 
from the multitude of venal orators in the Grecian world. Had there 
been but a few more like himself in other states, Macedonia could 
never have risen to greatness upon theirruin. He had done all that 
was possible for a single man; and Athens, while she shared the mis- 
fortune of all the Greeks, had the consolation of reflecting, that she 
had striven gallantly and bravely to avert the common calamity. 
ZEschines had lauded the great men of a by-gone age, drawing an 
invidious contrast between Demosthenes and them. This, says De- 
mosthenes, was not a fair way of judging him: he should be tried by 
reference to his own acts, as compared with those of his contempo- 
raries. Yet even from the former comparison he did not shrink; for 
he had acted on the same principles as the statesmen of olden time, 
striving always to maintain the honor and dignity of Athens. At- 
tachment to his country, and earnest anxiety for her welfare, had 
been his constant and abiding motives of action: throughout his 
whole life, in the day of power, in the hour of trial and adversity, 
those feelings had never deserted him: that was the test of a good 
and honest citizen; by that he ought to be judged. 

Such is, in substance, the argument of this celebrated Oration, as far 
as relates to the main question in the cause. Some remarks on the 
legal points will be found in an Appendix. The effect produced by 
the speech upon an Athenian audience can be but faintly imagined 
by us who read it at this distance of time. Although Athens was not 
then what she had once been; although she was humbled by defeat, 
shorn of her honors, stripped of her empire and dependencies, with- 
out allies, without resources, without means of resistance to that iron 
power under which all Greece had succumbed; there was still the 
remembrance of the past, not yet extinguished by habitual servitude; 
there were still vague hopes of future deliverance, and a fire of smoth- 
ered indignation burning in the hearts of the people, ready to burst 
into a flame at the first favorable opportunity. That such were their 
feelings is proved by what occurred seven years afterward upon the 
death of Alexander; when Athens made one convulsive effort for 
freedom, ere she finally submitted to her fate. Demosthenes stood 
before his countrymen, representing all which remained of Athenian 
dignity and glory. If any man could help them, it was he. His ad- 
vice had always been steady and constant; his warnings should have 
been earlier attended to; but even yet there might be need of him. 
He was their consolation for the past, their hope for the future. 
During the progress of his address, such thoughts rushed upon their | 

“minds with greater and greater force, till they were elevated above 
themselves, and all the spirit of their ancestors was for the moment 
regenerate within them. 


ON THE CROWN. 9 


They eould forgive him all his egotism and self-praise. It was the 
praise of a life devoted to their service. Where he lauded his own 
acts most strongly, he identified them with the glories of his coun- 
try. Whatever good results might have accrued from his measures, 
he ascribed the merit less to himself than to the fortune of Athens, or 
to the gods, of whom he was but the humble instrument in a right- 
eous cause. His own eloquence would have been of no avail, had 
it not touched the true chord of Athenian feeling. Throughout his 

_ whole political career he had been supported by the judgment and 

_ convictions of the people. Thus he argued, and the people felt it 

- was impossible for them to find him guilty, without passing sentence 
upon themselves, without condemning the policy which Athens had 
for a long series of years consistently pursued. ‘The genius of Athens 

rotected her from such disgrace; and by an overwhelming major- 
ity, which left the accuser no choice but to retire into exile, a verdict 
was given for the defendant. ; 

I Beery, men of Athens, by praying to every God and God- 
dess, that the same good-will, which I have ever cherished to- 
ward the commonwealth and all of you, may be requited to 
me on the present trial.!_ I pray likewise—and this specially 
concerns yourselves, your religion, and your honor—that the 
Gods may put it in your minds, not to take counsel of my op- 
ponent touching the manner in which I am to be heard—that 
would indeed be cruel !—but of the laws and of your oath ; 
wherein (besides the other obligations) it is prescribed that 
you shall hear both sides alike. This means, not only that 
you must pass no pre-condemnation, not only that you must 
extend your good-will equally to both, but also that you must 
allow the parties to adopt such order and course of defense as 
they severally choose and prefer. 

Many advantages hath A‘schines over me on this trial; and 
two especially, men of Athens. First, my risk in the contest 
is not the same. It is assuredly not the same for me to for- 
feit your regard, as for my adversary not to succeed in his in- 

1 Quintilian commends the modest opening of this oration, which he 
attributes to a cautious timidity. Cicero thus remarks upon it in the 
Orator :— : 

“Hic, quem prestitisse diximus ceteris, in illd pro Ctesiphonte ora- 
tione longé optima, submissus ἃ primo; deinde, dum de legibus dispu- 
tat, pressus ; post sensim incedens, judices ut vidit ardentes, in reliquis 
exultavit audacius.” ; 

It was not unusual with the ancient orators to commence with a 
prayer. Thus Lycurgus begins his speech against Leocrates; and C1- 
cero his defense of Murena. Also, in the defense of Rabirius, (near the 
beginning,) there is an appeal, like this of Demosthenes, to all the 
Gods and “‘oddesses. ; 

A2 


10 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


dictment. ‘To me—but I will say nothing untoward! at the 
outset of my address. The prosecution however is play to 
him.?_ My second disadvantage is, the natural disposition of 
mankind to take pleasure in hearing invective and accusa- 
tion, and to be annoyed by those who praise themselves. To 
/Eschines is assigned the part which gives pleasure; that 
which is (I may fairly say) offensive to all, is left for me. 
And if, to escape from this, I make no mention of what I have 
done, I shall appear to be without defense against his charges, 
without proof of my claims to honor: whereas, if 1 proceed to 
give an account of my conduct and measures, I shall be forced 
to speak frequently of myself.” I will endeavor then to do so 
with all becoming modesty: what I am driven to by the ne- 
cessity of the case, will be fairly chargeable to my opponent 
who has instituted such a prosecution. 

I think, men of the jury, you will all agree that I, as well 
as Ctesiphon, am a party to this proceeding, and that it is a 
matter of no less concern to me. It is painful and grievous 
to be deprived of any thing, especially by the act of one’s 
enemy ; but your good-will and affection are the heaviest loss, 
precisely as they are the greatest prize to gain. 

Such being the matters at stake in this cause, I conjure 
and implore you all alike, to hear my defense to the charge 
in that fair manner which the laws prescribe—laws, to which 
their author, Solon, a man friendly to you and to popular 
rights, thought that validity should be given, not only by the 
recording of them,‘ but by the oath of you the jurors: not that 

1 Auger: sinistre. Jacobs: anstdssiges. Leland: ominous. There 
is a reference, of course, to the fear of an evil omen, which causes the 
orator to suppress what he would have said. 

3 Because he can afford to be beaten; he has not much to lose. He > 
possesses not, like me, the esteem and affection of the people; and 
therefore has not the loss of these to fear. It is difficult to translate 
the phrase pointedly. Auger: ‘il m’accuse sans avoir rien ἃ perdre.” 
Spillan: “he accuses me without any risk.” Brougham : “he brings 
his charge an unprovoked volunteer.” Jacobs: er klagt mich aus 
Muthwillen an. ; 

* Upon this Quintilian remarks: “ Neque hoe dico, non aliquando 
de rebus a se gestis oratori esse dicendum, sicut eidem Demosthehi pro 
Ctesiphonte: quod tamen ita emendavit, ut necessitatem id faciendi 
ostenderet, invidiamque omnem in eum regereret, qui hoc se coegisset.” 

* Teland and Spillan are wrong in translating τῷ γράψαι “ by enact- — 
ing ;” and Lord Brougham, who has rendered it “by engraving on 
brazen tablets,” has been unjustly and ignorantly censured, The only 


= 


ON THE CROWN. 11 


he distrusted you, as it appears to me; but, seeing that the 
charges and calumnies, wherein the prosecutor is powerful by 
being the first speaker, can not be got over by the defendant, 
unless each of you jurors, observing his religious obligation, 
shall with like favor receive the arguments of the last speak- 
er, and lend an equal and impartial ear to both, before he de- 
termines upon the whole case. 

As I am, it appears, on this day to render an account both 
of my private life and my public measures, I would fain, as 
in the outset, call the Gods to my aid; and in your presence 
I implore then, first, that the good-will which I have ever 
cherished toward the commonwealth and all of you may be 
fully requited to me on the present trial ; next, that they may 
direct you to such a decision upon this indictment, as will con- 
duce to your common honor, and to the good conscience of 
each individual. 

Had Atschines confined his charge to the subject of the 
prosecution, I too would have proceeded at once to my justifi- 
cation of the decree.! But since he has wasted no fewer words 
in the discussion of other matters, in most of them calumnia- 
ting me, I deem it both necessary and just, men of Athens, to 
begin by shortly adverting to these points, that none of you 
may be induced by extraneous arguments to shut your ears 
against my defense to the indictment, oe, 
~—"Po-all-his scandalous abuse of my private life, observe my 
plain and honest answer. If you know me to be such as he 
alleged—for I have lived nowhere else but among you—let 
not my voice be heard, however transcendent my statesman- 
ship! Rise up this instant and condemn me! But if, in 
your opinion and judgment, I am far better and of better 
descent than my adversary; if (to speak without offense) I 
am not inferior, I or mine, to any respectable? citizen; then 
fault of such version is, that it has too many words. He probably fol- 
lowed ‘Auger, who has “de les graver sur lairain ;” which, in fact, is 
the meaning. Jacobs and Pabst are right. The ordinary meaning of 
γράψαι νόμους, “to propose laws,” is here manifestly inapplicable. I 
may here also observe that the censure of Lord Brougham for joining 
δικαίως with ἀκοῦσαι is equally absurd. The Germans both have it as 
he has; nor is it possible, with such a collocation of the words, to take 
it otherwise. 

1 The decree of the Senate procured by Ctesiphon in favor of De- 


mosthenes. , 
3 Jacobs: der rechtlichen Biirger. Auger: “aucune famille estimable.” 


΄ " > 4 
ἱ ἣν 
- 
. = 4 E 
. J 


«: 
δ΄ ¢ 


15 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


give no credit to him for his other statements—it is plain 
they were all equally fictions—but to me let the same good- 
will, which you have uniformly exhibited upon many former 
trials, be manifested now. With all your malice, Aéschines, 
it was very simple to suppose that I should turn from the 
discussion of measures and policy to notice your scandal. I 
will do no such thing: I am not so crazed. Your lies and 
calumnies about my political life I will examine forthwith ; 
for that loose ribaldry I shall have a word hereafter, if the 
/jary- desire to hear it. 

The crimes whereof I.am accused are many and grievous: 
for some of them the laws enact heavy—most severe penal- 
ties. The scheme of this present proceeding includes a com- 
bination of spiteful insolence, insult, railing, aspersion, and 


every thing of the kind; while for the said charges and ac- 


cusations, if they were true, the state has not the means of 
inflicting an adequate punishment, or any thing like it.! For 


ι Two ways of explaining this difficult passage have occurred to me. 
The first is as follows:—The whole scheme of the prosecution shows 
that it was instituted to gratify private enmity, not for the good of the 
public. If the charges of Aischinesagainst me were true, you could 
not sufficiently punish him (Aischines) for prefer them in such a 
manner. Why? Because he prefers them by way of insult and slan- 
der, and would not let me be heard in answer to them, if he could 
have his way ; a course which is most unjust and unconstitutional. He 
ought to have made such charges against me directly, and at the time 
when the offenses were committed; not to have assailed me through 
Ctesiphon so long after the time. . 

The second method has been partly indicated by a German critic, 


cited by Jacobs, and is thus:—The whole scheme of the prosecution ~ 


bears.the marks of private enmity and malice, while, if the charges were 


2 


true, the prosecutor does not put you in a situation to punish me ac- 


cording to my deserts. Why? Because he does not prosecute me 


directly for the crimes which he lays to my charge. The penalties of 


the law for such crimes could not be enforced by means of the present 
prosecution, which isa collateral proceeding, not against me, but against 
a third party. The charges in question are made incidentally, and Ὁ 
way ofslander and abuse. The very proposal of Aischines, that I shoul 
not be allowed to speak freely in defense of my political conduct, proves 
that his attack upon me is not for the public good; for he must know 
that you could never punish me for the crimes of which I am accused, 
without giving me a proper and full hearing. No such thing is allowed 
by the law, or could be tolerated.on any principle of justice. His attack 
on me, therefore, can have no good object; it is manifestly dictated 
py pereyans hatred and malice, &e. 


e latter method, I think, is preferable. rive 


. ON THE CROWN. 13 


it is not right to debar another of access to the’ people and 
privilege of speech ; moreover, to do so by way/of malice and 
insult—by heaven! is neither honest, nor constitutional, nor 
just. Ifthe crimes which he saw me committing against the 
state were as heinous as he so tragically gave out, he ought 
to have enforced the penalties of the law against them at the 
time; if he saw me guilty of an impeachable offense, by im- 
peaching and so bringing me to trial before you; if moving 
illegal decrees, by indicting me for them. For surely, if he 
can prosecute Ctesiphon on my account, he would not have 
forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he could con- 
vict me. In short, whatever else he saw me doing to your 
_ prejudice, whether mentioned or not mentioned in his cata- 
logue of slander, there are laws fot such things, and pun- 
ishments, and trials, and judgments, with sharp and severe 
penalties; all of which he might have enforced against me: 
᾿ and had he done so—had he thus pursued the proper method 
with me, his charges would have been consistent with his 
conduct. But now he has declined the straightforward and 
just course, avoided all proofs of guilt at the time,’ and after 
this long interval gets up, to play his part withal, a heap of 
accusation, ribaldry, and scandal. ‘Then he arraigns me, but 
prosecutes the defendant. His hatred of me he makes the 
prominent part of the whole contest; yet, without having 
ever met me upon that ground, he openly seeks to deprive a 
third party of his privileges. Now, men of Athens, besides 
all the other arguments that may be urged in Ctesiphon’s be- 
half, this methinks, may very fairly be alleged—that we 
should try our own quarrel by ourselves; not leave our pri- 
vate dispute, and look what third party we can damage. That 
surely were the height of injustice. 

It may appear from what has been said, that all his 
charges are alike unjust and unfounded in truth. Yet I wish 


1 In translating τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα ἐλέγχους, as just above 
in the expression zap’ αὐτὰ τἀδικήματα, 1 adhere to the interpretation 
of Wolf and Reiske, which is followed by Leland, Brougham, Spillan, 
and others. And so Pabst: ist der Riige gegen mich auf frischer That 
ausgewichen. Taylor, however, understands παρὰ in the sense of “ ac- 
cording to:” τιμωρία παρὰ τὸ ἀδίκημα he renders, pena juxta formam 
criminis. "EAeyxo¢ παρὰ τὸ πρᾶγμα would thus be “a proof applicable 
to the fact,” “ἃ proof by evidencé.” Jacobs has: statt den Bewers aus 
wirklichen Thatsachen zu fiihren. 


14 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. . ‘ 


to examine them separately, and especially his calumnies 
about the peace and the embassy, where he attributed to me 
the acts of himself and Philocrates. It is necessary also, and 
perhaps proper, men of Athens, to remind you how affairs 
stood at those times, that you may consider every single . 
measure in reference to the occasion. 

When the Phocian war' had broken out—not through me, _ 
for I had not then commenced public life—you were in this 
position: you wished the Phocians to be saved, though you 
saw they were not acting right; and would have been glad 
for the Thebans to suffer any thing, with whom for a just 
‘reason you were angry ; for they had not borne with moder- 
ation their good fortune at Leuctra. ὙΠῸ whole of Pelopon- 
nesus was divided: they that hated the Lacedzmonians were 
not powerful enough to destroy them; and they that ruled 
before by Spartan influence were not masters of the states: 
amdng them, as among the rest of the Greeks, there was a 
sort of unsettled strife and confusion.” Philip, seeing this—it - 
was not difficult to see—lavished bribes upon the traitors in 
every state, embroiled and stirred them all up against each 
other; and so, by the errors and follies of the rest, he was 
strengthening himself, and growing up to the ruin of all. 
But when every one saw that the then overbearing, but now 
unfortunate, Thebans, harassed by so long a war, must of 
necessity have recourse to you; Philip, to prevent this, and 
obstruct the union of the states, offered to you peace, to 
them succor. What helped him then almost to surprise you 
in a voluntary snare? ‘The cowardice, shall I call it? or — 
ignorance—or both—of the other Greeks; who, while you 
were waging a long and incessant war—and that too for their 
common benefit, as the event has shown—assisted you neither 
with money nor men, nor any thing else whatsoever. You, 
being justly and naturally offended with them, lent a willing 
ear to Philip. 

The peace then granted was through such means brought © 
about, not through me, as Aschines calumniously charged. 
The criminal and corrupt practices of these men during the 


1 See Appendix I. 

? The very words here seem to be borrowed from Xenophon, where 
he describes the result of the battle’ of Mantinea. ᾿Ακρισία καὶ ee 
ἔτι πλειων μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐγένετο ἢ πρόσθεν ἐν TH Ἑλλάδι. 


͵ 


ON THE CROWN. 15 


treaty will be found, on fair examination, to be the cause of 
our present condition. ‘lhe whole matter am I for truth’s 
sake discussing and going through; for, let there appear to be 
ever so much criminality in these transactions, it is surely 
nothing to me. ‘The first who spoke and mentioned the sub- 
ject of peace was Aristodemus the actor: the seconder and 
mover, fellow-hireling for that purpose with the. prosecutor, ! 
was Philocrates the Agnusian*—your associate, Adschines, not 
mine, though you should burst with lying. ‘Their supporters 
—from whatever motives—I pass that by for the present— 
were Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had nothing to do with it. 

Notwithstanding these facts, which I have stated exactly 
according to the truth, he ventured to assert—to such a pitch 
of impudence had he come—that I, besides being author 
of the peace, had prevented the country making it in a gen- 
eral council with the Greeks. Why, you—I know not what 
name you deserve !—when you. saw me robbing the state of 
an advantage and connection so important as you described 
just now, did you ever express indignation? did you come 
forward to publish and proclaim what you now charge me 
with? If indeed I had been bribed by Philip to prevent 
_the conjunction of the Greeks, it was your business not to 
be silent, but to cry out, to protest, and inform the people. 
But you never did so—your voice was never heard to such a 
purpose, and no wonder; for at that time no embassy had 
been sent to any of the Greeks—they had all been tested long 
before; and not a word of truth upon the subject has .28- 
chines spoken. . 

Besides, it is the country that he most traduces by his 
falsehoods. For, if you were at the same time calling on 
the Greeks to take arms, and sending your own embassadors 
to treat with Philip for peace, you were performing the part 
of an Eurybatus,? not the act of a commonwealth, or of hon- 
est men. But it is false, it is false. For what purpose could 


1 Μετὰ τούτου is wrongly referred by most translators to Aristodemus. 

3 7 6. of the δῆμος, or township of Agnus. A brief account of the 
orators and statesmen of the period will be found in Appendix II. 

3 This name, having once belonged to a notorious thief and trickster, 
had passed into a by-word of reproach. See the comment of Eustathius 
on the Odyssey, T. 247. Suidas mentions a Ζεὺς Εὐρύβατος, who changed 
himself into all manner of shapes. ischines had in his speech com- 
pared Demosthenes to Eurybatus. 


A 


16 THE ORATIONS ΘῈ DEMOSTHENES. 


ye have sent for them at that ἀῶ For peace? They all 
had it. For war? You were yourselves deliberating about 
peace. It appears therefore, I was not the adviser or the au- 
thor of the original peace; and none of his other calumnies* 
against me are shown to be true. 

Observe again, after the state had concluded the peace, 
what line of conduct each of us adopted. Hence you will 
understand who it was that co-operated in every thing with 
Philip; who that acted in your behalf, and sought the advant- 
_age of the commonwealth. 

I moved in the council that our embassadors should sail 
instantly for whatever place they heard Philip was ‘in, and 
receive his oath: they would not however, notwithstanding 
my resolution.!. What was the effect of this, men of Athens? 
I will explain. It was Philip’s interest that the interval 
before the oaths should be as long as possible; yours, that it 
should be as short. Why? Because you discontinued all 
your warlike preparations, not only from the day of swearing 
peace, but from the day that you conceived hopes of it; a 
thing which Philip was from the beginning studious to con- 
trive, believing—rightly enough—that whatever of our pos- 
sessions he might take before the oath of ratification, he 
should hold securely ; as none would break the peace on such 
account. I, men of Athens, foreseeing and weighing these 
consequences, moved the decree, to sail for whatever place 
Philip was in, and receive his oath without delay; so that 
your allies, the Thracians, might be in possession of the 
places which AMschines ridiculed just now, (Serrium, Myr- 
tium, and Ergisce,) at the time of swearing the oaths; and 
that Philip might not become master of Thrace by securing 
the posts of vantage, nor provide himself with plenty of 
money and troops to facilitate his further designs. Yet this 
decree he neither mentions nor reads; but reproaches me, 
because, as Councilor, I thought proper to introduce the © 
embassadors. Why, what should I have done? Moved not 
to introduce men who were come for the purpose of con- 
ferring with you? or ordered the Manager? not to assign 


1 It is implied that the motion was carried. It then became a reso- 
lution of the senate, on the motion of Demosthenes, and may be called 
his resolution. 

? The ἀρχιτέκτων was the lessee of the theatre, who under took to keep 


ON THE CROWN. 17 


them places at the theatre? They might have had places for 
their two obols, if the resolution had not been moved. Was 
it my duty to guard the petty interests of the state, and have 
sold our main interests hke these men? Surely not. Take 
and read me this decree, which the prosecutor, knowing it 
well, passed over. ead. 


THE DECREE.! 


‘In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the thirteenth of 
Hecatombzon, in the presidency of the Pandionian tribe, De- 
mosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pzania moved :—Whereas 
Philip hath sent embassadors for peace, and hath agreed upon 


1 in repair and proper order, he himself taking the profits. The en- 
trance fee of two obols was paid to him. 

Demosthenes, as member of the council, had introduced the Macedo- 
nian embassadors, Parmenio, Antipater, and Eurylochus, and moved 
that they should be invited to seats of honor at the Dionysian festival. 
This was no more than a necessary act of civility, due to the eminent 
ministers whom Philip had sent to treat with the Athenians; and there 
could not be a more fit person to make the motion than Demosthenes, 
who had been one of the ten embassadors to Philip, and (it seems) the 
only councilor among them. Nor did he confine himself to these form- 
al acts, but during their stay at Athens hospitably entertained them 
at his own house, and on their departure accompanied them a part of 
the way on horseback. For these attentions he was reproached by 
_ éschines, as if he had overacted his part, and either sought to curry 
favor with Philip, or to make an idle display of his wealth and import- 
ance. 

1 Tn this, as in most of the documents quoted in the first half of the 
present speech, there are found serious difficulties, which have led 
critics to the conviction that it is not genuine. In the first place, the 
name of the archon for the year Β.0, 847 was not Mnesiphilus, but 
Themistocles. Secondly, not five, but ten embassadors, were sent to 
receive the oath of Philip; and indeed the same ten who had been on 
the previous embassy. Thirdly, it is called a resolution of the senate 
and people, whereas that which Demosthenes refers to was a resolution 
of the senate alone. Fourthly, the ten embassadors were sent to receive 
Philip’s oath only, not to take the oath on behalf of their country, 
which had been done before. These and some other discrepancies have 
led to the conclusion, that the decree (which is not found in all the 
manuscripts) is an interpolation; and Béckh, in a treatise De Archon- 
tibus Pseudeponymis, suggests the following way of accounting for the 
error. He supposes that the decree in the text was found in some an- 
cient collection by the interpolator; that he mistook the name of the 
Τραμματεῦὺς, or secretary of the council, which was usually appended 
to decrees, for the name of the archon; and that, for want of due atten- 
tion to times and circumstances, he mistook one document for another, 
Thus, in the endeavor to supply the defect of his manuscript, he cor- 


“ 
‘> 


” 


18 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


articles of treaty, it is resolved! by the Council and People 
of Athens, in order that the peace voted in the first assembly 
may be ratified, to choose forthwith from the whole body of 
Athenians five embassadors; and that the persons elected do 
repair, without any delay, wheresoever they shall ascertain 
that Philip is, and as speedily as may be exchange oaths with 
him, according to the articles agreed on between him and the 
Athenian people, comprehending the allies of either party. 
For embassadors were chosen, Eubulus of Anaphlestus, Ats- 
chines of Cothocidz, Cephisophon of Rhamnus, Democrates of 
Phlya, Cleon of Cothocide.” 


Notwithstanding that I had passed this decree for the ad- 
vantage of Athens, not that of Philip, our worthy embassa- 
dors so little regarded it, as to sit down in Macedonia three 
whole months, until Philip returned from Thrace after entirely 
subjugating the country, although they might in ten days, or 
rather in three or four, have reached the Hellespont and saved 
the fortresses, by receiving his oath before he reduced them: 
for he would never have touched them in our presence, or we — 
should not have sworn him; and thus he would have lost 
the peace, and not have obtained both, the peace and the 
fortresses. . ἐς 


Ν 


Such was the first trick of Philip, the first corrupt act of - 
these accursed miscreants, in the embassy: for which I avow 
that I was and am and ever will be at war and variance? with 


rupted the text of the author; but gave up the unprofitable work 
when he had got half through the speech: and so it happens that the 
latter half is free from such interpolation, 

Jacobs, who concurs with this view of Béckh, appears to agree with 
him also in another conjecture, viz., that the peace referred to in this 
decree is the same which is stated by Diodorus (lib. xvi. 77) to have 
been concluded between the Athenians and Philip after his unsuccess- 
ful siege of Byzantium. Other writers have doubted the fact of such a 
peace having ever been made. a 

1 The δεδόχθαι depends in construction upon εἶπε, “ moved that it be 
resolved.” Such was the style in which a decree was drawn up, 

2 Lord Brougham charges Leland with an anti-climax in translating 
πολεμεῖν καὶ διαφέρεσθαι, “ war and opposition.” But he has an incorrect 
notion of the meaning of διαφέρομαι; which he says “indicates a constant 
agitation—a restless enmity.” The truth is, that διαφέρομαι is not a 
strong word, but means simply—‘‘I differ with—I dispute with—I am 
at variance,” or the like. People not familiar with a language may be 
misled by etymology; for example, the common meanings of versari, 


ON THE CROWN. 19 


them. But mark another and still greater piece of villainy im- 
mediately after. When Philip had sworn to the peace, havy- 
ing secured Thrace through these men disobeying my decree, 
he again bribes them not to leave Macedonia, until he had got 
all ready for his expedition against the Phocians. His fear 
was, if they reported to you his design and preparation for 
marching, you might sally forth, sail round with your galleys 
_ to Thermopyle as before, and block up the strait: his desire, 
that, the moment you received the intelligence from them, he 
should have passed Thermopyle, and you be unable to do any 
thing. And in such terror and anxiety was Philip, lest, not- 
withstanding he had gained these advantages, if you voted suc- 
cor before the destruction of the Phocians, his enterprise should 
fail; he hires this despicable fellow, no longer in common with > 
the other embassadors, but by himself individually, to make 
that statement and report to you, by which every thing was 
lost. 
I conjure and beseech you, men of Athens, throughout the 
_ trial to remember this ; that, if A‘schines in his charge had not 
_ traveled out of the indictment,! neither would I have spoken 
a word irrelevant; but since he has resorted to every species 
both of accusation and calumny, it is necessary for me to re- 
ply briefly to each of his charges. 
What then were the statements made by A‘schines, through 


conversant, prevaricate, discourse, would not be discovered from the 
mere derivation of the words. Familiarity only makes you acquainted 
with the conventional usages of language, with the ordinary meanings 
of words, and all their niceties and peculiarities. Lord Brougham was 
partly deceived by the lexicon, which gives hine inde jactor as one 
of the meanings of διαφέρομαι, and partly by his assuming that De- 
mosthenes himself would never have been guilty of an anti-climax. I 
have myself observed that the ancients were not so particular about 
climaxes as modern writers are. But it is further to be observed, that 
the force of the passage greatly depends upon the words τότε καὶ viv 
καὶ det, which are applicablé to both the verbs; and also, that the war 
which Demosthenes denounces is only a political war, and, so under- 
stood, it does not in effect amount to more than political opposition 
or enmity. 

Jacobs expresses διαφέρεσθαι by Zwist, Pabst by Zwiespalt, Auger by 
opposition. 

ΠΝ Rei phrase is suitable here; and I have adopted the one 
furnished by Lord Brougham’s reviewer in the Zimes, Leland’s ver- 
sion, “1 Aschines had urged nothing against me foreign to his cause,” 
is not so good. Jacobs wenn nicht ischines ber die Grenzen der’ 
Klage ausgeschritten wire. 


/ 


20 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


which every thing was lost? That you should not be alarmed 
by Philip’s having passed ‘Thermopyle—that all would be as 
you desired, if you kept quiet; and in two or three days you 
would hear, he was their friend to whom he had come as an‘ 
enemy, and their enemy to whom he had come as a friend— 
it was not words that cemented attachments, (such was his 
solemn phrase,) but identity of interest; and it was the _ 
interest of all alike, Philip, the Phocians, and you, to be 
relieved from the harshness and insolence of the Thebans, 
His assertions were heard by some with pleasure, on account 
of the hatred which then subsisted against the Thebans. 
But what happened directly, almost immediately, afterward? — . 
The wretched Phocians were destroyed, their cities demol- 
ished; you that kept quiet, and trusted to A%schines, were 
shortly bringing in your effects out of the country, while 
4Eschines received gold; and yet more—while you got 
nothing but your enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians,? 
Philip won their gratitude for what he had done. ‘To prove 
what I say, read me the decree of Callisthenes, and the letter 
of Philip, from both of which these particulars will be clear 
to you. Read. 

THE DECREE.” 


“In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, an extraordinary 
assembly having been convened by the Generals, with the 
sanction of the Presidents? and the Council, on the twenty- 


1 The truth of the matter is a little warped by the verbal antithesis, 
of the orator. It is not strictly true, that the enmity with the Thebans 
and Thessalians was caused by these proceedings ; it existed before, the 
Athenians having all along favored the Phocians; though it was cer- 
tainly increased by their display of ill-will upon the oceasion referred . 
to, as Demosthenes says in the Oration on the Embassy, τὴν ἔχθραν τὴν 
πρός Θηβαίους μεΐζω πεποίηκεν (368). The verb γενέσθαι applies well 
to the latter clause, but not to the former; as is frequently the case. 
* This decree, like the last, appears to be spurious. Not only the 
name of the archon, but the date and other circumstances are incorrect. 
The assembly held after the news of the conquest of Phocis was not in 
the month here stated, but at the end of Scirrophorion (June). And 
the contents of the decree vary from those which Demosthenes himself 
mentions in the Oration on the Embassy (359, 379). Winiewski 
thinks that there may have been two decrees on the motion of, Callis- 
thenes, similar in character, but on different occasions. 
3. To explain the constant references to the πρυτάνεις, πρόεδροι, &e., 
&c., a brief account is given of the two Athenian Councils in Append- 
ixes II. and IV., and of the Popular Assemblies in Appendix Y. 


ON THE CROWN. 21 


first of Mzmacterion, Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus of Pha- 
lerum, moved :—No Athenian shall on any pretense sleep in 
_ the country, but all in the city and Pirzus, except those who 
are Stationed in the garrisons; and they shall every one keep 
the posts assigned to them, without absenting themselves by 
night or day. Whosoever disobeys this decree, shall be 
amenable to the penalties of treason, unless he can show 
that some necessity prevented him: the judges of such neces- 
sity shall be the General of Infantry, and he of the Finance 
department,! and the Secretary of the Council. ΑἹ] effects 
shall be conveyed out of the country as speedily as may be; 
those that are within a hundred and twenty furlongs into 
the city and Pirzus, those that are beyond a hundred and 
twenty furlongs to Eleusis, and Phyle, and Aphidna, and 
Rhamnus, and Sunium. On the motion of Callisthenes of 
Phalerum.” 


Was it with such expectations you concluded the peace? 
Were such the promises this hireling made you? Come, read 
the letter which Philip sent after this to Athens. 


τ The duties of the generals were more numerous and varied in the 
time of Demosthenes than in the early period of the republic. Formerly 
(as mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, note 8) the ten generals were sent out 
all together on warlike service. But this practice was discontinued, as 
the wars of Athens began to be more frequent and on a larger scale. 
One, two, or three only were then put in command of a single armament. 
The generals had also various duties of a civil nature assigned to them, 
which required the presence of some of them at home. Such were the 
superintendence of all warlike preparations, and the collecting and 
dispensing of the military funds. The management of the property- 
tax was confided to them, on account of its being peculiarly a war- 
impost. (See Appendix IV. vol. I.) Like other Athenian magistrates, 
they had judicial functions to perform in matters under their adminis- 
trative control; as in questions arising out of the property-tax assess- 
ments, and charges for breach of military duty. The power of convok- 
ing extraordinary assemblies of the people was given to them, as being 
the persons peculiarly intrusted with the defense of the city and com- 
monwealth. In the time of Demosthenes it would seem that their 
functions were divided, probably for convenience; so that one com- 

manded the infantry, ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων, or ὁπλιτῶν, another the cavalry, 
ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱππέων, another took charge of the military chest and fund, 
ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως. Perhaps others had other tasks assigned to them. 
See the page above referred toin vol. I. Reiske thinks ὁ én? τῶν ὅπλων 
is simply “the general in military command.” Jacobs renders it, der 
befehl fiihrende Strateg. 


22 ᾿ς ΤῊΒ ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


ἄς 


~ 


THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 


«Philip, king of Macedonia, to the Council and People of 
Athensgereeting. Ye know that we have passed Thermopyle, . 
and reduced Phocis to submission, and put garrisons in the 
towns that opened their gates; those that resisted we took by _ 
storm, and razed to the ground, enslaving their inhabitants. 
Hearing however, that ye are preparing to assist them, I have 
written unto you, that ye may trouble yourselves no farther 
in the business. For it seems to me, ye are acting altogeth- 
er unreasonably; having concluded peace, and nevertheless 
taking the field, and that too when the Phocians are not com- 
prehended in our treaty. Wherefore, if ye abide not by your 
engagements, ye will gain no advantage but that of being the 
aggressors.” 


You hear how plainly, in his letter to you, he declares and — 
asserts to his own allies—‘all this I have done against the 
will of the Athenians, and in their despite; therefore if ye 
are wise, ye Thebans and Thessalians, ye will regard them as 
enemies, and put confidence in me; not writing in such 
words, but meaning so to be understood. And by these 
means he carried them away with him,! insomuch that they 
had neither foresight nor sense of the consequences, but suf- 
fered him to get every thing into his power: hence the misfor- 
tunes under which those wretched people at present are. ‘The 
agent and auxiliary who helped to win for him such confidence 
—who brought false reports here and cajoled you—he it is 
who now bewails the sufferings of the Thebans, and dilates 
upon them so pathetically,? he himself being the cause both 
of these calamities, and those in Phocis, and all the rest which ~ 


the Greeks have sustained. Truly must you, A‘schines, grieve _ 


at these events, and compassionate the Thebans, when you 
hold property in Beeotia and farm their lands ; and I rejoice at 
a work, whose author immediately required me to be delivered 
into his hands.3 


1 That is, ‘the won them completely over—he got them entirely 
under his influence, so that they had scarce a will of theirown.” The 
metaphorical use of our word transported is not dissimilar. Jacobs: 
er Jene mit sich fortriss. Pabst: er diese ganz Sir sich einnahm. 

2 “Describes at length how pitiable they are.’ 

3 After Thebes had been taken by Alexander, the Athenians, on the 
motion of Demades, sent embassadors to congratulate him. He sent 
them a letter, demanding that Demosthenes, and Sars others (or nine 


~~ ON THE CROWN. 23 
ia 
_ But I have fallen upon a subject which it may be more con- 
 yenient to discuss by-and-by. J will return then to my proofs, 
showing how the iniquities of these men have brought about 
the present state of things. 

When you had been deceived by. Philip through the agen- 
cy of these men, who sold themselves in the embassies, and 
reported not a word of truth to you—when the unhappy 
Phocians had been deceived and their cities destroyed—what 
followed? ‘The despicable Thessalians and stupid Thebans 
looked on Philip as a friend, a benefactor, a saviour: he was 
every thing with them—not a syllable would they hear from 
any one to the contrary. You, though regarding his acts 
with suspicion and anger, still observed the peace; for you 
could have done nothing alone. The rest of the Greeks, 
cheated and disappointed like yourselves, gladly observed the 
peace, though they also had in a manner been attacked for a 
long time. For when Philip was marching about, subduing 
Illyrians and Triballians and some also of the Greeks, and 
gaining many considerable accessions of power, and certain 
citizens of the states (/schines among them) took advantage 
of the peace to go there and be corrupted; all people then, 
against whom he was making such preparations, were at- 
tacked. If they perceived it not, that is another question, no 
concern of mine. I was for ever warning and protesting, both 
- at Athens and wheresoever I was sent. But the states were 
᾿ς diseased ; one class in their politics and measures being venal 
and corrupt, while the multitude of private men either had 
others, according to Diodorus) of the principal orators and statesmen 
of the anti-Macedonian party, among whom were Chares, Hyperides, 
and Lycurgus, should be delivered up to him. Phocion advised that 
they should be given up, and even urged them to surrender themselves 
for the good of their country. Demosthenes recited to the people the 
fable of Aisop, where the wolf required the sheep to give up their dogs. 
After some discussion Demades offered to intercede with the conqueror. 
He was sent on an embassy for that purpose, and by his entreaty 
Alexander was prevailed upon to withdraw the demand as to all but 
Charidemus. 

That Demosthenes was obnoxious to Alexander can hardly be won- 
dered at. Aischines relates that, on Alexander’s first march to Thebes, 
Demosthenes was sent_on an embassy to him from Athens, and went as 
far as Citheron, where, apprehending danger to himself, he invented 
an excuse for turning back. There is no doubt that both then and 
afterward he had been concerting measures to shake off the yoke of 
Macedonia. 


24 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


no foresight, or were caught with the bait of present ease and 
idleness; and all were under some such influence, only they 
imagined each that the mischief would not approach them- 
‘selves, but that by the peril of others they might secure their 
own safety when they chose. ‘The result, I fancy, has been, - 
that the people, in return for their gross and unseasonable 
indolence, have lost their liberty: the statesmen, who imag- 
ined they were selling every thing but themselves, discovered 
they had sold themselves first; for, instead of friends, as they 
were named during the period of bribery, they are now called 
parasites, and miscreants, and the like befitting names. Just- 
ly. For no man, O Athenians, spends money for the traitor’s 
benefit, or, when he has got possession of his purchase, em- 
ploys the traitor to advise him in future proceedings: else 
nothing could have been more fortunate than a traitor. But 
it is not so—it never could be—it is far otherwise! When 
the aspirant for power has gained his object, he is master also 
of those that sold it; and then—then, I say, knowing their 
baseness, he loathes and mistrusts and spurns them.! 


1 In this, as in the passage a little below, I have in my version made 
no distinction between φίλων and ξένων, simply because the English 
language does not furnish me with the means, évoz (in the sense here 
used) are absent friends, who would be ¢iAo, if they dwelt in the same 
place, but being separated, can only correspond, or occasionally visit 
each other and exchange hospitality. The relation that exists be- — 
tween such persons is called fevia, but we have not in our language 
any word which expresses that mutual relation; nor indeed any which 
expresses the relation between host and guest, as I have before ob- — 
served. (Vol. I. p. 97, note 2.) Leland here renders ξένος, guest, (which — 
is but half the sense,) and below, intimate, and fevia, intimacy.  Spil- 
lan makes ξένος, friend, and φίλος, intimate. Brougham has guest for 
ξένος, and hospitality for Sevia. Francis the same. But hospitality 
will not bear the enlarged sense necessary for ξενίας The Gastfreund 
of the German unfortunately can not be imitated in English. Auger 
(like Leland) is inconsistent. In the first passage he has ‘‘d’hétes οἱ. 
d’amis;” in the next, “ami” for both. The true meaning of ξένοι is 
fully expressed by a paraphrase in the following passage of Shakspeare: 

“Sicilia can not show himself over-kind to Bohemia. They were 
trained together in their childhood, and there rooted between them — 
then such an affection, which can not choose but branch now. Since 
their more mature dignities and royal necessities made separation of 
their society, their encounters, though not personal, have been royally 
attornied, with interchange of gifts, letters, loving embassies; that they 
have seemed to be together, though absent, shook hands, as over a 
vast, and embraced, as it were, from the ends of opposed winds.”— 
Winter's Tale, Act I. Scene 1. ; 


ON THE CROWN. 95 
Consider only—for, though the time of the events is past, 
the time for understanding them is ever present to the wise: 
Lasthenes was called the friend of Philip for a while, until he 
“betrayed Olynthus—Timolaus for a while, until he destroyed 
Thebes—Rudicus and Simus of Larissa for a while, until they 
brought Thessaly under Philip’s power. Since then the world 
has become full of traitors, expelled, and insulted, and suffer- 
ing every possible calamity.! How fared Aristratus in Sicyon? 
how Perilaus in Megara? Are they not outcasts? Hence 
one may evidently see, it is the vigilant defender of his coun- 
try, the strenuous opponent of such men, who secures to you 
traitors and hirelings, A¢schines, the opportunity of getting 
bribes: through the number of those that oppose your wishes, 
you are in safety and in pay; for had it depended on your- 
selves, you would have perished long ago. 

Much more could I say about those transactions, yet me- 
thinks too much has been said already. The fault is my 
adversary’s, for having spirted over me the dregs,” I may say, 
of his own wickedness and iniquities, of which I was obliged 
to clear myself to those who are younger than the events. 
You too have probably been disgusted, who knew this man’s 
venality before Ispoke a word. He calls it friendship indeed; 
and said somewhere in his speech—‘“ the man who reproaches 
me with the friendship of Alexander.” I reproach you with 
friendship of Alexander! Whence gotten, or how merited? 
Neither Philip’s friend nor Alexander’s should I ever call 
you; 1 am not so mad; unless we are to call reapers and 
other hired laborers the friends of those that hire them. That 
however is not so—how could it be? It is nothing of the 


1 T agree with the German translators, who join the participles éAav- 
νομένων, ἄς. with προδοτῶν, not referring them to the persons above 
mentioned. Ἡ οἰκουμένη, as Schaefer truly remarks, is intended for 
Greece only ; yet it is proper to translate it “the world.” In like 
manner we use such expressions as “all the world says,” “all the world 
knows,” &c., when they apply to a very small portion of it. 

With respect to the reproaches cast by Demosthenes on these men, 
there is an interesting passage in Polybius, which the reader will find 
in Appendix VI. 

* Jacobs: die schmutzigen Hefen iiber mich ausgeschiittet hat. Pabst: 
den ganzen Bodensatz ausgegossen. Leland and Spillan: “ disgorged the 
foulness.” Brougham: “poured out the crapulous remains.” Auger: 
‘qui s’est déchargé sur moi de ses iniquités, qui m’a souillé de ses pro- 
pres noirceurs.” 


Vo. I.—B 4 


26 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


kind. Philip’s hireling I called you once, and Alexander’s I 


| 


call you now. So do all these men, If you disbelieve me, © 


-ask them; or rather I will do it for you. Athenians! is 
Z®schines, think ye, the hireling, or the friend of Alexander ? 


You hear what they say. ‘ 

I now proceed to my defense upon the indictment itself, 
and to the account of my own measures, that Auschines may 
hear, though he knows already, on what I found my title both 
to these which have been decreed and to far greater rewards. 
Take and read me the indictment itself. abe 


THE INDICTMENT. 


‘“‘In the archonship of Cherondas, on the sixth of Elaphe- 
bolion; /Eschines son of Atrometus of Cothocidz preferred 
before the archon an indictment against Ctesiphon son of 
Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, for an illegal measure :? for that 
he proposed a decree against law, to wit, that it was right to 


1 Auger remarks upon this as follows: “Aprés que les Athéniens 
ont répondu tout d’une voix qu’Eschine est un mercenaire, Demos- 
théne reprend, en lui adressant la parole ἃ luicrméme: ‘ Vous entendez 
cé quils disent? Il falloit étre bien sir de son éloquence et de son 
pouvoir sur les auditeurs, pour risquer une telle interrogation. Re- 
marquons néanmoins que l’orateur ne se hasarde a la leur faire, que 
quand il a enflammé et embrasé leurs cceurs par la sortie la plus vive 
contre les traitres, et que par-la il les a disposés 4 répondre suivant son 
desir.” 

Leland has the following note: ‘‘ Commentators seem surprised at the 
boldness and the success of this appeal. Some tell us, that the speaker 
was hurried into the hazardous question by his impetuosity; some, 
that his friend Menander was the only person who returned the answer 
he desired ; others again, that he pronounced falsely on purpose, and 
that the assembly intended but to correct his pronunciation, wien they 
echoed back the word μισθωτὸς, hireling. But the truth is, he was too 
much interested in the present contest to suffer himself to be really 
transported beyond the strictest bounds of prudence and caution; he 
was too well supported to rely upon a single voice, if such could be at 
all heard in the assembly; and he had too much good sense to recur to 
a ridiculous and childish artifice. The assembly to which he addressed 
himself was of a quite different kind from one of our modern courts of 
law, where order and decorum are maintained. The audience were not 
at all concerned to suppress the emotions raised in them by the speaker: 
and Demosthenes had a large party present, who, he was well assured, 
would return the proper answer loudly.” ὦ ' 

The event seems to prove that Demosthenes could safely hazard the 
question. 


@ See Appendix VIL 


| 


ON THE CROWN. 27 


erown Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Peania with a 
golden crown, and to proclaim in the theatre at the great 
Dionysian festival, at the exhibition of the new tragedies, 
that the people crown Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of 
Peania with a golden crown, on account of his virtue, and of 
the good-will which he has constantly cherished toward all 
the Greeks as well as toward the people of Athens, and of 
his integrity, and because he has constantly by word and 
deed promoted the advantage of the people, and is zealous to 
do whatever good he can: all which clauses are false and 
illegal; the laws enacting, first, that no false allegations shall 
be entered in the public records; secondly, that an account~ 
able officer! shall not be crowned (but Demosthenes is a con- 
servator of the walls, and has charge of the theoric fund); 
thirdly, that the crown shall not be proclaimed in the theatre 
at the Dionysian festival, on the new exhibition of tragedies, 
but if the council confer a crown, it shall be published in 
the council-hall, if the people, in the Pnyx? at the assembly. 


All magistrates and public officers at Athens, whether civil or mili- 

tary, including the members of the two councils, were obliged, at the 
expiration of their term of office, to render an account to the people of 
the manner in which they had performed their duties. Thirty days 
was allowed for that purpose, and any citizen was at liberty to come 
forward within that period, and prefer an accusation against them. 
The scrutiny was not confined to pecuniary questions, but embraced an 
inquiry into their whole conduct and administration. It will easily 
however be understood, that with respect to general matters the ac- 
counting must in the first instance have been of a negative character, 
the magistrate having only to defend himself in case any charge was 
preferred , while, with respect to pecuniary transactions, he would have 
to give a positive account of all public moneys that had been received 
by him, or passed through his hands. There were officers specially ap- 
pointed to superintend this business: Λογισταὶ and Εὐθυνοι, Auditors 
and Secrutineers, ten of each, and one for every tribe, elected by the 
council of five hundred. The auditors had a court under their jurisdic- 
tion, to which all charges for embezzlement, bribery, and malversation, 
as well as more general accusations for official misconduct, were re- 
ferred by them to be tried by ajury. The scrutineers assisted the au- 
_ ditors, and were subordinate to them. 
__ The importance attached by the framers of the Athenian laws to the 
institutions of the Ἐῤθύνη, which secured the responsibility of all fune- 
tionaries to the people, 1s apparent from this law, which A’schines made 
the foundation of his indictment, as well as from divers other passages 
in the speeches of both the rival orators. : 

2 The place where the assemblies of the people were commonly held. 
See Appendix Vi 


28 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


Penalty, fifty talents. Witnesses to the summons,! Cephiso- 
phon son of Cephisophon of Rhamnus, Cleon son of Cleon 
of Cothocide.”’ 


The clauses of the decree which he prosecutes are these, — 
men of Athens. Now from these very clauses I think I shall 
immediately make it clear to you, that my whole defense will 
be just ; for I shall take the charges in the same order as my 
adversary, and discuss them all one by one; without a single — 
_ intentional omission. 
* With respect to the statement, “that I have constantly by 
word and deed promoted the advantage of the people, and am 
zealous to do whatever good I can,” and the praising me? on 
such grounds, your judgment, I conceive, must depend on my 
public acts; from an examination of which it will be dis- 
covered whether what Ctesiphon has alleged concerning me is 
true and proper, or false.~” As to his proposing to give the 
crown without adding “when he has passed his accounts,” 
and to proclaim the crown in the theatre, I imagine that this 
also relates to my political conduct, whether I am worthy of 
the crown and the public proclamation, or not. However, I 
deem it necessary to produce the laws which justified the de- 
fendant in proposing such clauses. 

Thus honestly and simply, men of Athens, have I resolved 
to conduct, my defense. I now proceed to my own actual 
measures. , ‘And let no one suppose that I wander from the 


‘ These were persons who accompanied the prosecutor when he sum- 
moned the defendant to appear before the magistrate. Anciently they 
were sureties also for the proper carrying on of the cause, like our 
ancient pledges to prosecute. In later times they were mere servers of 
the citation or summons; but the plaint, or bill of indictment, always | 
had their names subscribed. . 

3 "Ἐπαινεῖν is connected with τοῦ, and not governed by γράψαι, as 

Schaefer thinks. Τοῦ γράψαι depends in construction upon κρίσιν. In 
the clause below, 1 make στεφανοῦν dependent on κελεῦσαι. Spillan 
connects it with τό. Jacobs joins it with προσγράψαντα. 

3 Literally: ‘‘Disconnect my speech from the indictment.” Leland 
had a wrong idea when he translated it, “that I am suspending the dis- 
cussion of this cause.” So had Francis, who renders it: “that I pro- 
pose to evade the force of the indictment.” 

With respect to the anxiety shown by the orator to justify this line of 
defense, Lord Brougham remarks as follows: ‘‘The extreme importance 
to Demosthenes’ case of the skillful movement, so to speak, by which he 
availed himself of Aischines’ error, and at once entered on the general 
subject of his whole administration—thus escaping the immediate 


ON THE CROWN. * 99 


indictment, if I touch upon Grecian questions and affairs: he 
who attacks that clause of the decree, “that by word and deed 
[have promoted your good”—he who has indicted this for be- 
ing false—he, I say, has rendered the discussion of my whole 
policy pertinent and necessary to the charge. Moreover, there 
being many departments of political action, I chose that which 
belonged to Grecian affairs: therefore I am justified in draw- 
ing my proofs from them. 

te The conquests which Philip had got and held before I com- 

᾿ς menced life as a statesman and orator, I shall pass over, as I 
think they concern not me. Those that he was baffled in from 
the day of my entering on such duties, I will call to your rec- 
ollection, and render an account of them ;*premising one thing 
only—Philip started, men of Athens, with a great advantage. 
It happened that among the Greeks—not some, but all alike 
—there sprang up a crop! of traitors and venal wretches, such 
as in the memory of man had never been before. These he 
got for his agents and supporters: the Greeks, already ill- 
disposed and unfriendly to each other, he brought into a still 
worse state, deceiving this people, making presents to that, 
corrupting others in every way; and he split them into many 
parties, when they had all one interest, to prevent his aggran- 
dizement/j*While the Greeks were all in such a condition— 
in such ignorance of the gathering and growing mischief—you 
have to consider, men of Athens, what policy and measures it 
became the commonwealth to adopt, and of this to receive a 
reckoning from me; for the man who assumed that post in 
the administration was I. 

[. Ought she, “Uschines, to have cast off her spirit and dig- 
nity, and, in the style of Thessalians and Dolopians, helped to 

- acquire for Philip the dominion of Greece, and extinguished 
the honors and rights of our ancestors? Or, if she did not 


charge, to which he had no answer, and overwhelming his adversary 
by a triumphant defense on ground of his own choosing—requires that 
he should again and again defend this movement, which he here does 
very carefully.” 

‘1 [have padbied Lord. Brougham’s word. Leland and Spillan: sup- 
ply. Francis: harvest. Jacobs: Fiille. Pabst: ein reichlicher Nach- 
wuchs. Reiske: proventus. 

The same expression is used by Diodorus, in reference to the corrup- 
tion of Greek statesmen at this time. (XVI. 54.) He evidently had the 
words of Demosthenes before his eye. 


4 


80᾽ THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


this—which would indeed have been shameful—was it right, 
that what she saw would happen if unprevented, and was for 
a long time, it seems, aware of, she should suffer to come to 
pass ?! ‘ : 

I would gladly ask the severest censurer of our acts, with 


what: party he would have wished the commonwealth to side 


; 
— 
Ὗ 


—with those who contributed to the disgraces and disasters 
of the Greeks, the party, we may say, of the Thessalians and 
their followers—or those who permitted it all for the hope of 
selfish advantage, among whom we may reckon the Arcadians, 
Messenians, and Argives?5 But many of them, or rather all, 
have fared worse than ourselves. If Philip after his victory 
had immediately marched off and kept quiet, without molest- 
ing any either of his own allies or of the Greeks in general, 
still? they that opposed not his enterprises would have merit- 
ed some blame and reproach. But when he has stripped all 
alike of their dignity, their authority, their liberty—nay, even 
of their constitutions, where he was able—can it be doubted 
that you took the most glorious course in pursuance of my 
counsels ? 

But I return to the question—What should the common- 
wealth, A‘schines, have done, when she saw Philip establishing 
an empire and dominion over Greece? Or what was your 
statesman to advise or move?—I, a statesman at Athens ?— 
for this is most material—I who knew that from the earliest 
time, until the day of my own mounting the platform, our 
country had ever striven for precedency and honor and re- 
nown, and expended more blood and treasure for the sake of 
glory and the general weal than the rest of the Greeks had 
expended on their several interests?4vho saw that Philip 
himself, with whom we were contending, had, in the strife for 
power and empire, had his eye cut out,? his collar-bone frac- 


~ 


1 Pabst is the only translator who has rendered περιιδεῖν γιγνόμενα 
accurately: aber das, was er bevorstehen sah, wenn Niemand Widerstand 
leistete, und was er lange vordus erkannte, ungehindert geschehen lassen? ὦ 

2 Ὅμως and οὐκ are omitted in some manuscripts. Without them if 
the sense is: “If Philip had quietly withdrawn after his victory, some 
blame might have fallen on you for opposing him; because it woul 
then have appeared that he had no evil designs.” o : 

3. Philip lost his eye at the siege of Methone. (See vol. I. Append ἢ 
The other wounds were inflicted on his return from Scythia, in ἃ θα 
tle with the Triballi, p.c. 840. a ied 






4 


a ON THE CROWN. - 31 


tured, his hand-and leg mutilated, and was ready and willing 
to sacrifice any part of his body that fortune chose to take, 
provided he could live with the remainder in honor and 
glory %®Hardly will any one venture to say this—that it be- 
came a man bred at Pella, then an obscure and inconsiderable 
place, to possess such inborn magnanimity, as to aspire to 
the mastery of Greece and form the project in his mind, while 
you, who were Athenians, day after day in speeches and in 
dramas reminded of the virtue of your ancestors, should have 
been so naturally base, as of your own free-will and accord 
to surrender to Philip the liberty of Greece. No man will 
say this! 

( The only course then that remained was a just resistance 
to all his attacks upon you. Such course you took from 
the beginning, properly and becomingly; and I assisted by 


1 Lord Brougham’s reviewer censures him for translating θεωρήμασι 
“spectacles,” taking it in the more general sense of ‘every thing which 
ou see,” which is in accordance with Schaefer’s opinion. Undoubtedly 
it would make very good sense, if Demosthenes referred to every thing 
which might be seen in Athens reminding the people of their ancient 
glory, such as their public buildings, their walls, the Parthenon, Pro- 
pylea, and the like. But θεώρημα 15 more commonly used to signify a 
theatrical spectacle or exhibition; and perhaps in connection with 
ὁρῶσι one rather expects a word of aconfined signification. I am there- 
fore inclined to prefer Lord Brougham’s version, which agrees with those 
of Jacobs, Pabst, Spilland, Leland and Auger. Λόγοι and θεωρήματα are 
aptly joined together ; the ‘‘ public harangues,” and the “ dramatic exhi- 
bitions.” In such dramas as the Perse, the Supplices, the Heraclide, 
Athenians were constantly hearing the praises of their ancestors. 
_ Lord Brougham has been censured likewise for translating ὁρῶσι 
“contemplate.” No doubt he did so purposely, in order to avoid the 
use of a verb which would not suit λόγοις. And he was right. The 
application of a word to two clauses, which strictly is applicable to one 
only, is a Greek idiom, but not an English. It might be rendered, 
“having before you.” I have given it a turn, for brevity’s sake. 

The same critic, correcting Lord Brougham’s version of Φιλίππῳ 
παραχωρῆσαι, ‘surrender to Philip,” (which I have adopted, ) proposes, 
“let slip out of your own keeping into that of Philip;’ which shows 
that he does not even understand the true sense of παραχωρεῖν, which is, 
to yield to another by retiring, or stepping out of the way,” loco 
_eedere. A yet more amusing essay at translation is the following:— 
Ὁ δ᾽ ἂν εἷς ταῦτα φήσειεν, “that no man would have dared to assert.” 
fais, which the critic designates as a literal and verbatim translation, 
there is one pleonasm and one gross error, which any good school-boy 
will point out. Lord Brougham certainly has committed the same er- 
ror, but then he does not set it up as a verbatim and literal version. 


32 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


motions and counsels during the period of my political life :— 
I acknowledge it. But what should Ihave done? I put this 
question to you, dismissing all else: Amphipolis,. Pydna, 
Potidea, Halonnesus—I mention none of theméYSerrium, 
Doriscus, the ravaging of Peparethus, and any similar wrongs 
which the country has suffered—I know not even of their oc- 
currence. You indeed said, that by talking of these I had 
brought the people into a quarrel, although the resolutions 
respecting them were moved by Eubulus and Aristophon 
and Diopithes—not by me, you ready utterer of what suits 
your purpose !\\Neither will I speak of these now. But I 
ask—the man who was appropriating to himself Euboea, and 
making it a fortress against Attica, and attempting Megara, 
and seizing Oreus, and razing Porthmus, and setting up 
Philistides as tyrant in Oreus, Clitarchus in Eretria, and 


~subjugating the Hellespont, and besieging Byzantium, and 


destroying some of the Greek cities, restoring exiles to others 
—was he by all these proceedings committing injustice, 
breaking the truce, violating the peace, or not? Was it meet 
that any of the Greeks should rise up to prevent these pro- 
ceedings, or not ?\ “If not—if Greece was to present the spec- 
tacle (as it is called) of a Mysian prey,! while Athenians had 
life and being, then I have exceeded my duty in speaking on 
the subject—the commonwealth has exceeded her duty, which 
followed my counsels—I admit that every measure has been 
a misdeed, a blunder of mine. But if some one ought to have 
arisen to prevent these things, who but the Athenian people 
should it have been? Such then was the policy which I es- 
poused. I saw him reducing all men to subjection, and I op- 


/ 


posed him: I continued warning and exhorting you not to 


_make these sacrifices to Philip. 
It was he that infringed the peace by taking our ships: it 


τ was not the state, /ischines. Produce the decreés themselves, 


and Philip’s letter, and read them one after another. From 
an examination of them, it will be evident who is chargeable 
with each proceeding. Read. 2 


* A proverbial expression applied to a people in an utterly helpless 
and defenseless state. It was derived, we are told, from the times of 
the Trojan war, when the Mysians were exposed to the enemy by the 
absence of their king Telephus. 


ON THE CROWN. 33 


THE DECREE. ?! 


“Tn the archonship of Neocles, in the month Boedromi- 
on, an extraordinary assembly having been convened by the 
‘generals, Eubulus son of Mnesitheus of Cytherus? moved; 
Whereas the generals have reported in the assembly, that 
Leodamas the admiral, and the twenty vessels dispatched 
with him to the Hellespont for the safe-conduct of the corn, 
have been carried to Macedonia by Philip’s general Amyntas, 
and are detained in custody, let the presidents and the gener- 
als take care that the council be convened, and embassadors 
to Philip be chosen, who shall go and treat with him for the 
release of the admiral, vessels, and troops: and if Amyntas 
has acted in ignorance, they shall say that the people make 
no complaint against him; if the admiral was found wrong- 
fully exceeding his instructions, that the Athenians will make 
inquiry, and punish him as his negligence deserves: if it be 
neither of these things, but a willful? trespass on the part of 
him who gave or him who received the commission, let them 
state this also, that the people, being apprised, may delib- 
erate what course to take.” . 


This decree Eubulus carried, not I. The next, Aristophon: 
then Hegesippus, then Aristophon again, then Philocrates, 
then Cephisophon, then the rest. 1 had no concern in the 
matter. Read the decree. 


1 The archon mentioned in this and the two following decrees is in- 

correct. Nicomachus was archon of that year. For an account of the 
events, see Vol. I. Appendix III. p. 293. 

2 Cytherus was one of the δῆμοι of Attica. The common reading is 
Κύπριος. Reiske seems to think that Eubulus might be called a Cy- 
prian, though a citizen of Athens, if he had been educated or long re- 
sided at Cyprus. However that may be, such would not be his descrip- 
tion in a state paper. 

3 The term willful applies to Philip as well as Amyntas. “In his 
own person,” or ‘on his own account,” would hardly be suitable to 
Philip. The student should notice the use of the plural ἀγνωμονοῦσιν, 
followed by the disjunctive clauses. It is perhaps an expression of the 
following thought :—“ If it be a trespass on the part of the captors, 
whether committed by Amyntas on his own account, or under the 
special orders of Philip.” t 

* The clause καὶ τοῦτο γράψαι λέγειν depends on εἶπεν, and is to be 
construed thus: γράψαι, “to insert an order in the decree,” λέγειν, “ for 
the embasedors to state,” ce. 

B2 


84 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


THE DECREE.! 


“Tn the archonship of Neocles, on the last day of Boedro- 
mion, at the desire of the council, the presidents and generals 
introduced their report of the proceedings of the assembly, to 
wit, that the people had resolved to appoint embassadors to 
Philip for the recovery of the ships, and to furnish them with 
instructions and with the decrees of the assembly; and they 
appointed the following: Cephisophon son of Cleon of Ana- 
phlystus; Democritus son of Demophon of Anagyrus; Poly- 
critus son of Apemantus of Cothocide. In the presidency of 
the Hippothoontian tribe, on the motion of Aristophon of 
Colyttus, committee-man.” 


Now then, as I produce these decrees, so do you, Aéschines, 
point out what decree of my passing makes me chargeable 
with the war. You can not find one: had you any, there is 
nothing you would sooner have produced. Why, even Philip 
makes no charge against me on account of the war, though 
he complains of others. Read Philip’s own letter. 


THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 


‘‘Philip, king of Macedon, to the Council and People of 
Athens, greeting. Your embassadors, Cephisophon, Democ- 
ritus, and Polycritus, came to me and conferred about® the 
release of the galleys which Laomedon commanded. Upon the 
whole, I think you must be very simple, if you imagine I do 
not see that those galleys were commissioned, under the pre- 
tense of conveying corn from the Hellespont to Lemnos, to 
relieve the Selymbrians, whom I am besieging, and who are 
not included in the friendly treaty subsisting between us. 


1 We have seen that by the last decree the people had ordered a 
meeting of the council to be convened, to elect embassadors to Philip. 
The presidents and generals, to whom that task was intrusted, convene 
the council accordingly, and lay before them the business for which 
they were called—(ypyuarivecy is the usual word, signifying “to intro- 
duce the topic of discussion, the business of the day”). The council 
proceed to execute the order of the people, and elect the embassadors. - 
That is their ψήφισμα, the senatorial decree containing their appoint- 
ment of embassadors, pursuant to the decree of the popular assembly. 
The document has perplexed commentators, but really has no difficulty. 
Schémann explains it in his treatise “De Comitiis” (94). As to πρόε- 
ὅρος, which I translate “committee-man,” see Appendix IV. 


“> 


ON THE CROWN. 85 


And these instructions were given, without leave of the 
Athenian people, by certain magistrates and others who are 
not now in office, but who are anyways desirous for the 
people to exchange our present amity for a renewal of war, 
and are far more anxious for such a consummation than to 
relieve the Selymbrians. They suppose it will be a source of 
income to themselves: however, I scarcely think it is for 
your advantage or mine. Wherefore I release you the vessels 
carried into my port; and for the future, if, instead of allow- 
ing your statesmen to adopt malignant measures, you will 
punish them, I too will endeavor to maintain the peace. 
Farewell.” | 


“¥ - ee is no mention by him of Demosthenes, or any charge 
against me. Why then, while he complains of the others, 
makes he no mention of my acts? Because he must have 
noticed his own aggressions, had he written aught concerning 
me; for on these I fixed myself—these I kept resisting. And 
first I proposed the embassy to Peloponnesus,! when into 
Peloponnesus he began to steal; next that to Eubcea,? when 
on Eubcea he was laying his hands; then the expedition (no 
longer an embassy) to Oreus, and that to Eretria, when he 
established rulers in those cities. “S“Afterward I dispatched all 
the armaments, by which Chersonesus was preserved, and By- 
zantium, and all our allies; whence to you there accrued 
the noblest results—praises, eulogies, honors, crowns, thanks 
from those you succored; while the people attacked—those 
that trusted you then obtained deliverance, those that disre- 
garded you have had often to remember your warnings, and 
to be convinced that you were not only their friends, but wise 
men also and prophets: for all that you predicted has come 
‘to pass. 

“) That Philistides would have given a great deal to keep 
Oreus—Clitarchus a great deal to keep Eretria—Philip him- 
self a great deal to have these vantage-posts® against you, and 


? This was the embassy referred to in the third Philippic, which pre- 
vented the advance of Philip into the Peloponnese, B.c. 848, Fora brief 
account of Philip’s proceedings in Peloponnesus, see Appendix VIII. 

2 As to Eubeea, see vol. I. pp. 107, 128, 150. 

* Or perhaps simply ‘these advantages.” Jacobs: wm diese Vor- 
theile gegen Huch zu erhalten. Pabst: win dieses alles gegen Huch aus- 
eufihren. 


ae 
36 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


in other matters to avoid exposure, and any inquiry into his 
wrongful acts in general—no man is ignorant, and least of all 
you.) For the embassadors who came here then from Clitar- 
chus and Philistides lodged with you, Aéschines, and you were 
their host. The commonwealth regarded them as enemies, 
whose offers were neither just nor advantageous, and expelled 
them; but they were your friends. None of their designs 
then were accomplished ;! you slanderer — who say of me, 
that I am silent when I have got something, and bawl when 
I have spent it!? That is not your custom. You bawl 
when you have something, and will never stop, unless the 
jury stop you by disfranchisement to-day.? 

“2 ‘When you crowned me then for those services, and Ariston- 
icus drew up the same words that Ctesiphon here has now 
drawn up, and the crown was proclaimed in the theatre—for 
this now is the second proclamation in my favor*—Aéschines, 
being present, neither opposed it, nor indicted the mover. 
Take this decree now and read it. 


THE DECREE. 


“In the archonship of Cherondas, son of Hegemon, on the 
twenty-fifth of Gamelion, in the presidency of the Leontian 


1 The argument is—Philistides and Clitarchus were unable to ac- 
complish their purpose, and that chiefly through my opposition. Yet 
‘it is notorious, they would have given a large bribe to have obtained 
powerful support at Athens. Then what becomes of your charge of 
corruption against me? 

? schines, defending himself against the reproach of having retired 
from public affairs, said that his own habits were so simple, and his 
desires so moderate, that he was not compelled to speak in public for — 
lucre’s sake—Demosthenes, on the contrary, never opened his mouth 
but when he was hired. The words here referred to are: od δ᾽ οἶμαι 
λαβὼν μὲν σεσίγηκας, ἀναλώσας δὲ κέκραγας.. ᾿ 

Many idle stories to the same effect were circulated against Demos- - 
thenes, besides the celebrated charge in the affair of Harpalus. There 
is one told by Aulus Gellius, that he had been bribed by the Milesian 
embassadors to withdraw his opposition to them in the assembly, and 
afterward, hearing from Aristodemus the actor that he had received’a 
talent for his performance—‘“I,” said he, ‘‘have received more than 
that for being silent.” 

3. If the prosecutor failed to obtain a fifth part of the votes, besides 
a fine of a thousand drachms, he incurred a partial disfranchisement, 
which incapacitated him to prefer a similar charge in future. 

* Tovrov means “this of Ctesiphon.” So Schaefer rightly explains 
it. Pabst’s version is: so dass dies schon die zweite Verkiindigung die- 
ser Ehre fiir mich ist. I have adopted the turn of Leland. 


ON THE CROWN. 37 


tribe, Aristonicus of Phrearrii moved: Whereas Demosthenes 
son of Demosthenes of Reania hath#fendered many important 
services to the people of Athens, and to divers of her allies 
heretofore, and hath also on the present occasion aided them 
by his decrees, and liberated certain of the cities in Eubcea, 
and perseyeres in his attachment to the people of Athens, and 
doth by word and deed whatever good he can for the Athe- 
nians themselves and the rest of the Greeks: It is resolved 
by the Council and People of Athens, to honor Demosthenes 
son of Demosthenes of Peania with public praise) and a 
golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre at 
the Dyonysian festival at the new tragedies, and the procla- 
mation of the crown shall be given in charge to the presiding 
tribe and the prize-master.2 On the motion of Aristonicus 
= Phrearrii.” 

© © Is there one of you that knows of any disgrace falling on 

~ the state by reason of this decree, or any scorn or ridicule— 
consequences which this man now predicts, if I am crowned ? 
It is when acts are recent and notorious that, if good, they 
obtain reward, if the contrary, punishment; and it appears 
that I then obtained reward, not blame or punishment. ¥, So, 
up to the period of those transactions, I am acknowledged on 
all occasions to have promoted the interests of the state—be- 
cause my speeches and motions prevailed in your councils— 
because my measures were executed, and procured crowns for 
the commonwealth and for me and all of you—because you 
have offered sacrifices and thanksgivings to the gods for their 
success. : 

q\ ‘When Philip therefore was driven out of Eubeea, with 
arms by you, with counsels and decrees—though some 
persons there should burst!*—by me, he sought some new 

1 The epithet “ public” seems necessary in our language to express 
the distinction conferred upon Demosthenes; though indeed we say 
“to praise God,” in the sense of “‘to glorify:” and Shakspeare has, 

I come to bury Cesar, not to praise him. 
Leland has: “pay public honors.” Brougham: “signalize.” Spillan: 
“bestow honors.” Auger: “accorder publiquement des louanges.” 
Jacobs: Lob zu ertheilen. Pabst: beloben. 

2 The person who adjudged the prizes in the various contests during 
the festival. 

3 Demosthenes is fond of this expression. Compare Virgil, Eclog. 


vii. 26. Νὰ 
Invidid rumpantur ut ilia Codro, 


98 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. | 
position of attack upon,Athens.1 Seeing that we use more 
foreign corn than any people, and wishing to command the’ 


' passage of the corn-trade, he advanced to Thrace; the Byzan-’ 


ra 


tines being his allies, he first required them to join in the war 
against you, and when they refused, saying (truly enough) 
that they had not made alliance on such terms, he threw 
up intrenchments before the city, planted batteries, and laid 
siege to it.“.°What course hereupon it became you to take, I 
will not ask again; it is manifest to all. But who was it 
that succored the Byzantines, and rescued them? who pre- 
vented the alienation of the Hellespont at that crisis? You, 
men of Athens. When I say you, I mean the commonwealth. 


-\ But who advised, framed, executed the measures of state, 


devoted himself wholly and unreservedly to the public busi- 
ness ?—I !—What benefits thence accrued to all, you need 
no further to be told; you have learned by experience. For 
the war which then sprang up, besides that it brought honor 
and renown, kept you in a cheaper and more plentiful supply 


of all the necessaries of life than does the present peace, "΄ 


which these worthies maintain to their country’s prejudice in 
the hope of something to come. Perish such hope! Never 
may they share the blessings for which you men of honest 
wishes pray to the gods, nor communicate their own principles 

to you! 
Read them now the crowns of the Byzantines, and those of 
the Perinthians, which they conferred upon the country as a 

reward. ᾿ ἐντὶ 
THE BYZANTINE DECREE. | 


‘In the Presbytership? of Bosporichus, Damagetus moved 


' Leland: “he raised another engine against this state.” Spillan 
follows him, Francis has “battery.” So has Auger. Jacobs: versuchte 
er einen Angriff andrer Art gegen die Stadt. Pabst: andere Schutz- 
wehr zum Kampf. Brougham: “some new mode of beleaguering our 
state.” A critic in the Times suggests: ‘another mode of annoyance.” 
That, no doubt, is the general meaning; but in the translation we 
should not lose sight of the strict signification of ἐπιτειχισμόν. The 
oceupation of Byzantium would be, in reference to the corn-trade, what 
the occupation of Eubea might have been for the purpose of a more 
direct attack upon Athens. See my observations in the Preface to the 
First Volume, p. 5. 

2 Hieromnemon (the word in the original) appears to have been the 
name of the chief magistrate at Byzantium, whose term of office fur- 
nished the date of the year, as the archon did at Athens. The name 


~ 


ON THE CROWN. 39 


in the assembly, having obtained permission of the Council: 
Whereas the people of Athens have ever in former times been 
friendly to the Byzantines and their allies, and to their kins- 
men the Perinthians, and have rendered them many signal 
services, and also, on the present occasion, when Philip of 
Macedon attempted by invasion and siege to exterminate the 
Byzantines and Perinthians, and burned and ravaged their 
country, they succored us with a hundred and twenty ships 
and provisions and weapons and soldiers, and rescued us from 
grievous perils, and preserved our hereditary constitution, our 
laws, and our sepulchres: it is resolved by the people of By- 
zantium and Perinthus to grant unto the Athenians the right 
of intermarriage, citizenship, purchase of land and houses, the 
first seat at the games, first admission to the Council and Peo- 
ple after the sacrifices, and exemption from all public services 
to such as wish to reside in the city: and that three statues 
of sixteen cubits be erected in the harbor,! representing the 
People of Athens crowned by the People of Byzantium and 
Perinthus :* and deputations sent to the general assemblies 
of Greece, the Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian, 
to proclaim the crowns wherewith the people of Athens hath 
been honored by us, that all the Greeks may know the virtue 
of the Athenians, and the gratitude of the Byzantines and 
Perinthians.” 
Now read the crowns given by the people of Chersonesus. 


THE DECREE OF THE CHERSONESITES. 


*‘ The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Sestus, Eleus, Madytus, 
and Alopeconnesus, crown the Council and People of Athens 
with a golden crown of the value of sixty talents,? and build 


(which was held by the magistrates of some other Dorian states) im- 
πάρ the performance of some priestly or religious duties. As it sounds 
arsh in English, I have ventured to translate it at the risk of cavil. 
With respect to the Amphictyonic deputies so called see Appendix I. 
* Such, perhaps, is the meaning of ἐν τῷ Booropiyy. Others would 
read Βοσπόρῳ. 
~ 3 Statues of countries and people are often mentioned. Thus, Pau- 
sanias saw in the Pireus a statue of the Athenian Demus by Leochares, 
and another by Lyson. (Lib. i. 6. 1 and 3.) Polybius mentions a statue 
of the Rhodian People crowned by the Syracusan, which Hiero and 
Gelo erected in the great square of Rhodes. (Lib. v. 88.) And there 
was a celebrated one of the Athenian by Parrhasius. 
* According to Gronovius, Béckh, and Jacobs, we are not to suppose 


40 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


an altar to Gratitude and the Athenian People, because that 
People hath helped the Chersonesites to obtain the greatest 
of blessings, by rescuing them from the power of Philip, 
and restoring their country, their laws, their liberty, their 
sanctuaries: and in all future time they will not fail to be 
grateful, and do what service they can. Decreed in general » 
Council.” 


Thus the saving of Chersonesus and Byzantium, the pre- 
venting Philip’s conquest of the Hellespont, and the honors 
therefore bestowed on this country, were the effects of my 
policy and administration; and more than,this—they proved 
to all mankind the generosity of Athens and the baseness of 
Philip. He, the ally and friend of the Byzantines, was before 
all eyes besieging them—what could be more shameful or out- 
rageous ?—You, who might justly on many grounds have re- 
proached them for wrongs done you in former times, instead 
of bearing malice and abandoning the oppressed, appeared as” 
their deliverers ; conduct which procured you glory, good-will, 
honor from all men. That you have crowned many of your 
statesmen, every one knows; but through what other person 
(I mean what minister or orator), besides myself, the common- 
wealth has been crowned, no one can say. 

To prove now the malignity of those calumnies, which he 
urged against the Eubceans and Byzantines, reminding you 
of any unkindness which they had done you—prove it I shall, 
not only by their falsehood, which I apprehend you know 
already, but (were they ever so true) by showing the advant- 
ages of my policy—I wish to recount one or two of the noble 
acts of your own state, and to do it briefly ; for individuals, as 
well as communities, should ever strive to model their future 
conduct by the noblest of their past. | 

Well then, men of Athens—when the Lacedzmonians had 
the empire of land and sea, and held the country round 
Attica by governors and garrisons, Eubcea, Tanagra, all 
Beotia, Megara, Aigina, Cleonz, the other islands; when 
our state possessed neither ships nor walls; you marched out 


that a crown was given of the actual weight or value of. sixty talents, 
but that six drachms of gold are (by a form of speech usual in some 
cases) called a talent. A similar crown of a hundred talents, given by 
the Carthaginians to Demareta, the wife of Gelo, is mentioned by 
Diodorus, (Lib. xi, 26.) 


ON THE CROWN. 41 


to Haliartus,’ and again not many days after to Corinth; 
albeit the Athenians of that time had many causes of resent- 
ment against both Corinthians and Thebans for their acts in 
the Decelean war:* but they showed no resentment, none. 
And yet neither of these steps took they, Aéschines, for bene- 
factors, nor were they blind to the danger; but they would 
not for such reasons abandon people who sought their protec- 
tion; for the sake of renown and glory they willingly exposed 
᾿ themselves to peril; just and noble was their resolve! ¥ For 
to all mankind the end of life is death, though one keep one’s 
self shut up in a closet; but it becomes brave men to strive 
always for honor, with good hope before:them,* and to endure 
courageously whatever the Deity ordains. : 

Thus did your ancestors, thus the elder among yourselves. 
For, though the Lacedzemonians were neither friends nor 
benefactors, but had done many grievous injuries to our state, 
yet when the Thebans, victorious at Leuctra, sought their 
destruction, you prevented it, not fearing the power and repu- 
tation then possessed by the Thebans, nor reckoning up the 
merits of those whom you were about to fight for. And so 
you demonstrated to all the Greeks, that, however any peo- 
ple may offend you, you reserve your anger against them for 
other occasions; but should their existence or liberty be im- 
periled, you will not resent your wrongs or bring them into 
account. 


_ 1 This was 8.0. 395, at the breaking out of the war, in which Athens; 
‘Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, combined against Lacedemon. (See vol. I. 
Pp: ise The battle of Corinth, in which the Lacedemonians defeated 
the allies, took place in the year following the siege of Haliartus. 

3 The latter part of the Peloponnesian war, so called from the occu- 
pation of Decelea, a fortress in Attica, fifteen miles from Athens, B.c. 
413. By means of this post the enemy got the command of the terri- 
tory round Athens, and reduced the Athenians to great distress by cut- 
ting off supplies of corn and provisions. 

3. Spillan, Jacobs, and Pabst render olxioxw “a cage,” Kdfich ; an in- 
terpretation found in Harpocration. Compare the lines of Propertius: 

Ille licet ferro cautus se condat et ere, 
Mors tamen inclusum protrahit inde caput. 

* Thave here taken προβαλλομένους in the simple sense of “ proposing 
to themselves,” or “having before their eyes.” So Spillan has it. And 
Jacobs: mit froher Hoffnung vor Augen. But Reiske understood it in 
the more ordinary sense of “putting before them as a defense.” And 
so Leland renders it: ‘‘armed in fair hopes of success.” And Pabst; 
sich dazu mit dem Schilde der guten Hoffnung waffnen. 


42 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


And not in these instances only hath such been your tem- 
per. Again, when the Thebans were taking possession of 
EKubcea,! you looked not quietly on—you remembered not the 


wrongs done you by Themison and Theodorus in the affair of 


Oropus,? but assisted even them./ It was the time when the 
volunteer captains® first offered’ themselves to the state, of 
whom I was one;—but of this presently. However, it was 
glorious that you saved the island, but far more glorious that, 
when you had got their persons and their cities in your power, 
you fairly restored them to the people who had ill-used you, 
and made no reckoning of your wrongs in an affair where you 
were trusted. ‘ 

τ Hundreds of cases which I could mention I pass over— 


sea-fights, land-marches, campaigns, both in ancient times and- 


in your own, all of which the commonwealth has undertaken 


for the freedom and safety of the Greeks in general. ‘Then, 


having observed the commonwealth engaging in contests of 


such number and importance for the interests of others, what _ 


was I to urge, what course to recommend her, when the ques- 
tion in a manner concerned herself?—To revive grudges, I 
suppose, against people who wanted help, and to seek pre- 
tenses for abandoning every thing. And who might not justly 
have killed me, had I attempted even by words to tarnish any 


of the honors of Athens? For the thing itself, I am certain, _ 


you would never have done—had you wished, what was to 
hinder you ?—any lack ef eppertunity ?—had you not these 
men to advise it? . 

I must return to the next in date of my political acts; and 
here again consider what was most beneficial for the state. I 
saw, men of Athens, that your navy was decaying, and that, 
while the rich were getting off* with small payments, citizens 


1 As to the war in Eubeea, see vol. I. pp. 114, 275. Re 

? Themison and Theodorus were the rulers of Eretria, who seized 
upon Oropus, B.c. 366. See vol. I. p. 210. 

3 The exertions of these voluntary trierarchs enabled the Athenians 
to ship off their troops in three days. The orators frequently boasted 
of this expedition: for example, Demosthenes in the speech against 
Androtion ; Aischines in the speech against Ctesiphon. ᾿ 

* Schaefer rightly explains ἀτελεῖς, “qui tam pauca contribuerent, 
nihil ut dare viderentur.” My translation expresses this by a vernacu- 
lar phrase. We might say, “escaping with.” Brougham has “ escaping 
all taxes by paying an insignificant contribution.” Leland: “ purchase 


v 


ΟΝ THE CROWN. 43 


of moderate or small fortunes were losing their substance, 
and the state, by reason thereof, missing her opportunities of 
action. I therefore proposed a law, by which I compelled 
the one class (the rich) to perform their duty, and stopped 
the oppression of the poor; and—what was most useful to 
the country—I caused her preparations to be made in time. 
And being indicted for it, I appeared on the charge before 
you, and was acquitted; and the prosecutor did not get his 
portion! of the votes. But. what sums, think ye, the chief 
men? of the Boards, or those in the second and third degrees, 
offered me, first, not to propose that law, secondly, when I 
had recorded it, to drop it on the abatement-oath?? Such 
sums, men of Athens, as I should be afraid to tell you. And 
no wonder they did so; for under the former laws they might 
divide the charge between sixteen, spending little or nothing 


a total exemption from public taxes at the expense of a trifling contri- 
bution.” But they should have avoided a reference,to any other pay- 
ments than what relate to the trierarchy. 

} The fifth part, to save him from the penalty. Fs 

? According to Ulpian, the first three hundred among the Symmorie 
were called ἡγεμόνες. See as to this subject, vol. 1. Appendix V. 

3 “Ὑπωμοσία commonly meant an oath or affidavit sworn by a part 
to a cause, in order to obtain some adjournment or delay. But, accord- 
ing to the explanation of Julius Pollux, it was applied also to the oath 
sworn by a person who threatened another with a γραφὴ παρανόμων or 
indictment for an illegal measure. Any citizen was at liberty to indict 
the author of a decree, though passed by the popular assembly, within 
a twelvemonth after the passing ; and it became void, if the indictment 
succeeded. He gave notice of his intention to prosecute by a public 
declaration, supported by oath, that he believed the decree in question 
to be illegal or unconstitutional; and this had the effect of suspending 
the validity of the decree until after the trial. Therefore, asSchémann 
observes (De Comitiis, 159), this oath, which had the effect of adjourn- 
ing a law, was so called by analogy to the legal oath. See the Append- 
ix to this volume on the γραφὴ παρανόμων. 

In none of the translations do I find any explanation of καταβαλόντα. 
I take it to mean, “having entered it in the public register,” i. 6. in the 
temple of the Mother of the Gods, ἐν τῷ Μητρώῳ, where the records of 
all : alt were kept. (See Schémann, De Comitiis, 129.) 

Demosthenes, after carrying his measure in the assembly, and de- 
positing it according to custom in the public archives, might have 
abandoned the defense of it, had he chosen to compromise the matter 
with his opponents; as Wolf rightly explains it—‘‘ Quo pacto impune 
tulisset Demosthenes prevaricationem istam? Si collusisset cum ad- 
versario, is actionem non persecutus esset, ac Demosthenes, anno elapso, 
indemnis fuisset.” 


44 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


themselves, and grinding down the needy citizens; whereas 
under my law every one had to pay a sum proportioned to 
his means, and there was a captain for two ships, where be- 
fore there was a partner with fifteen others for one ship; for 
they were calling themselves not captains any longer, but 
partners. They would have given any thing then to get these 
regulations annulled, and not be obliged to perform their du- 
ties. Read me, first, the decree for which I appeared to the 
indictment, then the service-rolls, that of the former law, and 
that under mine. Read. 


THE DECREE.! 


“Τῇ the archonship of Polycles, on the sixteenth of Boedro- 
mion, in the presidency of the Hippothoontian tribe, Demos- 
thenes son of Demosthenes of Peania introduced a law for 
the naval service,? instead of the former one under which 
there were the associations of joint-captains; and it was 
passed by the council and people. And Patrocles of Phlyus 
preferred an indictment against Demosthenes for an illegal 


1 Sch6mann, in his chapter on Decrees (De Comitiis, 180), after 
mentioning the ordinary signification of the word ψήφισμα, viz., “a law 
passed by the people in assembly,” and “a bill or decree of the council,” ~ 
proceeds to say, that it has a third and more extended meaning. “B 
that name,” he says, “the Athenians designated those publie records 
which did not contain the actual bill or decree, but merely an account 
of the circumstances connected with the proposal or adoption thereof, 
or a statement of the measures passed in consequence by the people. 
The object of this was, to have at hand always, in case they should be 
wanted again, authentic documents of the whole transaction.” Insu 

ort of his assertion, he refers to this and some other of the het τ 
cited in the Oration on the Crown. Their genuineness, however, has 
been questioned. In this one, as well as in others, the name of the _ 
archon is false. I doubt whether the word ever bore the extended 
meaning assigned to it by Sch6mann. Suppose the record imthe text 
could be called ψήφισμα, it could hardly be the ψήφισμα καθ᾽ ὃ εἰσῆλθον 
τὴν γραφὴν, which Demosthenes requires to be read, but of which it 
contains only a short recital. It is possible, indeed, that Demosthenes, 
though he calls on the clerk to read the decree, produced in fact onl 
the document which is’ preserved to us, and which might answer his 
purpose quite as well, and even-better, because it contained a memorial 
of his own acquittal, and the consequent establishment of his decree. 

2 Reiske understands dpyeiov. Taylor translates it “for the admi- 
ralty.” Schaefer adopts Stephens’ explanation, that τὸ τριηραρχικὸν is 
nothing more than τοὺς τριηράρχους. Then it means ‘‘a law for the 
regulation of the trierarchs.” 


ON THE CROWN. 45 


measure, and, not having obtained his share of the votes, paid 
the penalty of five hundred drachms.” 
Now produce that fine roll. 


THE ROLL. 
‘Let sixteen captains be called out for every galley, as 
they are associated in the companies,’ from the age of twenty- 
five to forty, defraying the charge equally.” 
Now for the roll under my law. 


THE ROLL. 

“Let captains be chosen according to their property by 
valuation, taking ten talents to a galley: if the property be 
valued at a higher sum, let the charge be proportionate, as far 
as three ships and a tender; and let it be in the same propor- 
tion for those whose property is less than ten talents, joining 
them in a partnership to make up ten talents.’’? 


Think ye I but slightly helped the poor of Athens, or that 
the rich would have spent but a trifling sum to escape the 
doing what was right? I glory, however, not only in having 
refused this compromise, and having been acquitted on the 
indictment, but because my law was beneficial, and I have 
proved it so by trial. For during the whole war, while the 
armaments were shipped off according to my regulations, no 
captain ever appealed to you against oppression, or took 
sanctuary at Munychia,* or was imprisoned by the clearing- 
officers ;° no galley was lost to the state by capture abroad, 


1 Literally, ‘‘according to the associations in the companies.” Λόχοι 
here are the same as συμμορίαι, according to Wolf. 

? The ten talents, which are made the basis of this regulation, are 
the ratable value of the property, as Béckh explains it, which would 
be one-fifth of the whole for the highest class, if the valuation of B.c. 
379 was in force; so that a man possessing fifty talents would have 
the charge of one ship, a hundred talents, of two ships, a hundred and 
fifty talents, of three ships; and a tender would have to be found in 
addition for a certain sum beyond, which is not specified. Higher the 
charge was not carried. Those who had-less than ten talents of rata- 
ble capital clubbed together for one ship, but the rating was in a low- 
er proportion. See Vol. I. Appendixes IV. and V. 

3 Ἱκετηρίαν θεῖναι is literally, ‘‘to deposit (at the altar or elsewhere) an 
olive bough wrapped with wool,” which was the symbol of supplication. 

“In a temple of Diana in the port of Munychia. 

5 The ἀποστολεῖς were ten officers, whose business it was to expedite 
the equipment of the fleet, and its clearance out from port—a Board 
of Dispatch. 


Α ᾿ 
46 THE ORATIONS OF DER ae 


x 


yore 
or left behind from unfitness to go to sea. Under the former 
laws all these things happened—because the burden was put 
upon the poor, and therefore difficulties frequently arose. I 
transferred the charge from the poor to the wealthy, and then 
every duty was done. For this itself too I deserve praise, 
that I adopted all such measures as brought glory and honor 


and power to the state: there is no envy, spite, or malice in 


any measure of mine, nothing sordid or unworthy of Athens. — 


The same character is apparent in my home and in my for- 
eign policy. At home, I never preferred the favor of the 


wealthy to the rights of the many: abroad, I valued not the _ 


presents or the friendship of Philip above the general interests 
of Greece. : 
I conceive it remains for me to speak of the proclamation 


and the accounts: for, that I acted for the best—that I have 


throughout been your friend and zealous in your service—is 
proved abundantly, methinks, by what I have said already. 
The most important part of my policy and administration I 


pass by, considering that I have in regular course to reply to- 


the charge of illegality; and besides—though I am silent as 
to the rest of my political acts—the knowledge you all have 
will serve me equally well. . | 
As to the arguments which he jumbled together about the 
‘counter-written laws,’ I hardly suppose you comprehend 


them—I myself could not understand the greater part. 


However I shall argue a just case in a straightforward way. 


So far from saying that I am not accountable, as the prose- 


cutor just now falsely asserted, I acknowledge that I am all 


1 The laws alleged to have been violated were copied out and hung 
on a board side by side with the impugned decree, as Aischines clearly 


describes it in his speech against Ctesiphon (82). “ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῇ 


τεκτονικῇ, ὅταν εἰδέναι βουλώμεθα τὸ ὀρθὸν καὶ τὸ μὴ, τὸν κανόνα προσ- 
φέρομεν ᾧ διαγινώσκεται, οὕτω καὶ ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς ταῖς τῶν παρανόμων 
παράκειται κανὼν τοῦ δικαίου τουτὶ τὸ σανίδιον καὶ τὸ vie καὶ οἱ παρα- 
γεγραμμένοι νόμοι. Compare Demosth. cont. Αὐϊβίοο, 640. There is no 
doubt of this being the true meaning; the only difficulty is to translate 
παραγεγραμμένοι neatly. Spillan has: ‘‘ the transcribed laws.” Francis 
the same. Leland: “authentic transcript.” Brougham: “his com- 


parative exhibition of the laws;” which expresses the meaning more 


- 
rf 
- * 

= 
—— 


fully. The German translators would seem to have followed Wolf’s » — 


interpretation. Jacobs has .iber den Widerspruch mit den Gesetzen. 


Pabst: iber die Gesetzwidrigkeiten. Perhaps we might render it, “ con- 


-trasted ;” or, ‘‘ put in counterview.” 


- 


¢ 
. 


ON THE CROWN. ὁ. 47 


my life accountable for what as your statesman I have under- 
taken or advised; but for what I have voluntarily given to 
the people out of my own private fortune, I deny that I am\ 
any day accountable—do you hear, Atschines?—nor is any 
other man, let him even be one of the nine archons.! “For 
what law is so full of injustice and inhumanity as to enact, 
that one who has given of his private means, and done an act 
of generosity and munificence, instead of having thanks, shall 
_ be brought before malignants, appointed to be the auditors 
οὗ his liberality? None. If he says there is, let him pro- 
duce it, and I will be content and hold my tongue. But there 
a is none, men of Athens. The prosecutor in his malice, .be- 
cause I gave some of my own money when I superintended 
the theatre fund, says—“ the Council praised him before he 
had rendered his account.” Not for any matters of which I 
had an account to render, but for what I spent of my own, 
you malignant ! 
““Oh, but you were a Conservator of Walls!” says he. Yes; 
and for that reason was I justly praised, because I gave the 
_ sums expended and did not charge them. A charge requires 
auditing and examiners; a donation merits thanks and praise: 
_ therefore the defendant made this motion in my favor. 

That this is a settled principle in your hearts as well as in 
the laws, I can show by many proofs easily. First, Nausicles 
has often been crowned by you for what he expended out of 
his own funds while he was general. Secondly, Diotimus 
was crowned for his present of shields; and Charidemus too. 
Again, Neoptolemus here, superintendent of divers works, 
has been honored for his donations. It would indeed be 

cruel, if a man holding an office should either, by reason of 
his office, be precluded from giving his own money to the 
state, or have, instead of receiving thanks, to render an ac- 
count of what he gave. To prove the truth of my state- 
ments, take and read me the original decrees made in favor 
of these men. 

A DECREE.? 
___ “Archon, Demonicus of Phlyus. On the paar a ae of 
 Boedromion, with the sanction of the council and people, Cal- 


1 The archons were not only liable to the εὐθύνη, but to an examin- 
_ation by the council previous to admission to their office. 
3 The event referred to in this decree seems to have taken place 


48 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


lias of Phrearrii moved: That the council and people resolve 
to crown Nausicles, general of foot, for that, there being two 
thousand Athenian troops of the line in Imbrus, for the de- 
fense of the Athenian residents in that island, and Philo of 
the finance department being by reason of storms’ unable to 
sail and pay tne troeps, he advanced money of his own, and 
did not ask the people for it again; and that the crown be 
proclaimed at the Dionysian festival, at the new tragedies.” 


ANOTHER DECREE.! 


‘“‘Callias of Phrearrii moved, the presidents declaring it to 
be with the sanction of the council: Whereas Charidemus, 
general of foot, having been sent to Salamis, he and Dioti- 
mus, general of horse, after certain of the troops had in the 
skirmish by the river been disarmed by the enemy, did at 
their own expense arm the young men with eight hundred 
shields: It hath been resolved by the council and people to 
crown Charidemus and Diotimus with a golden crown, and 
to proclaim it at the great Panathenaic festival, during the 
gymnastic contest, and at the Dionysian festival, at the 
exhibition of the new tragedies: the proclamation to be 
given in charge to the judges,” the pei id the prize- 
_mnasters.” Bi 


during the Social War, z.c. 855, when the Chians, Rhodians, and By- 
zantines made a descent upon Lemnos and Imbrus. In that year Cal- 
listratus was archon. The heading “Apywy, instead of ἐπὶ "ApyovTog, is 
noticed by Jacobs as unusual. Nausicles is frequently mentioned by 
ZEschines and Demosthenes in terms of praise. He commanded an 
Athenian force in the Sacred War, B.c. 352. 

1 As this decree was moved by the same person as the preceding 
one, it is perhaps referable to the same period. Winiewski has con- 
jectured that, while Nausicles was sent to Imbrus, some hostile neigh- 

ors, perhaps the Megarians, took the opportunity of invading Salamis. 
Reiske understands it of the Cyprian Salamis; but this is not so prob- 
able. The Charidemus here mentioned is not to be confounded with 
Charidemus of Oreus, but is the person who, with Demosthenes and 
others, was demanded by Alexander after the taking of Thebes, and 
thereupon fled to the court of Darius, by whom he was afterward put 
to death. (Diodorus, xvii. 80.) Diotimus also was one of the men de- 
manded by Alexander. 

? Such is the name which I give to the six junior archons, to avoid 
the uncouth title of Thesmothetes. It does not indeed (any more than 
Thesmothetes itself) convey a perfect idea of the official duties which 
they had to discharge; yet it is by no means inappropriate, seeing that 
the most important part of them were of a judicial character. 


ON THE CROWN. 49 


Each of these men, A‘schines, was accountable for the office 
which he held, but not accountable for the matters in respect 
-of which he was crowned. No more then am I; for surely I 
have the same rights, under the same circumstances, as other 
men. Have I given money? I am praised for that, not be- 
ing accountable for what I gave. Did I hold office? Yes; 
and I have rendered an account of my official acts, not of my 
bounties. Oh, but I was guilty of malpractices in- office! 
And you, present when the auditors brought me up,! accused 
me not? « 
. To show you that he himself bears testimony to my having 
been crowned for what I had no account to render of, take 
and read the whole decree drawn up in my favor. By the 
portions of the bill which he never indicted it will appear that 
᾿ his prosecution is vexatious. Read. 


THE DECREE.2 


“In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty-second of 
Pyanepsion, in the presidency of the Gineian tribe, Ctesiphon 
son of Leosthenes of Anaphlystus moved: Whereas Demos- 
thenes son of Demosthenes of Paania, having been superin- 
tendant of the repair of the walls, and having expended on 
the works three additional talents out of his own money, hath 
given that sum to the people; and whereas, having been 


1 Lither before the popular assembly, or before their own court; the 
Λογιστήριον. ButIrather think the former. The accounts having been 
sent in to the Aoy:ora?, and there not appearing to be any pecuniary 
deficit, they were passed as a matter of course, unless some accuser ap- 
peared; but the law afforded an opportunity for an accusation at the 
popular assembly, before which the Aoycorai were obliged to bring the 
parties as a matter of form, and by public proclamation to ask whether 
any citizen desired to accuse them. (Asch. contra Ctesiph. 57.) 

Schémann indeed (De Comitiis, 293) appears to take a different view. 

Demosthenes had passed the scrutiny of the Logiste, and had no 
charge preferred against him at the close of his official year. This 
however, in point of law, was no answer to his opponent’s argument; 
for the legality of Ctesiphon’s measure was to be tried by reference to 
the time when he introduced it, at which time Demosthenes had not 
cleared himself of his official responsibility. 

3 The name of the archon is wrong here, and the decree is not in all 
‘manuscripts. The terms of it do not agree with the recital in the in- 
dietment, though it is the same in Substance. It may possibly be that 
in one we have the προβούλευμα, in the other the ψήφισμα as sanctioned 
by the assembly. 

Vor. IT.—C 


50 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


appointed treasurer of the theoric fund, he hath given to the 
theoric officers! of the tribes a hundred minas toward the 
sacrifices, the council and people of Athens have resolved to 
honor Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pzeania with public 
praise, for the goodness and generosity which he has shown 
throughout on every occasion toward the people of Athens, 
and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the 
crown in the theatre, at the Dionysian festival, at the perform- 
ance of the new tragedies: the proclamation to be given in 
charge to the prize-master.” 

These were my donations; none of which have you in- 
dicted: the rewards which the council says I deserve for 
them are what you arraign. To receive the gifts then you 
confess td be legal; the requital of them you indict for illegal- 
ity. In the name of heaven! what sort of person can a mon- 
ster of wickedness and malignity be, if not such a person as 
this ? 

Concerning the proclamation in the theatre, I pass over 
the fact, that thousands of thousands have been proclaimed, 
and I myself have been crowned often before. But by the 
Gods! are you so perverse and stupid, A%schines, as not to 
be able to reflect, that the party crowned has the same glory 
from the crown wherever it be published, and that the proc- 
lamation is made in the theatre for the benefit of those who 
confer the crown? For the hearers are all encouraged to 
render service to the state, and praise the parties who show 
their gratitude more than the party crowned. Therefore has 
our commonwealth enacted this law. Take and read me the 
law itself. 


THE LAW. 


“‘Whensoever any of the townships bestow crowns, proc- 
lamations thereof shall be made by them in their several 
townships, unless where any are crowned by the people of 
_ Athens or the council; and it shall be lawful for them to be 
proclaimed in the theatre at the Dionysian festival.” 

Do you hear, A‘schines, the law distinctly saying—* unless 
where any are voted by the people or the council; such may 


1 Reiske prefers taking θεωρικοῖς as the neuter gender, “ the theoric 
contributions from all the tribes.” Schaefer, Jacobs, and Pabst read 
θεωροῖς. , 


ON THE CROWN. 51 


be proclaimed ?” Why then, wretched. man, do you play the 
pettifogger? Why manufacture arguments? Why don’t you 


take hellebore! for your malady? Are you not ashamed to 


bring on a cause for spite, and not for any offense ?—to alter 
some laws, and to garble others, the whole of which should in 
justice be read to persons sworn to decide according to the 
laws? And you that act thus describe the qualities which 
belong to a friend of the people, as if you had ordered a statue 
according to contract, and received it without having what 
the contract required; or as if friends of the people were 
known by words, and not by acts and measures! And you 
bawl out, regardless of decency,” a sort of cart-language,° ap- 
plicable to yourself and your race, not to me. 

Again, men of Athens—TI conceive abuse to differ from 


1 Hellebore was used by the ancients to purge the brain, and cure 


people of insanity ; and because it grew abundantly in the island of 


Anticyra, “to send a person to Anticyra,” was as good as saying he was 
mad. Horace, Sat. II. iii. 82 :— 
Dum doceo insanire omnes, vos ordine adite. 
Danda est Hellebori multo pars maxima avaris: 
Nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet. omnem. 
And ibid. 166 :— 
τς Naviget Anticyram: quid enim differt, barathrone 
Dones quicquid hab@s, an nunquam utare paratis ? 
32 With the expression in the original compare Virgil, Aun. IX. 595:— 
Digna atque indigna relatu 
Vociferans. 
3 Billingsgate, as the Londoners would say. 

t was the custom of the Athenian women, in divers solemn proces- 
sions, especially at the Eleusinian mysteries, when they were conveyed 
in open wagons or carts, to amuse themselves by jeering and joking one 
another, without the slightest regard to modesty or propriety of lan- 
guage. Hence τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἁμαξῶν σκώμματα came to signify licentious 
and indecent abuse. Πομπεύειν is used in the like sense, and also 
γεφυρίζειν, because at a certain bridge over the Cephisus, where the 

rocession stopped, the bantering of the ladies waxed peculiarly warm. 

eland observes—“ The French translator is extremely Hooked at this 
interpretation, and can not persuade himself that the Athenian ladies 
could so far forget the modesty and reserve peculiar to their sex. But 
it is well if this were the worst part of their vonduct, or if they were 
guilty of no greater transgression of modesty in the course of their at- 
tendance on these famous rites.” Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his 
Roman Antiquities (VII. 72), compares this custom of the Athenians 
with the license allowed at a Roman triumph, where those who follow- 
ed the procession were permitted to make fun of the generals and other 
men of distinction by squibs and jests. 


52 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


accusation in this, that accusation has to do with offenses for 

which the laws provide penalties, abuse with. the scandal . 
which enemies speak against each other according to their 

humor.! And I believe our ancestors built these courts, not 

that we should assemble you here and bring forth the secrets 

of private life for mutual reproach,” but to give us the means 

of convicting persons guilty of crimes against the state. 

ZEschines knew this as well as I, and yet he chose to rail 

rather than to accuse. 

Even in this way he must take as much as he gives ;? but 
before I enter upon such matters, let me ask him one ques- 
tion— Should one call you the state’s enemy, or mine, 
Atschines? Mine, of course. Yet, where you might, for any 
offense which I committed, have obtained satisfaction for the 
people according to the laws, you neglected it—at the audit, 
on the indictments and other trials; but where I in my own 
person am safe on every account, by the laws, by time, by 
prescription,* by many previous’*judgments on every point, 
by my never having been convicted of a public offense—and 
where the country must share, more or less, in the repute of 
measures which were her own—here it is you have encoun- 
tered me. See if you are not the people’s enemy, while you 
pretend to be mine! : 

Since therefore the righteous and true verdict is made 


1 Compare Cicero pro Celio: “ Aliud est maledicere, aliud accusare. 
Accusatio crimen desiderat, rem ut definiat, hominem ut notet, argu- 
mento probet, teste confirmet; maledictio autem nihil habet propositi, 
preter contumeliam; que si petulantius jactatur, convicium, si face- 
tius, urbanitas nominatur.” . . 

2 Literally: “speak to the reproach of one another secrets from pri- Ὁ 
vate life ;” adhering to Bekker’s reading of κακῶς. Jacobs: und schmd- 
hend die Geheimnisse des Privatlebens géegenseitig aufzudecken. Pabst, 
to the same effect. 

3 Lord Brougham justly censures the English translators, who have 
not preserved the familiar expression in the Greek, that so well corre- 
sponds with our own. They are all upon stilts. He himself has: 
“ But even in this kind of conflict it is right that he should get as good ~ 
as he brings.” 

+ «By the Statute of Limitations,” as we should say. The ypa 
παρανόμων could only be brought within a year after the decree. The 
εὐθόνη was to take place within thirty days after the expiration of the 
term of office, and the accuser was bound to appear when the accounts 
were rendered, or before they were passed. See my article Προθεσμία 
in the Arch. Dict., also article Ei@iv7. MS 


ON THE CROWN. 53 


clear to all; but I must, it seems—though not naturally 

nd of railing, yet on account of the calumnies uttered by 
my opponent—in reply to so many falsehoods, just mention 
some leading particulars concerning him, and show who he is, 
and from whom descended, that so readily begins using hard 
words—and what language he carps at, after uttering such 
as any decent man would have shuddered to pronounce.2— 
Why, if my accuser had been AZacus, or Rhadamanthus, or 
Minos, instead of a prater,? a hack of the market, a pestilent 
seribbler, I don’t think he would have spoken such things, or 
found such offensive terms, shouting, as in a tragedy, “Ὁ 
Earth! Ὁ Sun! O Virtue!’’4 and the like; and again ap- 
_ pealing to Intelligence and Education, by which the honor- 
able is distinguished from the base :—all this you undoubted- 
ly heard from his lips. Accursed one!® What have you or 


1 Leland, following Wolf, infers from this passage that there had 
been some acclamation in the court, which Demosthenes affects to con- 
sider as the general voice of the jury. I agree with Lord Brougham, 
that this is not a necessary inference from the text, where the con- 
nection with what goes before is plain and easy. 

517 have preserved the anacoluthon of the original. In τίς οὐκ ἂν 
ὥκνησε I have converted the interrogative, which is unsuitable to our 
language, into an affirmative. This weakens the sentence, but as a 
compensation I strengthen d«vyce. 
᾿ 3 The word σπερμολόγος in the same sense occurs in the Acts of the 
Apostles, xvii. 18, where our version is ‘‘babbler.” The origin of this 
meaning is uncertain. Περίτριμμα ἀγορᾶς describes a low fellow who 
frequented the market, where loose and dissolute characters of all 
sorts used to congregate. - Jacobs and Pabst render it, Markischreier, 
“mountebank,” or “blackguard,” as we should say. Aristophanes 
says in the Knights: 

ὁτιὴ πονηρὸς κἀξ ἀγορᾶς εἰ Kat θρασύς. 

* This occurs at the end of the speech against Ctesiphon. 

5 Lord Brougham’s translation of κάθαρμα is—* You abomination ;” 
upon which his reviewer has the following note:— 

“It is quite clear that Lord Brougham himself has no notion of the 
real meaning of the word. We refer for explanation of it to Mitchell’s 
edition of the Knights of Aristophanes, v. 708 and v. 1099. He will 
there see that κάθαρμα was an expiatory victim, offered up to atone for 
the guilt, and avert the punishment, of the parties sacrificing. Two 
such victims—both men, according to some writers, but a male and 
female, according to others—were provided annually by the Athenian 
state for this purpose. A feeling of the utmost contempt and horror 
was attached to these καθάρματα. But of all this Lord Brougham seems 
perfectly unconscious. We can not translate, we can only approximate 
to the meaning of κάθαρμα. It is a sort of frozen word, which, as Mr. 


54 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


yours to do with virtue? How should you discern what is 
honorable or otherwise? How were you ever qualified ? 
What right have you to talk about education? ‘Those who 
really possess it would never say as much of themselves, but 
rather blush if another did: those who are destitute like you, 
but make pretensions to it from stupidity, annoy the hear- 
ers by their talk, without getting the reputation which they 
desire. ᾿ 

I am at no loss for materials concerning you and your 
family, but am in doubt what to mention first—whether 


how your father Tromes, being servant to Elpias, who, kept: 


a reading-school in the temple of Theseus, wore a weight of. 
fetters and a collar;! or how your mother, by her morning 


spousals in the cottage by Hero Calamites,? reared up you, 


the beautiful statue, the eminent third-rate actor !°—But all 


Mitchell remarks on another occasion, requires the warm breath of 
commentatorship to come over it before it can be thawed into life and 
animation.” ‘ 

This is a most unfair attack upon his Lordship. There is not the 
least objection to his translation, nor does it at all appear that the 
meaning of κάθαρμα was unknown to him. The observation about 


frozen words is good enough, but it is misapplied. Comment is dif- . 


ferent from translation. Jacobs renders it: Du Schandfleck: Pabst: 
Scheusal. Auger: “Scélérat.” ἄγ δ. 

1 Ἐύλον, according to Reiske, is a round board with a hole in the 
middle, put on the necks of thievish slaves, to prevent them from 
reaching their hands to their mouths. Or it may be, as Jacobs says, 
the stocks; as in the Knights of Aristophanes, v. 702. é 

ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ δήσω σε, νὴ τὸν οὐρανόν. 
where the Scholiast interprets ἐν τῇ ποδοκάκῃ. Or simply a collar-worn as 
a badge of servitude. Compare Plautus, Captivi, Act 11. Se. 8, v. 107:— 
Di tibi omnes omnia optata afferant, 
Cum me tanto honore honestas, cumque ex vinclis eximis. 
Hoe quidem haud molestum est jam, quod collus collaria caret. 

? A Hero of that name is the common interpretation. Schaefer, how- 
ever, referring to the oration of Demosthenes on the Embassy (419), 
where Atrometus is said to have taught his boys πρὸς τῷ τοῦ Ἥρω τοῦ 
ἰατροῦ, thinks that Heros was the name of a yatciant who received 
the title of Calamites, because he set fractured bones with splinters of 
reeds. Dissen’s explanation, to which Pabst inclines, is, that there 
was a statue surrounded with reeds, of some unknown hero, a sort of 
Aisculapius, to whom the people ascribed a healing power. . 

3 A τριταγωνιστῆὴς was an actor of the lowest description. The reader 
will remember that the characters in an Athenian tragedy were few 
in number: the dialogue was never carried on by more than three 
persons besides the chorus, generally by two only. $e 


\ 


\ 


ON THE CROWN. 55 


know these things without my telling—Or how the galley- 
piper Phormio, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, removed her 
from that honorable employment. But, by Jupiter and the 
gods! I fear, in saying what is proper about you, I may be 
thought to have chosen topics unbecoming to myself. All 
this therefore I shall pass by, and commence with the acts 
of his own life; for indeed he came not of common parents, 
but of such as are execrated by the people.1 Very lately— 
lately do I say ?— it is but yesterday that he has become both 
an Athenian and an orator—adding two syllables, he converted 
his father from Tromes to Atrometus,? and dignified his mother 
by the name of Glaucothea, who (as every one knows) was 
called Empusa ;3 having got that title (it is plain) from her 
doing and submitting to any thing—how else could she have 
got it? However, you are so ungrateful and wicked by na- 
ture, that after being raised through the people from servitude 
to freedom, from beggary to affluence, instead of returning their 
kindness, you work against them as a hireling politician. 

Of the speeches, which it may possibly be contended he has 
made for the good of the country, I will say nothing: of the 
acts which he was clearly proved to have done for the enemy, 
Iwillremind you. ἡ : . 

What man present but knows of the outcast Antiphon,* 
who came into the city under promise to Philip that he 

 Reiske’s interpretation is, “ οὐκ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν τυχόντων, Non enim 
est Aischines de genere hominum triviali, vulgari, sed unus illorum 
inventu rarorum hominum, quos populus per preconem publicé de- 
vovet.” Dissen refers'these words to ἃ βεβίωκεν. Schaefer and Jacobs 
understand ὧν ἔτυχεν of the parents of Aischines, but, on the authority 
of one manuscript, transpose the clause οὐδὲ---καταρᾶται immediately 
after λόγους. According to my view, there is no necessity for the trans- 
position, the argument running thus—I will pass by this topic: his 
parentage was so disgraceful that he himself was ashamed of it; and 
so he changed the names of his parents, to escape the shame. 

2 Tromes, from τρέμω, would be a fit name for a slave; ᾿Ατρόμητος, 
“Intrepid,” for a freeman. The lengthening of names was often re- 
sorted to by the ancients, as it is now, as a device to exalt the dignity 
of the party. 

3. This denoted a frightful spectre or hobgoblin. According to Aris- 
tophanes (Frogs, 293), it could change itself into various shapes. 

* ᾿Αποψηφισθέντα is, “ousted from the register by the votes of his 
fellow-townsmen,” δημόται. The members of each δῆμος, or township, 
of Attica occasionally assembled to revise their register, and if any 
member was adjudged by a majority of votes not to be a true citizen, 
his name was expunged. He might still appeal to a court of justice at 


56 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


would burn your arsenal? I found him concealed in Pireeus, 
and brought him before the Assembly; when this mischief- 
maker, shouting and clamoring that it was monstrous in a 
free state that I should ill-treat unfortunate citizens, and enter 
houses without warrant,! procured his release. And had not 
the Council of Areopagus, discovering the fact, and perceiving 
your ill-timed error, made search after the man, seized and 
brought him before you, a fellow like that would have been 
rescued, would have slipped through the hands of justice, and 
been sent out of the way by this declaimer. As it was, you 
put him to torture and to death, as you ought this man also. 
The Council of Areopagus were informed what /éschines had 
done, and therefore, though you had elected him for your 
advocate on the question of the Delian temple,? in the same 
ignorance by which you have sacrificed many of the public 
interests, as you referred the matter to the council, and gave 
them full powers, they immediately removed him for his 
treason, and appointed Hyperides to plead; for which pur- 
pose they took their ballots from the altar,? and not a single 
Athens; but if the court affirmed the decision of the townsmen, he was 
sold for aslave. | 

Antiphon (as it would appear) had been thus degraded from his rank 
as a citizen, and, in resentment of such usage, had entered into a trea- 
sonable engagement with the king of Macedon. Plutarch calls this 
proceeding of Demosthenes a very arbitrary measure, σφόδρα dpioro- 
κρατικὸν πολίτευμα. Dinarchus brings it up against him in the speech 
upon his trial, but does not deny the guilt of Antiphon. 

1 Without the authority of the Council. 

3 The Athenians claimed the superintendence of the temple of Delos, 
which the Delians disputed with them. The question was referred to 
the decision of the AD ἀπο ἐξ τὸ Council αὖ Thermopyle, and each of 
the two states sent a deputy to plead their cause. Some fragments 


een, of a speech made by Hyperides on this occasion, entitled De- 
acus. . 

* This was the most solemn method of voting. An example is men- 
tioned by Herodotus (VIII. 123), on a memorable oceasion, when the 
Greek generals met at the Isthmus after the battle of Salamis, to de- 
clare what two men had done the greatest service in the war. The 
voted standing at the altar of Neptune; and while each awarded the 
first place to himself, the great majority concurred in allowing the 
second place to Themistocles. ‘ 

Another example may be seen in the speech of Demosthenes against 
Macartatus, 1054. 5 : 

Compare Cicero pro Balbo, ὅ: “‘Athenis aiunt, οὰτη quidam apud 
eos, 411 sancté graviterque vixisset, et testimonium publicé dixisset, et, 
ut mos Greecorum est, jurandi causa ad aras accederet,” de. Fs 


ON THE CROWN. 57 


ballot was given for this wretch. To prove the truth of my 
statements, call me the witnesses. 


WITNESSES. 


“We, Callias of Sunium, Zenon of Phlyus, Cleon of Phale- 
rum, Demonicus of Marathon, testify for Demosthenes in the 
name of all, that, the people having formerly elected Aschines 
for their advocate before the Amphictyons on the question of 
the Delian temple, we in council determined that Hyperides 
‘was more worthy to plead on behalf of the state, and Hype- 
rides was commissioned.” 


Thus, by removing this man when he was about to plead, 
and appointing another, the council pronounced him a traitor 
and an enemy. i 

Such is one of this boy’s! political acts, similar—is it 
not ?—to what he charges me with. Now let me remind you 
of another. When Philip sent Python? of Byzantium, to- 
gether with an embassy from all his own allies, with the in- 
tention of putting our commonwealth to shame, and proving 
her in the wrong, then—when Python swaggered and poured 
a flood of abuse? upon you—I neither yielded nor gave way; 
‘I rose and answered him, and betrayed not the rights of the 
commonwealth. So plainly did I convict Philip of injustice, 
that his very allies rose up and acknowledged it; while A%s- 
chines fought his battle, and bore witness, ay, false witness, 
against his own country. | 

Nor was this enough. Again, some time afterward, he 
was found meeting Anaxinus the spy at Thraso’s house. A 


1 It means “a fine fellow,” as we say ironically. Jacobs preserves 
the original term: des Jiinglings. Pabst: Buben. Leland and §pillan: 
“this noble personage.” Francis: “ You have here one gallant instance 
of his politics.” 

meenvbesy on the same occasion when the second Philippie was 
spoken. τῇ 

PS With the original πολλῷ ῥέοντι compare Horace, Sat. I. vii. 28 :— 
Tum Prenestinus salso multoque fluenti 
Expressa arbusto regerit convicia. 

* Anaxinus was an Orite. The transaction is supposed to have oc- 
eurred Β.0. 842. Aischines, in his speech (85), asserts that the whole 
affair was a contrivance of Demosthenes, to prevent an impeachment 

with which he had"threatened him; and he reproaches Demosthenes 
with having put a man to the rack, at whose house in Oreus he had 
lodged and received hospitality. 


΄ 


58 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. . 


man, I say, who had a private meeting and conference with - 
an emissary of the foe, must himself have been a spy by na- 
ture and an enemy to his country. ‘To prove these statements, 
call me the witnesses. 


WITNESSES. 


“'Teledemus, son of Cleon, Hyperides son of Calleschrus, 
Nicomechus son of Diophantus, testify for Demosthenes, as 
they swore before the generals, that A¢schines son of Atro- 
metus of Cothocide did, to their knowledge, meet by night in 
Thraso’s house, and confer with Anaxinus, who was adjudged 
to be a spy of Philip. These depositions were returned before 
Nicias,! on the third of Hecatombzon.” . 


A vast deal besides that I could say about him I omit. 
For thus (methinks) it is. I could produce many more such 
cases, where A¢schines was discovered at that period assisting 
the enemy and harassing me. But these things are not treas- 
ured up by you for careful remembrance or proper resent- 
ment. You have, through evil custom, given large license to 
any one that chooses to supplant and calumniate your honest 
counselors, exchanging the interest of the state for the pleas- 
ure and gratification of hearing abuse; and so it is easier and 
safer always to be a hireling serving your enemies, than a 
statesman attached to you. . | es 
_ That he should co-operate openly with Philip before the 
war, was shocking—O heaven and earth! could it be other- 
wise ?—against his country! Yet allow him if you please, 
allow him this. But when the ships had openly been made 
prize, Chersonesus was ravaged, the man was marching against 
Attica, matters were no longer doubtful, war had begun— 
nothing that he ever did for you can this malicious iambic- 
mouther? show—not a resolution has A¢schines, great or small, 

1 It is uncertain whether this Nicias is the name of a spurious archon, 
or the secretary of the council, or an error for Nicomachus, who was 
archon B.c. 841. Jacobs translates it: wnter dem Nikias. Pabst, Auger, 
Leland, and Francis, the same. Spillan is with me. 

? Some of the translators, following an interpretation given by the 
grammarians (ὑβριστής, φιλολοίδορος), take this word as having refer- 
ence to the acrimonious language of Aischines, the Iambie metre having 
anciently been the vehicle of satire, as we learn from Horace, Ars 
Poet. 79, 

Archilochum proprio rabies armavit Iambo. 
But it is better to understand the epithet as having reference to the 


n 


ON THE CROWN. 59 


_concerning the interests of the state. If he asserts it, let him 
prove it now while my waterglass is running.! But there is 
none. He is reduced to an alternative ;—either he had no 
fault to find with my measures, and therefore moved none 
against them; or he sought the good of the enemy, and there- 
fore would not propose any better. 

Did he abstain from speaking as well as moving, when any 
mischief was to be done to you? Why, no one else could 
speak a word. Other things, it appears, the country could 
endure, and he could accomplish without detection: but one 
last act he achieved, O Athenians, which crowned all he had 
done before; on which he lavished that multitude of words, 
recounting the decrees against the Amphissian Locrians, in 
hopes of distorting the truth. But the thing admits it not. 
No! never will you wash yourself clean? from your perform- 
ances there—talk as long as you will! 

In your presence, men of Athens, I invoke all the gods and 
goddesses to whom the Attic territory belongs, and Pythian 


theatrical profession of Aischines. Schaefer takes it to signify a person 
who spoils the verses by bad pronunciation (“an iambic-gulper’”— 
lIamben-verschlucker).. Passow, in his dictionary, explains it of one who 
learns by heart and repeats a greatnumber of Iambics. Jacobs follows 
Sehaefer. Pabst: Jamben-schnapper.- Leland: ‘‘theatrical ranter.” 

+ The Athenians, to prevent the parties from saying more than was 
necessary, timed them by a glass, in which water trickled through a 
narrow tube, like sand in.one of our minute-glasses. The measure of 
water was not always the-same, and varied according to the import- 
ance of the cause. Mention is made of a certain quantity of water be- 
ing allowed in certain causes; but this gives us no idea of the length 
of time, as we do not know the construction of the glass. Our best 
evidence of this is the length of the speeches which have come down to 
us. Each party was commonly allowed to have two speeches, the de- 
fendant having the last reply; and the second speech might be half as 
long as the first. Ifeither got a friend to plead for him, he gave up so 
much of his own time as the friend’s speech would occupy. The ad- 
measurement of the water was seen to by the superintending magistrate. 
An officer of the court stood by the glass, and stopped it whenever a 
witness was called, or a law or other document was read to the jury. 

3 The reviewer of Lord Brougham very appositely quotes the lines 
in Macbeth, Act 11. Scene 2— 


“Will all great Neptune’s ocean wash this blood 
Clean from my hand?” 


Compare also what Lady Macbeth says, Act V. Scene I— 
“Out! damned spot,” de. 


60 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


Apollo the Father-god! of our state; and I implore them all! 
As I shall declare the truth to you, as I declared it in your 
assembly at the time, the very moment I saw this wretch put- 
ting his hand to the work—for I perceived, instantly perceived 
it—so may they grant me favor and protection! If from 
malice or personal rivalry I bring a false charge against my 
opponent, may they cut me off from every blessing! 

But wherefore this imprecation, this solemn assurance? Be- 
cause, though I have documents lying in the public archives, . 
from which I shall clearly prove my assertions, though I know 
you remember the facts, I fear this man may be considered 
unequal to the mischiefs which he has wrought; as before 
happened, when he caused the destruction of the unhappy 
Phocians by his false reports to you. ἊΝ 

The Amphissian war,? I say—which brought Philip to 
Elatea, which caused him to be chosen general of the Am- 
phictyons, which ruined every thing in Greece—was this 
man’s contrivance. He is the single author of all our heaviest 
calamities. I protested at the time, and cried out in the as- 
sembly—‘ You are bringing a war, Atschines, into Attica, an ~ 
Amphictyonic war’’—but his packed party® would not let me 
be heard; the rest wondered, and supposed that I was bringing 
an idle charge against him out of personal enmity. However, 
the real character of those transactions, the purpose for which 
they were got up, the manner in which they were accomplish- 
ed, hear ye now, men of Athens, as ye were prevented then. 
You will see that the thing was well concerted, and it will 
help you much to get a knowledge of public affairs, and what 
craftiness there was in Philip you will observe. _ 

Philip could neither finish nor get rid of the war -with 
Athens, unless he made the Thebans and Thessalians her 
enemies. Though your generals fought against him without 


1 So called as being the father of Jon, the ancient king of Athens. 
See the Ion of Euripides. 

2 See Appendix IX. 

3. Literally, ‘‘those who had come on request and were sitting to- 
gether,” 1. 6. at the special request or invitation of Alschines and his 
friends—by appointment or concert. Pabst has: welche der Verabre- 
dung gemdss zusammenhielten. Jacobs: die zufolge der Aufforderung — 
zusammenhielten. Francis, the only English translator who expresses 
the meaning, has: “some of his party, convened by him for that pur- 
pose.” But the some is wrong, for οἱ goes with συγκαθήμενοι. 


QN THE CROWN. | 61 


fortune or skill, yet from the war itself and the cruisers he suf- 
fered infinite damage. He could neither export any of the 
produce of his country, nor import what he needed. He was 
not then superior to you at sea, nor able to reach Attica, un- 
less the Thessalians followed him and the Thebans gave him a 
passage ; so that, while he overcame in war the generals whom 
you sent out—such as they were—I say nothing about that— 
he found himself distressed by the difference of your local posi- 
tion and means.!_ Should he urge either Thessalians or The- 
bans to march in his own quarrel against you, none, he thought, 
would attend to him: but should he, under the pretense of 
taking up their common cause, be elected general, he trusted 
partly by deceit and partly by persuasion to gain his ends more 
easily. He sets to work therefore—observe how cleverly—to 
get the Amphictyons into a war, and create a disturbance in 
the congress. For this he thought they would immediately 
want him. Now, if any of the presbyters commissioned by 
himself or any of his allies brought it forward, he imagined 
that both Thebans and Thessalians would suspect the thing, 
and would all be on their guard; whereas, if the agent were 
an Athenian and commissioned by you his opponents, it would 
easily pass unnoticed. And thus it turned out. 

_ How did he effect his purpose? He hires the prosecutor. 
No one (I believe) was aware of the thing or attending to it, 
and so—just as these things are usually done at Athens— 
ZEschines was proposed for Pylean deputy, three or four held 
up their hands for him, and his election was declared. When 
clothed with thé dignity of the state he arrived among the 
Amphictyons, dismissing and disregarding all besides, he 
hastened to execute what he was hired for. He makes up a 
_ pretty speech and story, showing how the Cirrhean plain 
came to be conseerated; reciting this to the presbyters, men 
unused to speeches and unsuspicious of amy consequences, he 
procures a vote from them to walk round the district, which 


1 That is, the position of the countries that were the seat of war, and 
the different character of the resources which each of the belligerent 
parties possessed. For example, Philip’s standing army could not pre- 
vent the Athenians annoying him with their fleets and cruisers. Jacobs: 
durch die Natur der Ocertlichkeit und durch das, was Beiden zu Gebot 
stand. ; 

2 Jacobs: so hoffe er leichter, hier durch Beriickung, dort durch Ueber- 

redung, zum Zicle zu kommen. 


62 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


the Amphissians maintained they had a right to cultivate, but 
which he charged to be parcel of the sacred plain. The Lo- 
crians were not then instituting any suit against us, or any. 
- such proceeding as éschines now falsely alleges.1_ This will 
show you—It was impossible (I fancy) for the Locrians to 
carry on process against our commonwealth without a cita- 
tion. Who summoned us then? In whose archonship? Say 
who knows—point him out. You can not. Your pretense 
was flimsy and false. | 
When the Amphictyons at the instance of this man walke 

over the plain, the Locrians ‘fell upon them and well-nigh 
speared them all; some of the presbyters they carried off 
captive. Complaints having followed, and war being stirred 
up against the Amphyssians, at first Cottyphus led an army 
composed entirely of Amphictyons; but as some never came, 
and those that came did nothing, measures were taken against 
the ensuing congress by an instructed gang, the old traitors 
of Thessaly and other states, to get the command for Philip.” 
And they had found a fair pretext: for it was necessary, they 
said, either to subsidize themselves and maintain a ‘mercenary 
force and fine all recusants, or to elect him. What need of 
many words? He was thereupon chosen general; and im- 
mediately afterward collecting an army, and marching pro- 
fessedly against Cirrha, he bids a long farewell to the Cir- 
rhzans and Locrians, and seizes Elatea. Had not the The- 
bans, upon seeing this, immediately changed their minds 
and sided with us, the whole thing ‘would have fallen like a 
torrent upon our country. As it was, they for the instant? 
stoppetl him; chiefly, O Athenians, by the kindness of some 
divinity to Athens, but secondly,* as far as it could depend on 


+ Aischines had stated in his speech (70), that the Amphissian Locri- © 
ans proposed to fine the Athenians fifty talents, for an inscription which 
they had put on a golden shield in the temple, commemorating the 
alliance of the Thebans with Persia. This he alleged to have been the 
cause of his own proceeding against them. See, as to all these details, 
Appendix IX. 

2 Pabst: wirkten die von den Thessaliern und aus andern Stédten, 
welche dazu schon angeleitet und lingst schlecht gesinnt waren, dass Phil- 
ipp zum Feldherrn erwihlt ward. ͵ 

3 Jacobs: hielten Jene ihn wenigstens vom plitzlichen Vordringen ab. 
Pabst: hielten Jene wenigstens den plitzlichen Andrang auf. 

* Brougham expresses εἶτα by ‘under Providence.” Leland had 
given the same turn before him. And it is a good one. 


ON THE CROWN. _ | 63 


a single man, through me. Give me those decrees, and the 

dates of the several transactions, that you may know what 
mischief this pestilent creature has stirred up with impunity. 
Read me the decrees. 


THE DECREE OF THE AMPHICTYONS. 


“Jn the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring congress, it 
hath been resolved by the deputies and councilors! of the 
Amphictyons, and by the assembly of the Amphictyons, 
seeing that the Amphissians trespass upon the sacred plain 
and sow and depasture it with cattle, that the deputies and 
councilors*do enter thereupon and define the boundaries with 
pillars, and enjoin the Amphissians not to trespass for the 
future.”’ 


ANOTHER DECREE. 


“Tn the prieshood of Clynagoras,? at the spring congress, 
it hath been resolved by the deputies and councilors of the 
Amphictyons and by the assembly of the Amphictyons, see- 
ing that the people of Amphissa have partitioned among them- 
‘selves the sacred plain and cultivate and feed cattle upon 
the same, and on being interrupted have come in arms, and 

+ with force resisted the general council of the Greeks, and have 
wounded some of them: that Cottyphus the Arcadian,? who 
hath been elected general of the Amphictyons, be sent em- 
bassador to Philip of Macedon, and do request him to come 
to the aid of Apollo and the Amphictyons, that he may not 
‘suffer the god to be insulted by the impious Amphissians ; 
and do announte that the Greeks who are members of the 
Amphictyonic Council appoint him general with absolute 
powers.” 


Now read the dates of these transactions. They correspond 
with the time when schines was deputy. . Read. 


1 As to the constitution of the Amphictyonic Council, see Appendix I. 

3 The name of the priest seems to mark the year, as that of the 
archon at Athens. As this decree must have been passed at a differ- 
ent congress from the one first cited, it has been conjectured that either 
the name of the priest is wrong, or that ὀπωρινῆς should be read here 
instead of ἐαρινῆς. See Appendix IX. 

* Aschines calls Cottyphus a Pharsalian. Winiewski supposes he 
may have migrated from Arcadia to Pharsalus. Or Φαρσάλιος may be 
an error for Ilafpdazoc. 


64 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


DATES. 


ἐς Mnesithides! archon, on the sixteenth of the month An- 
thesterion.” 


_ Now give me the letter which, when the Thebans would 
not hearken to Philip, he sends to his allies in Peloponnesus, 


that you may plainly see even from this, how the true motives — 


of his enterprise, his designs against Greece and the Thebans 
and yourselves, were concealed by him, while he affected to be 
taking measures for the common good under a decree of the 
Amphictyons. The man who furnished him with these han- 
dles and pretexts was Aischines. Read. 


THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 


‘Philip, king of Macedon, to the magistrates? and coun- 
cilors of the confederate Peloponnesians and to all*the other 
allies greeting : Whereas the Locrians surnamed Ozolian, dwell- 
ing in Amphissa, commit sacrilege against the temple of 
Apollo at Delphi, and coming with arms despoil the sacred 
plain, I propose with your assistance to avenge the god, and, 
to chastise people who violate any part of our recognized reli- 
gion. Wherefore meet me with arms in Phocis, bringing pro- . 
visions for forty days, in the ensuing month of Lous, as we 


style it, Boedromion, as the Athenians, Panemus, as the Co- - 


ΔΗ Those who do not meet us with all their forces, 
we shall visit with punishment.’ Farewell.” 

You see, he avoids all private pleas, and has recourse to an 
Amphictyonic. Who was it, I say, that helped him to this 
contrivance—that lent him tices excuses ἢ. ho is most to 
blame for the misfortunes which have happened? .Surely 
fEschines. -Then* go not about saying, O Athenians, that 


᾿ 1? The archon is wrong. It was Theophrastus, as we learn from the 
speech of Aischines, 
5 Δημιοῦργοι was the title given to magistrates in many of the Pelo- 
ponnesian states, especially in Elis and Achaia. 
31 have followed the reading of Schaefer and Jacobs, who omit the 
words τοῖς δὲ συμβούλοις ἡ ἡμὶν κειμένοις. Pabst follows Wolf and Taylor, 
who read τοῖς δὲ ἡμῖν συναντήσασι πανδημεὶ χρησόμεθα συμβούλοις, τοῖς 
δὲ μὴ προσθεμένοις ἐπιζημίοις. Spillan renders it: “Such as attend us 
with all their forces we shall use as our advisers, those who obey us 
not we shall fine.” 

4 Leland renders this: ‘‘ Yet mistake me not, Athenians: when our 
public calamities are the subject of your conversation, say not that we 


᾿΄' 


ON THE CROWN. 65 


one man has inflicted these calamities on Greece. Heaven 
and earth! It was not a single man, but a number of mis- 
creants in every state. -Auschines was one of them; and, 
were I obliged to speak the truth without reserve, I should 
not hesitate to call him the common pest? of all that have 
since been ruined, men, places, cities: for whoever supplies 
the seed, to him the crop is owing. I marvel indeed you 
turned not your faces away the moment. you beheld him. 
But there is a thick darkness, it seems, between you and the 
truth. 

The mention of this man’s treasonable acts brings me to 
the part which I have myself taken in opposition to him. It 
is fair you should hear my account of it for many reasons, but 
chiefly, men of Athens, because it would be a shame, when I 
have undergone the toil of exertions on your behalf, that you 
should not endure the bare recital of them. 

When I saw that the Thebans, and I may add the Athe- 
nians, were so led away by Philip’s partisans and the cor- 
rupt men of either state, as to disregard and take no precau- 

*tion against a danger which menaced both, and required the 
utmost precaution, (I mean the suffering Philip’s power to in- 
crease,) and were readily disposed to. enmity and strife with 
each other; I was constantly watchful to prevent it, not only 
because in my own judgment I deemed such vigilance expe- 
dient, but knowing that Aristophon, and again Eubulus, had 
all along desired to bring about that union, and, while they 
were frequently opposed upon other matters, were always 
agreed upon this. Men whom in their lifetime—yourreptile! 
—you pestered with flattery, yet See not that you are ac- 
cusing them in their graves:* for the Theban policy that 


owe them entirely to a single person.” From this it appears that he 
understood ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς to mean Atschines. I agree with those interpret- 
ers who understand it of Philip. 

? Compare Virgil, Aineid ΤΙ. 573: . 

Troje et patriz communis Erinnys. 

And Cicero, Philippic II. “Ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublice 
causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit.” That Cicero had this pas- 
sage of Demosthenes in his eye, appears also from another sentence, 
occurring shortly before— Ut igitur in seminibus est causa arborum 
et stirpium, sic hujus luctuosissimi belli semen tu fuisti.” 

3 Kivadog has been variously rendered by the translators. The idea 
intended to be conveyed is that of a sly, sneaking fellow. Spillan has: 


66 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


you reproach me with is a charge less affecting me than 
them, who approved that alliance before I did. But I must 
return.—I say, when Aéschines had excited the war in Am- 
phissa, and his coadjutors had helped to establish enmity 
with Thebes, Philip marched against us—that was the object 
for which these persons embroiled the states—and had we 
not roused up a little in time, we could never have recovered 
ourselves: so far had these men carried matters. In what 
position you then stood to each other, you will learn from 
the recital of these decrees and answers. Here, take and 
read them. | 
DECREE.! Pe 
‘In the archonship of Heropythus, on the twenty-fifth of 
the month Elaphebolion, in the presidency of the Erechtheian 
tribe, by the advice of the Council and the Generals: Where- 
as Philip hath taken possession of certain neighboring cities, 
and is besieging others, and finally is preparing to advance 
against Attica, setting our treaty at nought, and designs to 
break his oaths and the peace, in violation of our common 
engagements: The Council and People have resolved to send’ 
unto him embassadors, who shall confer with him, and ex- 
hort him above all to maintain his relations of amity with us 
and his convention, or if not, to give time to the Common- 
wealth for deliberation, and conclude an armistice until the 
‘month Thargelion. These have been chosen from the Coun- 
cil; Simus of Anagyrus, Euthydemus of Phlyus, Bulagoras of 
Alopece.”’ ; 
ANOTHER DECREE. ! ; 
“In the archonship of Heropythus, on the last day of the 
month Munychion, by the advice of the Polemarch: Where- 
as Philip designs to put the Thebans at variance with us, 
and hath prepared to advance with his whole army to the 
places nearest to Attica, violating the engagements that sub- 
sist between us, the Council and People have resolved to send 


“base wretch.” Francis: “vile animal.” Leland: ‘scandal to hu- 
manity.” Brougham: “crafty creature.” Jacobs: Schlange. Pabst: 
schlauer Fuchs. Auger: “coeur faux et perfide.” 

I have followed Bekker’s reading of αἰσθάνει. But the other trans- 
lators read αἰσχύνει, which is found in most manuscripts. 

1 The archon in this and the following decree is wrong, Lysimach- 
ides having been archon in the year when these events happened. 


ON THE CROWN. 67 


unto him a herald and embassadors, who shall request. and 
call upon him to conclude an armistice, so that the people 
may take measures according to circumstances; for now they 


do not purpose to march out in the event of any thing reason- 


able.1 Nearchus, son of Sosinomus and Polycrates son of 
Epiphron have been chosen from the Council; and for herald, 
Eunomus of Anaphlystus from the People.” 


Now read the answers :— 


; THE ANSWER TO THE ATHENIANS. 

“Philip king of Macedon to the Council and People of 
Athens greeting: Of the part which you have taken in refer- 
ence to me from the beginning I am not ignorant, nor what 
exertions you are making to gain over the Thessalians and 
Thebans, and also the Beeotians. Since they are more pru- 
dent, and will not submit their choice to your dictation, but 
stand by their own interest, you shift your ground, and send- 
ing embassadors and a herald to me, you talk of engagements 
and ask for an armistice, although I have given you no offense. 
However I have given audience to your embassadors, and I 
agree to your request and am ready to conclude an armistice, 
if you will dismiss your evil counselors and degrade them as 
they deserve. Farewell.” 


τ THE ANSWER TO THE THEBANS. 


“Philip king of Macedon to the Council and People of 
Thebes greeting: I have received your letter, wherein you 
renew peace and amity with me. I am informed however 
that the Athenians are most earnestly soliciting you to 
accept their overtures. I blamed you at first, for being in- 
clined to put faith in their promises and to espouse their 
policy. But since I have discovered that you would rather 
maintain peace with me than follow the counsels of others, I 


1 That is, “if Philip conducts himself with moderation—with toler- 
able forbearance—grants reasonable conditions—or the like.” The 
commentators have been puzzled by this sentence. Lord Brougham 
thinks it was purposely made obscure by the Athenians, to avoid com- 
mitting themselves. Schaefer sees in it the symptoms of irresolution 
and despondency. Jacobs: denn jetzt hat es noch nicht beschlossen 
auszuriicken bei irgend mdssigen Bedingungen. Pabst: denn jetzt ist 
das Volk bei Bewilligung ertriglicher Bedingungen keineswegs entschlossen 
gegen Philipp auszuriicken, 


ww 


ἂν 


68 THE-ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


praise you the more on divers accounts, but chiefly because 
you have consulted in this business for your safety, and pre- 
serve your attachment to me, which I trust will be of no | 
small moment to you, if you persevere in that determination. | 
Farewell.” 


Philip having thus disposed the states toward each other 
by his contrivances, and being elated by these decrees and 
answers, came with his army and seized Elatea, confident 
that, happen what might, you and the Thebans could never 
again unite. What commotion there was in the city you all 
know; but let me just mention the most striking circum- 
stances. 

It was evening. A person came with a message to the 
presidents, that Elatea was taken. ‘They rose from supper 
immediately, drove off the people. from their market-stalls, 


and set fire to the wicker-frames;! others sent for the 


generals and called the trumpeter; and the city was full of 
commotion. ‘The next morning at daybreak the presidents 
summoned the council to their hall, and you went to the 


‘assembly, and before they could introduce or prepare the 


question,? the whole people were up in their seats. When 
the council had entered, and the presidents had reported 
their intelligence and presented the courier, and he had 
made his statement, the crier asked—‘‘Who wishes to 
speak ?”—and no one came forward. The crier put the 


1 Reiske thinks the object of this proceeding was to clear the ground 
of the market, that the people might be stationed there in arms durin 
the night. Leland says it was “to clear the place for an assembly, ant 
in their confusion and impatience they took the speediest and most 
violent method.” But the assembly was held in the Pnyx, and not in 


the market. Another writer has conjectured that the presidents meant ™ | 


to force the citizens to attend to public business.. Schaefer’s is the more 
probable explanation, that the stalls were burned for a fire-signal, to 
bring the people from the rural districts into the city. Jom 

? According to the usual course of law, the council prepared and 
drew up some formal,question or bill to be submitted to the people. 
This was the προβούλευμα. In the present case, being a special meeting . 
on a sudden emergency, they would probably draw up nothing more 
than the heads of a question, to be afterward put in the shape of a de- 
eree if necessary. Jacobs translates these words: ehe der Senat noch 
sein Geschift vollbracht und einen voléufingen Beschluss gefasst hatte. 
Pabst:. ehe noch der Senat seine Verhandlungen beendigt und ein Gut- 
achten abgefasst hatte. See Schémann, de Comitiis, chap. ix. , 

3. On the hill of the Pnyx. ; a 


ON THE CROWN. 69 


question repeatedly—still no man rose, though all the gener- 
als were present and all the orators, and our country with 
her common voice called for some one to speak and save her 
—for when the crier raises his voice according to law, it may 
justly be deemed the common voice of our countrys‘ If those 
who desired the salvation of Athens were the proper parties 
to come forward, all of you and the other Athenians would 
have risen and mounted the platform; for I am sure you all 


desired her salvation—if those of greatest wealth, the three-- 


hundred!—if those who were both, friendly to the state and 


wealthy, the men who afterward gave such ample donations; ΄ 


for patriotism and wealth produced the gift. But that occa- 
sion, that day, as it seems, called not only for a patriot and a 
wealthy man, but for one who had closely followed the pro- 


ceedings from their commencement, and rightly calculated for | 


what object and purpose Philip carried them on. A man who 
was ignorant of these matters, or had not long and carefully 
studied them, let him be ever so patriotic or wealthy, would 
neither see what measures were needful, nor be competent to 
advise you. 


Well then—I was the man called for upon that day. I | 


eame forward and addressed you. What 1 said,.I beg you 
for two reasons attentively to hear—first, to be convinced, that 
of all your orators and statesmén I alone deserted not the 
patriot’s post? in the hour of danger, but was found in the 
very moment:-of panic speaking and moving what your neces- 
sities required—secondly, because at the expense of a little 
time you will gain large experience for the future in all your 
political concerns.3 

I said—those who were in such alarm under the idea that 
Philip had got the Thebans with him did not, in my opinion, 


' See Vol. I. pp. 52, 301. 

? Auger has the following note, whether fanciful or not, I leave to 
the judgment of the reader :—“On doit remarquer que Démosthene 
affecte de se servir de ce mot poste dans plusieurs endroits de son dis- 
cours, comme pour faire entendre que 81] avoit, comme guerrier, aban- 


donné son poste & la bataille de Chéronée, il ne l’avoit jamais aban- . 


donné, comme ministre, & la téte des affaires.” 

3 Τῆς πάσης πολιτείας, ‘the whole range of politics—that political 
knowledge which concerned the Athenian public.” As Lord Brougham 
expresses it: ‘‘you may acquire a fuller insight into our whole polity 
for the future.” Leland and Spillan refer it wrongly to the political 
- actions of Demosthenes. 


70 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


understand the position of affairs; for I was sure, had that 
really been so, we should have heard not of his being at Ela- 
tea, but upon our frontiers: he was come however, I knew 
for certain, to make all right for himself in Thebes. “ Let 


~*me inform you,” said I, “how the matter stands.—AlIl the 


Thebans whom it was possible either to bribe or deceive he 
has- at his command ;! those who have resisted him from the 
first and still oppose him he can in ‘no way prevail upon: 

what then is his meaning, and why has he’ seized upon 
Elatea? He means, by displaying a force in the neighbor- 
hood, and bringing up his troops, to encourage and embolden 
his friends, to intimidate his adversaries, that they may either 
concede from fear what they now refuse, or be compelled. 
Now’”—said I—‘‘if we determine on the present occasion to 
remember any unkindness which the Thebans have done us, 
and to regard them in the character of enemies with distrust, 
in the first place, we shall be doing just what Philip would 
desire; in the next place, I fear, his present adversaries em- 
bracing his friendship and all Philippizing with one consent, 
they will both march against Attica. But if you will-hearken 
to me, and be pleased to examine (not cavil at) what I say, I 
believe it -will meet your approval, andgJ shall dispel the 


~,danger impending over Athens. What then do I advise ?— 


First, away with your present fear; and rather fear all of ye 
for the Thebans—they are nearer harm than we are—to them 


the peril is more immediate :—next I say, march to Eleusis, 


all the fighting-men and the cavalry, and show yourselves to 


the world in arms, that your partisans in Thebes may have™ 


equal liberty to speak up for the good cause, knowing that, as 


the faction who sell their country to Philip have an army to — 
support them at Elatea,so the party that will contend for 


freedom have your assistance at hand if they are assailed. 


Ὁ Further I recommend you to elect ten embassadors, and em- 


power them in conjunction with the generals to fix the time 
for going there and for the out-march. |, When the embassa- 
dors have arrived at Thebes, how do I advise that you should 
treat the matter? Pray attend particularly to this—Ask 


nothing of the Thebans; (it would be dishonorable at this © 


time ;) but offer to assist them if they require it, on the plea 


So Lord Brougham, whom I have followed; and so Jacobs ex: 
presses it: Aat er alle in seiner Gewalt. 


~ 


ON THE CROWN. 71 


_ that they are in extreme danger, and we see the future better 
than they do. If they accept this offer and hearken to our 
counsels, so shall we have accomplished what we desire, and 
our conduct will look! worthy of the state: should we mis- 
carry, they will have themselves to blame for any error com- 
mitted now, and we shall have done nothing dishonorable or 

mean.” 

+ This and more to the like effect I spoke, and left the plat- 
' form. It was approved by all; not a word was said against 
me. Nor did I make the speech without moving, nor make 
the motion without undertaking the embassy, nor undertake 
the embassy without prevailing on the Thebans.2— From the 
beginning to the end I went through it all; I gave myself 
entirely to your service, to meet the dangers which encom- 

passed Athens. | 
Produce me the decree which then passed. Now, Aischines, 
how would you have me describe you, and how myself, upon 
that day? Shall I call myself Batalus,? your nickname of 
reproach, and you not even a hero of the common sort, but 
one of those upon the stage, Cresphontes or Creon, or the 


? [have taken προσχήματος as Jacobs, Pabst, Auger, Leland, and Spil- 
lan have taken it. Compare Sophocles, Electra, 680, and Brunck’s note. 
ἐπεὶ yap ἦλθον εἰς τὸ κλεινὸν Ελλάδος 
. πρόσχημ᾽ ἀγῶνος: 
But the sense of “‘ pretext,” in which Schaefer understands the word, 
is by no means unsuitable to the passage. 

? Lord Brougham has a good note on the different modes of turning 
this famous climax, which is cited as an example by Quinctilian, and 
thus imitated by Cicero, pro Milone,—‘‘ Neque vero se populo solum 
sed etiam Senatui commisit ; neque Senatui modo, sed etiam publicis 
tana et armis ; neque iis tantum, verum etiam ejus potestati cui 

natus totam rempublicam, omnem Italie pacem, cuncta populi Ro- 
mani arma commiserat.” 

3 The origin of this nickname is doubtful. The early critics were 
not agreed upon it, as we learn from Plutarch, Libanius, in the Life of 
Demosthenes, says that Batalus was an effeminate flute-player in Asia 
Minor; which seems to agree with the words of Aischines, in his speech 

_ on the Embassy, (p. 41,) where he says that Demosthenes was called 
_ Batalus when a boy, δι’ αἰσχρουργίαν καὶ xivadiav; afterward he re- 
ceived the name of ᾿Αργὰς (a sort of serpent), on account of the un- 
natural action against his guardians; and, in his later years, Συκοφαντὴς, 
“the common name of all scoundrels.” Compare page 45 of the same 
speech ; and pages 17 and 18 of the speech against Timarchus, where 
it is alleged, that Demosthenes himeeligeked about the name of Batalus, 
and said it was a term of endearment used by his aunt. 





"Ὁ: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


CEnomaus whom you execrably murdered once at Colyttus ?? 
Well; upon that occasion I the Batalus of Pzania was more 
‘serviceable to the state than you the G2nomaus of Cothocide. 
You were of no earthly use; I did every thing which became 
a good citizen. Read the decree. . 
THE DECREE OF DEMOSTHENES. } . 

‘‘Jn the archonship of Nausicles,? in the presidency of the 
ZEantian tribe, on the sixteenth of Scirophorion, Demosthenes 
son of Demosthenes of Peania moved: Whereas Philip king 
of Macedon hath in time past been violating the treaty οὗ 
peace made between him and the Athenian people, in con- 
tempt of his oaths and those laws of justice which are recog- 
nized among all the Greeks, and hath been annexing unto 
himself cities that no way belong to him, and hath besieged - 
and taken some which belong to the Athenians without any 
provocation by the people of Athens, and at the present 
time he is making great advances in cruelty and violence, 
forasmuch as in certain Greek cities he puts garrisons and 
overturns their constitution, some he razes to the ground 
and sells the inhabitants for slaves, in some he replaces a 
Greek population with barbarians, giving them possession of 
the temples and sepulchres, acting in no way foreign to his 
own country or character, making an insolent use of his — 
present fortune, and forgetting that from a petty and insignifi- 
cant person he has come to be unexpectedly great: and the 
people of Athens, so long as they saw him annexing barbarian 
or private cities of their own,’ less seriously regarded the 


1 Cresphontes, king of Messenia, and one of the Heraclidz, was the 
hero of a lost play of Euripides; Creon is the well known character in 
the Gidipus and Antigone of Sophocles: Ginomaus, the king of Elis, 
and father of Hippodamia, was the hero of a tragedy of Ischander, in 
the performance of which A‘schines was hissed off the stage at Colyt- 
tus, one of the Attic townships. hacks 

3 The archon was Lysimachides. ier 

3 Jacobs: dass er nur barbarische, wenn gleich ihm angehérige Stidte 
wegnahm. Pabst: die zwar diesem Volke gehdorten, aber von Barbaren 
bewohnt waren. They have both adopted Schaefer's interpretation of 
ἰδίας, as Ihave done. Schaefer thus comments on the passage: “ Scili- 
cet totius psephismatis hee vis, hic tenor est, ut Athenienses arma sum- 
ere videantur, non suorum causd commodorum, que amissa recuperent, 
sed ob communem Greciz salutem. Ceterum hoe decretum numerem 
in illustrissimis monumentis summe Atheniensium vanitatis, eui ora- — 
tores ita velificarenter, ut vel e mythicis temporibus mellitos verborum 
globulos repeterent.” ae 


vay 


ν»- 


iF 


- 


- 


---ρ-ρ-- ψ “ 


ON THE CROWN. 13 


offense given to themselves, but now that they see Greek 
7 cities outraged and some destroyed, they think it would be 
- monstrous and unworthy of their ancestral glory to look on 
while the Greeks are enslaved: Therefore it is resolved by the 
Council and People of Athens, that having prayed and sacri- 
ficed to the gods and heroes who protect the Athenian city 
and territory, bearing in mind the virtue of their ancestors, 
who deemed it of greater moment to preserve the liberty of 
Greece than their own country, they will put two hundred 
_ ghips to sea, and their admiral shall sail up into the straits 
of Thermopylez, and their general, and commander of horse 
shall march with the infantry and cavalry to Eleusis, and 
embassadors shall be sent to the other Greeks, and first of all 
to the ‘Thebans, because Philip is nearest their territory, and 
shall exhort them without dread of Philip to maintain thgir 
own independence and that of Greece at large, and assure 
them that the Athenian people, not remembering any variance 
which has formerly arisen between the countries, will assist 
them with troops and money and weapons and arms, feeling 
that for them (being Greeks) to contend among themselves 
for the leadership is honorable, but to be commanded and de- 
: prived of the leadership by a man of foreign extraction is de- 
_rogatory to the renown of the Greeks and the virtue of their — 
__ ancestors: further, the people of Athens do not regard the 
people of Thebes as aliens either in blood or race; they re- 
member also the benefits conferred by their ancestors upon 
- the ancestors of the Thebans; for they restored the children 
ofHercules who were kept by the Peloponnesians out of their 
hereditary dominion, defeating in battle those who attempted 
to resist the descendants of Hercules; and we gave shelter to 
Cédipus and his comrades in exile; and many other kind 
and generous acts have been done by us to the Thebans: 
wherefore now also the people of Athens will not desert the 
interests of the Thebans and the other Greeks: And let a 
ὧν treaty be entered into with them for alliance and intermar- 
riage, and oaths be mutually exchang Embassadors: De- 
mosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pzania, Hyperides son of 
Cleander of Spettus, Mnesithides son of Antiphanes of Phre- 
-arrii, Democrates son of Sophilus of Phlyus, Callzeschrus son 
of Diotimus of Cothocide.” 
That, was the commencement and first step in the negotia-. « 
: Vou. IL—D - Ι 


ok 


ge 


᾿ 


74 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


tion with Thebes:! before then the countries had been led by 
these men into discord and hatred and jealousy. ‘That decree 
caused the peril which then surrounded us to pass away like. 
a cloud. It was the duty of a good citizen, if he had any 
better plan, to disclose it at the time, not to find fault now. 
A statesman and a pettifogger,? while in no other respect are 
they alike, in this most widely differ. The one declares his 
Opinion before the proceedings, and makes himself responsi- 
ble to his followers, to fortune, to the times, to all men: the 
other is silent when he ought to speak; at any untoward 
event he grumbles. Now, as I said before, the time for a 
man who regarded the commonwealth, and for honest coun- 
sel, was then: however I will go to this extent°—if any one 
now can point out a better course, or indeed if any other was 
practicable but the one which I adopted, I confess that I was 
wrong. For if there be any measure now discovered, which 
(executed then) would have been to our advantage, I say it 


1-Jacobs: Dies war der Anfang und das erste Verfahren in der 
thebdischen Sache. Pabst: Dies war der Anfang und der erste Schritt, 
der in den Angelegenheiten der Thebener gethan wurde. sd, 

* Lord Brougham, objecting to Leland’s translation of ‘‘syeophant,” 
says, ‘‘he might as well call a player a ‘hypocrite,’ or a peasant a 
‘villain.’” This criticism I assent to; yet it 15 not easy to find an apt 
word for συκοφάντης, and hence the German translators, as well as some 
of the English, have retained the Greek term. It has various modifi- 
cations of meaning in the Orators, all having reference, more or less 
remote, to the original meaning of an “informer.” (See my article — 
Συκοφάντης in the Archeological Dictionary, where this is fully ex- 

lained.) It may often be rendered “a slanderer,” andso Auger renders 
it here, ‘“‘calomniateur.” Sometimes it denotes a “ vexatious meddler;” 
a “malignant and sneaking enemy.” Thus Demosthenes says, πονηρὸν 
ὁ συκοφάντης καὶ βάσκανον. And again, συκοφάντης τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν, αἰτιῶσθαι 
μὲν πάντα, ἐξελέγχειν δὲ μηδέν. And (as we have seen) dischines says 
it was a common name for all scoundrels. 

As contrasted with σύμβουλος, an honest adviser or statesman, it 
signifies a factious politician, one who seeks his own interest or that 
of his party, or the gratification of private malice, rather than the good 
of his country; one capable of doing the things which Demosthenes 
charges his αὐλήν ἐδ wi Such a person may be called a pettifogger 
in politics, just as a dirty practitioner is called a pettifogger in the law. 
The version, I must admit, is not perfectly satisfactory, yet it seems 
preferable to any other single word. Lord Brougham’s “partisan” is 
too weak. If I chose to use two words, I would say “an honest poli- 
tician and a factious one,” &e. 

> “(1 will go to this extreme length in making concession.” Or as 
Lord Brougham has it: “I will go to such an excess of candor.” 





‘ > 


ON THE CROWN. 78 


ought not to have escaped me. But if there is none, if there 
was none, if none can be suggested even at this day, what was 
a statesman to do? ‘Was he not to choose the best measures 
within his reach and view? ‘That did I, Aéschines, when the . 
crier asked, “ Who wishes to speak ?’”—not, ‘* Who wishes to 
complain about the past, or to guarantee the future?” While 
you on those occasions sat mute in the assembly, I came for- 
ward and spake. However, as you omitted then, tell us now. 
Say, what scheme that I ought to have devised, what favor- 
able opportunity was lost to the state by my neglect ?—what 


alliance was there, what better plan, to which I should have ©. 


directed the people? But no! © The past is with all the world ἢ 

given up; no one even proposes to deliberate about it: the fu-~ 
ture it is, or the present, which demands the action of a coun- 
selor. At the time, as it appeared, there were dangers im- 
pending, and dangers at hand. Mark the line of my policy at 
that crisis; don’t rail at the event. The end of all things is 
what the Deity pleases: his line of policy it is that shows the — 
judgment of the statesman. Do not then impute it asa crime 
to me that Philip chanced to conquer in battle: that issue de- 
pended not on me, but on God. Prove that I adopted not all 
measures that according to human calculation were feasi- 
ble—that I did not honestly and diligently and with exertions 
beyond my strength carry them out—or that my enterprises 
were not honorable and worthy of the state and necessary. 
Show me this, and accuse me as soon as you like. But if the’. 
hurricane that visited us hath been too powerful, not for us 
only, but for all Greece besides, what is the fair course?! As 
if a merchant, after taking every precaution, and furnishing 
his vessel with every thing that he thought would insure her 
safety, because afterward he met with a storm and his tackle 
was strained or broken to pieces, should be charged with the 


' The Orator, as Schaefer rightly observes, suppresses the answer to 
his own question, which, if fully expressed, would be @ follows:—‘‘ The 
fair thing is, not to blame me for events which were inevitable. You 
eh as well blame a shipowner,” &c. Leland saw the true meaning, 
and expresses it in his translation: ‘‘What then? AmI to be accused? 

_ With equal justice might the trader,” ὥς. And thus Auger: “ Que faire, 
je vous prie? Faut il m’imputer ce contre-temps?” &e. Other translators 
have read χρῆν apparently, and misconceived the sense of the passage. 
I have thought it better to preserve the looseness of the original, which 

is not at all unnatural, and will not mislead the intélligent reader. 


Sh 


SC) 


76 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


shipwreck! ‘Well, but I was not the pilot”—he might say— 
just as I was not the general.—‘‘ Fortune was not under my 


control: all was under hers.” 


Consider and reflect upon this—If, with the Thebans on our 
side, we were destined so to fare in the contest, what was to be 
expected, if we had never had them for allies, but they had 
joined Philip, as he used every effort of persuasion to make 
them do?! And if, when the battle was fought three days’ 
march from Attica, such peril and alarm surrounded the city, 
what must we have expected, if the same disaster had happened 


“in some part of our territory? As it was (do you see?) we 


could stand, meet, breathe; mightily did one, two, three days, 
help to our preservation :* in the other case—but it is wrong 
to mention things, of which we have been spared the trial by 
the favor of some deity, and by our protecting ourselves with 
the very alliance which you assail. 

All this, at such length, have I addressed to you, men of the 
jury, and to the outer circle of hearers; for, as to this con- 
temptible fellow, a short and plain argument would suffice. 

If the future was revealed to you, Aéschines, alone, when 
the state was deliberating on these proceedings, you ought to 
have forewarned us at the time. If you did not foresee it, 


1 That is, Philip, by his letters and by his embassies. Compare p. 
301, ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν οἵας τότ᾽ ἠφίει φωνὰς ὁ Φίλιππος k. τ. A. Most of the 
translators take ἐκεῖνος to mean Aischines. The writer of an article in 
the Edinburgh Review, vol. xxxvi. p. 483, said to have been the late 
Justice Williams, has the following note:—“ If ἐκεῖνος be the true read- 
ing, we are aware that Philip must be meant. But the spirit of the 
passage itself, and the analogy of the whole oration, lean to οὗτος, as we 
translate it.” I can not assent to this criticism. The orator wishes to 
impress upon his hearers the great importance which Philip attached to 
the alliance of Thebes. He does not mean to charge A’schines with 
openly advocating Philip’s cause: on the contrary, he represents Ais- 
chines as having then held his tongue. Leland saw the true meaning. 
His version is: ‘‘ but united with our enemy in compliance with all his 
urgent solicitations.” So did Auger, whom the Edinburgh reviewer 
calls ‘‘a babblingy cackling Frenchman.” His version is: “ce prince 
alors épuisoit sa politique pour s’attacher ce peuple.” The Germans 


are wrong. 


3 The infinitives, στῆναι, συνελθεῖν, ἀναπνεῦσαι, depend upon ἔδοσαν. 
I have given a turn in the translation to preserve the force of the orig- 
inal. The translators, all but Jacobs, have made a shocking mess of 
this passage. Jacobs: Weisst Du nicht, dass jetz ein und zwei und drei 
Tage uns aufrecht zu stehn, zusammen zu kommen, aufzuathmen, und vie- 


les Andre der Stad®zur Retiung verschafit haben ? _ 


* 
ON THE CROWN. eh 


you are responsible for the same ignorance as the rest. Why 
then do you accuse me in this behalf, rather than I you? 
A better citizen have I been than you in respect of the 

matters of which I am speaking, (others I discuss not at 
present,) inasmuch as I gave myself up to what seemed for 
the general good, not shrinking from any personal danger, 
nor taking thought of any; while you neither suggested 
better measures, (or mine would not have. been adopted,) nor 
lent any aid in the prosecuting of mine: exactly what the 
basest person and worst enemy of the state would do, are you 
found to have done after the event; and at the same time 
Aristratus in Naxos and Aristolaus in Thasos, the deadly foes 
of our state, are bringing to trial the friends of Athens, and 


4Eschines at Athens is accusing Demosthenes. Surely the ~ 


man, who waited to found his reputation upon the misfor- 
tunes of the Greeks,! deserves rather to perish than to accuse 
another; nor is it possible that one, who has profited by the 
same conjunctures as the enemies of the commonwealth, can 
be a well-wisher of his country. You show yourself by your 
life and conduct, by your political action, and even your 
political inaction.* Is any thing going on that appears good 
for the people? Aéschines is mute. Has any thing untoward 
happened or amiss? Forth comes /Eschines ; just as fractures 
and sprains are put in motion, when the body is attacked 
with disease. 

But since he insists so strongly on the event, I will even 
assert something of a paradox: and I beg and pray of you 
not to marvel at its boldness, but kindly to consider what I 
say. If then the results had been foreknown to all, if all 
had foreseen them, and you, Aéschines, had foretold them and 
protested with clamor and outcry—you that never opened 
your mouth—not even then should the Commonwealth have 
abandoned her design, if she had any regard for glory, or 
ancestry, or futurity. As it is, she appears to have failed in 


+ Literally : ‘‘for whom the misfortunes of the Greeks were kept in 
store to get repute by.” Pabst: Wer auf die Ungliicksfélle der Helle- 
nen gewartet, um durch dieselben beriithmt zu werden. 

3 The Edinburgh reviewer: “by what you do in public affairs, and 
by ‘what you decline doing.” Auger: “ Par vos discours, et méme par 
votre silence.” Jacobs: was im Staate treibst und wiederum nicht 
treibst. Pabst: durch Deine Theilnahme und Nichttheilnahme an der 

_ Verwaltung des Staats. bP. 


ΕΣ 
78 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


her enterprise, a thing to which all mankind are liable, if the 
Deity so wills it: but then—claiming precedency over others, 
and afterward abandoning her pretensions—she would have 
incurred the charge of betraying all to Philip. Why, had we 
resigned without a struggle that which our ancestors en- 
countered every danger to win, who would not have spit 
upon you? Let me not say, the commonwealth or myself!! 
With what eyes, I pray, could we have beheld strangers 
visiting the city, if the result had been what it is, and Philip 
had been chosen leader and lord of all, but other people 
without us had made the struggle to prevent it; especially 
when in former times our country had never preferred an igno-" 
-minious security to the battle for honor? For what Gre- 
cian or what barbarian is ignorant, that by the Thebans, 
or by the Lacedzemonians who were in might before them, or 
by the Persian king, permission would thankfully and gladly 
have been given to our commonwealth, to take what she 
pleased and hold her own, provided she would accept foreign 
law and let another power command in Greece? But, as it 
seems, to the Athenians of that day such conduct would not 
have been national, or natural, or endurable: none could at 
any period of time persuade the commonwealth to attach 
herself in secure subjection to the powerful and unjust: 
through every age has she persevered in a perilous struggle 
for precedency and honor and glory. And this you esteem 
so noble and congenial to your principles, that among your 


1 I. e. “Let me not say any thing so shocking, so revolting to my 
feelings, as to suppose that the commonwealth or myself could deserve 
such an indignity!” According to the natural course of the argument 
we should rather have expected the orator to conclude by saying— 
“the commonwealth would have acted a despicable part,” or the like. 
But adopting a strong expression, he takes care to preserve a respectful 
euphemism toward the Athenian people, and surprises his adversary by 
suddenly denouncing him as the supposed adviser-of the degenerate 
policy. Immediately afterward he reverts (but in milder language) to 
the disgrace which would have fallen upon the country. . 

This I take to be a better interpretation than Schaefer’s, who under- 
stands καταπτύσειε. Another, to which, if it were borne out by the 
words, Ishould be much inclined, is offered by the Edinburgh reviewer, 
who translates it: “ to say nothing of the state or myself,” and observes, 
“The meaning is, not that the state and I are blameless, but if such a 
line of policy had been adopted, who would not have regarded even you, 
Zéschines, the most worthless animal in the city, with new and addi- 
tional contempt, ἃ fortiori, me, and a fortissimo, the city itself?” 


ON THE CROWN. ar 


ancestors you honor most those who acted in such a spirit; 
and with reason. For who would not admire the virtue of 
those men, who resolutely embarked in their galleys and quit- 
ted country and home, rather than receive foreign law, choos- 
ing Themistocles who gave such counsel for their general, and 
stoning Cyrsilus to death who advised submission to the terms 
imposed—not him only, but your wives also stoning his wife 7} 
Yes; the Athenians of that day looked not for an orator or a 
general, who might help them to a pleasant servitude: they 
scorned to live, if it could not be with freedom. For each 
- of them considered, that he was not born to his father or 
mother only, but also to- his country.2 What is the differ- 
ence? He that thinks himself born for his parents only, waits 
for his appointed or natural end: he that thinks himself born 
for his country also, will sooner perish than behold her in slay- 
ery, and will regard the insults and indignities, which must 
be borne in a commonwealth enslaved, as more terrible than 
death. — . 

Had I attempted to say, that I instructed you in senti- 
ments worthy of your ancestors, there is not a man who Would 
not justly rebuke me. What I declare is, that such princi- 
ples are your own; I show that before my time such was the 
spirit of the commonwealth; though certainly in the execu- 
tion of the particular measures I claim a share also for my- 
self. The prosecutor, arraigning the whole proceedings, and 
imbittering you against me as the cause of our alarms and 
dangers, in his eagerness to deprive me of honor for the mo- 
ment, robs you of the eulogies that should endure forever. 

Cicero (de Officiis, III. 11) has borrowed this anecdote from Demos- 
thenes. The same story is#telated by Herodotus (IX. 4, 5), who calls 
the person not Cyrsilus, but Lycidas. The terms were offered by Mar- 
donius to the Athenians, while they were in Salamis. The advice of 
Lycidas was given to the council, and the people outside hearing of it, 
proceeded immediately to inflict summary punishment upon him. 

3 Compare Cicero pro Milone—“ Hiccine vir patrie natus usquam 
nisi in patria morietur?”’ The ‘‘necessaria mors” of Cicero is the same 
as the τὸν τῆς εἱμαρμένης θάνατος of Demosthenes.. These expressions 
are illustrated by Aulus Gellius, XIIL 1, who quotes the following pas- 
sage from the first Philippic of the Roman :— 

“‘Hune igitur ut sequerer properavi, quem presentes non sunt secuti; 
non ut proficerem aliquid; neque enim sperabam id, nec prestare po- 
teram; sed ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset, (multa autem impen- 
dere videntur preter naturam preterque fatum,) hujus diei vocem tes- 
tem reipublice relinquerem mex perpetue erga se voluntatis,” 


80 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


For should you, under a disbelief in the wisdom of my policy, 
convict the defendant, you will appear to have done wrong, 
not to have suffered what befell you by the cruelty of fortune. 
But never, never can you have done wrong, O Athenians, in 
undertaking the battle for the freedom and safety of all! I 
swear it by your forefathers—those that met the peril at Mar- 
athon, those that took the field at Platza, those in the sea- 
fight at Salamis, and those at Artemisium, and many other 
brave men who repose in the public monuments, all of whom 
alike, as being worthy of the same honor, the country buried, 
ZEschines, not only the successful or victorious! Justly! For 
the duty of brave men has been done by all: their fortune has 
been such as the Deity assigned toeach.? 3 
Accursed scribbler!? you, to deprive me of the approbation 
and affection of my countrymen, speak of trophies and battles 
and ancient deeds, with none of which had this present trial 
the least concern; but I!—O you third-rate actor!—I, that — 
rose to counsel the state how to maintain her pre-eminence! — 
in what spirit was I to mount the hustings? In the spir- — 
it σ᾽ one having unworthy counsel to offer ?°—I should 


? So much criticism has been lavished, both in ancient and modern 
times, on the beauty of this celebrated passage, that even to refer to all 
that has been said would be impossible. I shall content myself with 
transcribing the remarks of the writer, whom I have before adverted 
to, of the Edinburgh Review :—“The whole passage,” he says, “is teem- 
ing and bursting with proofs of superhuman high-mindedness and de- 
votion.” But he observes further—“ The argument is not lost sight of 
for an instant in the midst of this inflammation. The sentence contain- 
ing the apostrophe is not closed, before we find it recurring, and in such 
a shape as induces us to suppose, that for its sake the oratory is intro- 
duced. Longinus says that Demosthenesthere gives a proof of the ne- 
cessity of keeping sober even in excesses, διδάσκων ὅτι κἂν βακχεύμασι 
νήφειν ἀναγκαῖον. He notices also the dexterity and address with which 
the differencetof success in the two cases is managed. They are not 
called conquerors of Marathon, &c., but the combatants ; and then -the 
orator is beforehand with any objection, (τὸν ἀκροατὴν φθάνων,) by turn- 
ing short round upon Aischines, and reminding him that all, whether 
successful or not, had equal honors.” i 

5 Τραμματοκύφων is ‘one that stoops or pores over papers and writ- 
ing.” He alludes to the office of clerk, formerly held by A®schines, 
not to his father’s school, as some have supposed. Jacobs renders the 
word Buchstabenhocker. Pabst: Aktenhocker. ; ἢ 

5. Literally: “intending to offer counsel unworthy of these (τούτων) 
my countrymen?” Let the student be careful not to connect τούτων 
with πρωτείων. The orator looking, or pointing with his hand, to the 


ON THE CROWN. 81 


haye deserved to perish! You yourselves, men of Athens, 
may not try private and public causes on the same principles: 
the compacts of every-day life you are to judge of by partic- 
ular laws and circumstances; the measures of statesmen, by 
reference to the dignity of your ancestors. And if you think 
it your duty to act worthily of them, you should every one of 
you consider, when you come into court to decide public ques- 
tions, that together with your staff and ticket! the spirit of 
the commonwealth is delivered to you. 

But in touching upon the deeds of your ancestors, there 
were some decrees and transactions which I omitted. I will 
return from my digression. 

On our arrival at Thebes, we found embassadors there from 
Philip, from the Thessalians and from his other allies; our 
friends in trepidation, his friends confident. To prove that I 
am not asserting this now to serve my own purposes, read me 
the letter which we embassadors dispatched on the instant. 
So outrageous is my opponent’s malignity, that, if any advant- 
age was procured, he attributes it to the occasion, not to me; 


laintiff, or defendant, (who were always in court,) or to their respect- 

ive friends and supporters who stood near them, or to the jury or sur- | 
rounding spectators, designates them simply as οὗτος or οὗτοι, and is 
easily understood by his hearers. But in a translation for English 
readers, these terms require to be varied according to circumstances. 
Jacobs here has: Soll?’ ich sagen was der Stadt unwiirdig war? *™ 

1 There were 6000 jurors chosen by lot for the service of the year, 
600 from each of the Attic tribes. The whole number was then divided 
into ten sections of 500 each, a thousand being left as supernumeraries, 
to supply deficiencies occasioned by death or any other cause. There 
were ten courts at Athens, among which the services of these jurors 
were to be distributed; and it was managed in the following way. Each 
court was designated by acolor, and also by a letter over the doorway. 
Each of the jury sections was likewise designated by a letter. When 
the juries had to be impanneled, the letters indicating the different 
sections were drawn out of one box, and the letters indicating the dif- 
ferent courts were drawn out of another: each pair of lots so drawn 
out determined what section should be assigned to what court. When 
the whole section was not required, the individual jurors who were to 
form the pannel were chosen by lot, each juror having a counter with 
his section and name marked upon it. The courts being thus allotted, 
every juryman received a staff and a ticket. The staff, on which he 
marked the letter and color of his court, served to distinguish him 
from the crowd, and procure him instant admission. The ticket, which 
he returned to the magistrate when the business was concluded, en- 
titled him tn his fee. 

D2 


82 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


‘while all miscarriages he attributes to me and my fortune. 
And according to him, as it seems, I, the orator and adviser, 
have no merit in results of argument and counsel, but am the - 
sole author of misfortunes in arms and strategy. Could there 
be a more brutal calumniator or a more execrable? Read the 
letter. : A 

[The letter is read. }! 


On the convening of the assembly, our opponents were 
introduced first, because they held the character of allies. 
And they came forward and spoke, in high praise of Philip 
and disparagement of you, bringing up all the hostilities that 
you ever committed against the Thebans. In fine, they 
urged them to show their gratitude for the services done by 
Philip, and to avenge themselves for the injuries which you 
had done them, either—it mattered not which—by giving 
them a passage against you, or by joining in the invasion of 
Attica; and they proved, as they fancied, that by adopting 
their advice the cattle and slaves and other effects of Attica 
would come into Boeotia, whereas by acting as they said we 
should advise Boeotia would suffer pillage through the war. © 
And much they said besides, tending all to the same point. 
The reply that we made I would give my life to recapitulate, 
but I fear, as the occasion is past, you will look upon it as if 
a sort of deluge had overwhelmed the whole proceedings, and 
regard any talk about them as a useless troubling of you.? 
Hear then what we persuaded them and what answer they re- 
turned. Take and read this: 


[The answer of the Thebans. | 


After this they invited and sent for you. You marched to 
their succor, and—to omit what happened between—their 
reception of you was so friendly, that, while their infantry 
and cavalry were outside the walls, they admitted your army 
into their houses and citadel, among their wives and children 
and all that was most precious. Why, upon that day three 
of the noblest testimonies were before all mankind borne in 


your favor by the Thebans, one to your courage, one to 
eo. This, and all the documents subsequently referred to by the Orator, 
are lost. 

* Spillan: “useless trouble.” Leland: “useless and odious.” Fran- 
cis: “idle impertinence.” Jacobs: eitle Beldstigung. ἜΗΝ 


© ON THE CROWN. 83 


your justice, one to your good behavior.!. For when they 
preferred fighting on your side to fighting against you, they 
held you to be braver and juster in your demands than 
Philip ; and when they put under your charge what they and 
all men are most watchful to protect, their wives and chil- 
dren, they showed that they had confidence in your good 
behavior. In all which, men of Athens, it appeared they 
had rightly estimated your character. For after your forces 
entered the city, ndt so much as a groundless complaint was 
preferred against you by any one; so discreetly did you be- 
have yourselves: and twice arrayed on their side in the 
earlier battles, that by the river and the winter-battle,? you 
proved yourselves not irreproachable only, but admirable in 
your discipline, your equipments, and your zeal: which called 
forth eulogies from other men to you, sacrifice and thanks- 
giving from you to the Gods. And I would gladly ask 
Alschines—while these things were going on, and the city 
was full of enthusiasm and joy and praise, whether he joined 
with the multitude in sacrifice and festivity, or sat at home 
sorrowing and moaning and repining ‘at the public success. 
For if he was present and appeared with the rest, is not his 
conduct monstrous, or rather impious, when measures, which 
he himself called the Gods to witness were excellent, he now 
requires you to condemn—you that have sworn by the Gods? 
If he was not present, does he not deserve a thousand deaths 
for grieving to behold what others rejoiced αὐ 33 Read me 
now the’ decrees. 


[The decrees for sacrifice. | 


1 Σωφροσύνης is variously rendered by the translators: ‘‘continence ;” 
‘**self-command ;” ‘“‘virtue;” ‘‘honor.” Auger; “sagesse;” and after- 
ward, “vertu.” Jacobs: Enthaltsamkeit. Pabst: Massigung. And in 
truth the word includes more or less of all these meanings. 

2 See Appendix IX. 

> Lord Pecngtiain observes as follows :— 

“The beauty of this passage is very striking. Not merely the ex- 
weno diction—the majesty of the rhythm—the skillful collocation— 
the picturesque description of Aischines’ dismay and skulking from the 
public rejoicings; but the argument is to be observed and admired. It 
is a dilemma, and one which would be quite sufficient for the momen- 
tary victory at which alone an orator often aims. It is not closely 
reasoned; it is not a complete dilemma; a retort is obvious, (to use 
the language of the logicians,) and this is always fatal, bebe the test 
before which no bad dilemma can stand. Aschines had only to em- 


84 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ™ 
We thus were engaged-in sacrifice ; the Thebans were in 
the assurance that they had been saved through us; and it 
had come about, that a people, who seemed likely to want 
assistance through the practices of these men, were them- 
selves assisting others in consequence of my advice which you 
followed. What language Philip then uttered, and in what 
trouble he was on this account, you shall learn from his let- 
ters which he sent, to Peloponnesus. Take and read them, 
that the jury may know what my perseverance and journeys 
and toils, and the many decrees which this man just now 
pulled to pieces, accomplished. , 
Athenians, you have had many great and renowned orators 
before me; the famous Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus, 
Thrasybulus, hundreds of others; yet none of them ever 
thoroughly devoted himself to any measure of state: for in- 
stance, the mover of a resolution would not be embassador ; 
the embassador would not move a resolution; each one left 
for himself some relief, and also, should any thing happen, an 
excuse.!_ How then—it may be said—did you so far surpass _ 
others in might and boldness as to do every thing yourself? 
I don’t say that: but such was my conviction of the danger 
impending over us, that I considered it left no room or 
thought for individual security; a man should have been 
only too happy to perform his duty without neglect.2 As to 


brace the second alternative—the second horn—and it never could 
have transfixed him. 

“1 did remain at home, not mourning over the success of your meas- 
ures, but their wickedness; not grudging the people their short-lived 
joy, but grieved to see them deluded by your arts to their ruin.’ This 
answer was complete. Nevertheless, there are but very few complete 
dilemmas in the whole course of any argument upon any subject: and 
the one under consideration is quite good enough to pass with an audi- 
ence ina speech. Many much less complete are every day used with 
us both in the senate, in popular assemblies, and even at the bar, and 
with sufficient success. This whole passage would be of certain suc- 
cess in our parliament.” , 

. Imay add, that Demosthenes was safe from the retort, Aischines hay- 
ing no reply. : >a τ αὐ 

1 ᾿Αγναφορὰ means “ power of casting or shifting the blame upon some 
other person or thing.” This is not sufficiently expressed by the word 
“resource,” which Leland and other translators have: nor indeed have 
we any word exactly corresponding. Auger: “une sireté.” Jacobs: 
Riickenhalt. : 

2 Schaefer explains this differently: “sed boni consulendum esse, si . 


ΟΝ THE CROWN. 85 


myself I was persuaded, perhaps foolishly, yet I was per- 
suaded, that none would move better resolutions than myself, 
none would execute them better, none as embassador would 
show more zeal and honesty. Therefore I undertook every 
duty myself. Read the letters of Philip. 


d [The letters.] - 

To this did my policy, Aéschines, reduce Philip. This lan- 
guage he uttered through me, he that before had lifted his voice 
so boldly against Athens! For which I was justly crowned 
by the people; and you were present and opposed it not, and 
Diondas who preferred an indictment obtained not his share 
of the votes. Here, read me the decrees which were then ab- 
solved, and which this man never indicted. . 


[The decrees. | 

These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very words and 
syllables, which Aristonicus drew up formerly, and Cf€siphon 
the defendant has now. And A‘schines neither arraigned 
these himself, nor aided the party who preferred an indict- 
ment. Yet, if his present charge against me be true, he 
might then have arraigned Demomeles the mover and Hype- 
rides with more show of reason than he can the defendant. 
Why? Because Ctesiphon may refer to them, and to the 
decisions of the courts, and to the fact of AEschines not having 
accused them, although they moved the same decrees which he 
has now, and to the laws which bar any further proceedings 
in such a case,! and to many points besides :—whereas then 
the question would have been tried on fts own merits, before 
_ any such advantages had been obtained.? But then, I imagine, 
it would have been impossible to do what /Eschines now does 


quis, nulla non cura adhibitd, sorte fatali uteretur.” And so Jacobs: 
sondern dass man sich gefallen lassen miisse, bei dem Bewusstseyn nichts 
unterlassen zu haben, das, was gyen muss, 2u leiden. 1 do not assent to 
this interpretation, which would give too emphatic a sense to the words 
μηδὲν παραλείπων. As I take it, they refer to ἃ δεῖ, so that we under- 
stand τῶν δεόντων after μηδέν. 

1 Spillan has it literally: “concerning matters thus transacted.” 
Brougham: “ for things so settled.” Pabst: gegen das, was schon also 
verhandelt worden ist. It refers undoubtedly to the previous decision 
of the courts, though πραχθέντων does not signify “ decided,” as Leland, 
Auger, and Jacobs express it in their translations, 

2 IIpiv τι τούτων προλαβεῖν, “ before it [ἡ. e. before’the party accused] 
had secured any of these advantages,” 7. δ. any of those preliminary ob- 


86 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


—to pick out of a multitude of old dates and decrees what no 


man knew before, and what no man would have expected to 


hear to-day, for the purpose of slander—to transpose dates, 
and assign measures to the wrong causes instead of the right, 
in order to make a plausible case. ‘That was impossible therf 
Every statement must have been according to the truth, soon 
after the facts, while you still remembered the particulars and 
had them almost at your fingers’ ends. Therefore it was that 
he shunned all investigation at the time, and has come at this 
late period; thinking, as it appears to me, that you would 
make it a contest of orators, instead of an inquiry into politic- 
al conduct; that words would be criticised, and not interests 
of state. 

Then he plays the sophist,! and says, you ought to dis- 
regard the opinion of us which you came from home with— 
that, as when you audit a man’s account under the impression 
that h@has a surplus, if it casts up right and nothing remains, 
you allow it,? so should you now accept the fair conclusion of 
the argument. Only see, how rotten in its nature (and justly 
so) is every wicked contrivance! For by this very cunning 
simile he has now acknowledged it to be. your conviction, that 
I am my country’s advocate and he is Philip’s. Had not this 
been your opinion of each, he would not have tried to persuade 
you differently. That he has however no reasonable ground 
for requiring you to change your belief, I can easily show, 
not by casting accounts—for that mode of reckoning applies 
not to measures— but by calling the circumstances briefly 
to mind, taking you that hear me both for auditors and 
witnesses. . 

Through my policy, which he arraigns, instead of the 
Thebans invading this country with Philip, as all expected, 
jections which enable the accused to defend himself irrespectively of 
the merits of the question. Schaefer reads προσλαβεῖν, and renders it: 
#priusquam horum quidquam subsidio assumpsisset.” Pabst follows 
him. If I adopted that reading, I would translate thus: “ before it got 
any of these points mixed up with it.” 

* So Spillan: and Jacobs: spielt er den Sophisten. _ 

? The illustration is taken, not from common tradesmen’s accounts, 
as Reiske supposes, nor from the census for classification of citizens, as 
Schaefer thinks, but rather from the audit of official accounts by the 
Λογισταὶ at Athens. To them he clearly refers in the expression be- 
low, λογισταῖς ἅμα καὶ μάρτυσι χρώμενος. The passage in Alschines 
cont. Ctesiph. (62) confirms this view. . 


ON THE CROWN. 87 


they joined our ranks and prevented him ;— instead of the 
war being in Attica, it took place seven hundred furlongs 
from the city on the confines of Boeotia ;—instead of corsairs 
issuing from Eubcea to plunder us, Attica was in peace on 
the coast-side during the whole war ;—instead of Philip being 
master of the Hellespont -by taking Byzantium, the Byzan- 
tines were our auxiliaries against him. Does this computa- 
tion of services, think you, resemble the casting of accounts? 
Or should we strike these out on a balance,! and not look 
that they be kept in everlasting remembrance? I will not set 
down, that of the cruelty, remarkable in cases where Philip 
got people all at once into his power, others have had the 


‘The expressions τιθεὶς ψήφους, ἀντανελεῖν, refer to the use of counters 
by the ancients in their arithmetical processes. Hence comes our word 
“ calculation,” from calculus, a stone or counter used for such purpose. 
A literal translation of these expressions would hardly be intelligible 
in our language, and therefore I have avoided it. 

' Le. strike them out of the credit side of the account, by means of 
a set-off on the debit side. Lord Brougham: “must these events be 
taken out of the opposite side of my account?” The meaning is prop- 
erly explained by Reiske: ‘‘Existimasne, res has preclare gestas 
ex hominum memoria tolli debere propter ingentes clades Quas passi 
sumus?” Schaefer, who is followed by Jacobs and Pabst, has given a 
different interpretation. Ταῦτα, according to him, means both the serv- 
ices of Demosthenes, and the malpractices of A’schines; and ἀντανελεῖν 
ταῦτα is to set them off against one another, to mutually cancel them. 
Pabst introduces this amplification of ταῦτα into his text, feeling per- 
haps that the reader would not gather it from the context: glaubst Du, 
dass man Das, was ich fiir, Du gegen das Vaterland gethan hast, gegen 
einander aufheben misse. This interpretation is not only not borne 
out by the words, but contrary to the scope of the whole passage. De- - 
mosthenes is not saying any thing here about the misdeeds of Aischines ; 
and the notion of setting them off against his own services was too 
palpably absurd to suggest for a moment. He has been enumerating 
certain good results of his administration. His argument is: “These 
are positive services which I have rendered you, deserving gratitude 
and permanent record. You can not treat them as credits, to be can- 

.celed by a debit side of the question. Such a mode of reckoning is 
well enough for an arithmetical computation, but is inapplicable to a 
ease of thiskind.” Here he stopsshort, and why? He felt that at this 
very moment Cheronea and its results, constantly present to his own 
thoughts, might cross the minds of his hearers; and that he might be 
met with the objection,—‘If you take credit for the victories, you 
must have the discredit of the defeats: your policy must be judged of 
as a whole.” Τὸ this indeed he had an answer, but not exactly in the 

resent line of argument; therefore he turns it off, spurning the bare 
idea of Aischines’ illustration, 


88 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


trial; while of the generosity, which, casting about for his fu- 
ture purposes, he assumed toward Athens, you have happily 
enjoyed the fruits. I pass that by. 

Yet this I do not hesitate to say; that any one desirous of 
truly testing an orator, not of calumniating him, would never 
have made the charges that you advanced just now, inventing 
similes, mimicking words and gestures: (doubtless it hath de- 
termined the fortune of Greece, whether I spoke this word or 
that, whether I moved my hand one way or the other!) no! 
he would have examined the facts of the case, what means 
and resources our country possessed, when I entered on the ad- 
‘ministration, what, when I applied myself to it, I collected for 
her, and what was the condition of our adversaries. Then, if 
1 had lessened her resources, he would have shown me to be 
guilty; if I had greatly increased them, he would not have 
calumniated me. However, as you have declined this course, 
I will adopt it. See if I state the case fairly. 

For resources—our country possessed the islanders; not 
all, but the weakest; for neither Chios, nor Rhodes, nor 
Corey as with us: subsidies! she had amounting to five- 
and-forty talents; and they were anticipated: infantry or 
cavalry, none besides the native. But what was most alarm- 
ing and wrought most in favor of the enemy—these men had 
got all our neighbors to be hostile rather than friendly to us; 
Megarians, Thebans, Euboeans. Such were the circumstances 
of our state; no man can say any thing to the contrary: look 
now at those of Philip, whom we had to contend with. In 
the first place, he ruled his followers with unlimited sway, the 
most important thing for military operations: in the next 
place, they had arms always in their hands: besides, he had 
plenty of money, and did what he pleased, not giving notice 
by decrees, not deliberating openly, not brought to trial by 
calumniators, not defending indictments for illegal measures, 


not responsible to any one, but himself absolute master,. 


leader, and lord ofall. 1, who was matched against him—for 
it is right to examine this—what had I under my control? 


ἡ 
+, τ 


Nothing. Public speech, for instance, the only thing open to | 


me—even to this you invited his hirelings as well as my- 
self; and whenever they prevailed over me, (as often happened 


‘ The tribute from the islanders. See vol. I. p. 77, note 1. 


ON THE CROWN. 89 


for some cause or other,) your resolutions were passed! for 
the enemy’s good. Still under these disadvantages I got you 
for allies Eubceans, Achzans, Corinthians, Thebans, Mega- 
rians, Leucadians, Corcyrzeans; from whom were collected 
fifteen thousand mercenaries and two thousand horse, besides 
the national troops.2, Of money too I procured as large a 
contribution as possible. 

If you talk about just conditions with the Thebans,’ Ats- 
chines, or with the Byzantines or Eubceans, or discuss now 
the question of equal terms, first I say—you are ignorant | 
that of those.galleys formerly which defended Greece, being 
three hundred in number, our. commonwealth furnished two — 
hundred, and never (as it seemed) thought herself injured by 
having done so, never prosecuted those who advised it or ex- 
pressed any dissatisfaction ;—shame on her if she had !—but 
was grateful to the gods, that, when a common danger beset 
the Greeks, she alone furnished double what the rest did for 
_ the preservation of all. Besides, it is but a poor favor you 
do your countrymen by calumniating me. For what is the 
use of telling us now what we should have done?—Why, 
being in the city and present, did_ you not make your pro- 
posals then; if indeed they were practicable at a crisis when 
we had to accept not what we liked but what the circum- 
stances allowed? Remember, there was one ready to bid 
against us, to welcome eagerly those that we rejected, and 
give money into the bargain. 

But if I am accused for what I have actually done, how 
would it have been, if, through my hard bargaining, the states 
had gone off and attached themselves to Philip, and he had be- 
come master at the same time of Eubcea, Thebes, and Byzan- 
tium? What, think ye, these impious men would have said 
or done? Said doubtless, that the states were abandoned— 
that they wished to join us and were driven away—that he 
had got command of the Hellespont by the Byzantines, and be- 


1 Literally: “You left the assembly, having passed resolutions.” 
See my observations in the Preface, p. 14. 

2 I believe this means the national troops of the allies. See Append- 
ix IX. Schaefer, however, takes πολιτικῶν to be the same as οἰκείων 
just above. 

3. Aschines, in his speech (73), complains that the terms of the treaty, 
concluded by, Demosthenes with the Thebans, were most disadvanta- 
geous to Athens. 


90 THE ORATIONS*OF DEMOSTHENES. 


come master of the corn-trade of Greece—that a heavy neigh- 
bor-war had by means of the Thebans been brought into 
Attica—that the sea had become unnavigable by the excur-. 
sion of pirates from Eubcea! All this would they have said 
sure enough, and a great deal besides. A wicked, wicked thing, ~ 
O Athenians, is a calumniator always, every way spiteful and 
fault-finding. But this creature is a reptile by nature, that — 
from the beginning never did any thing’ honest or liberal; a 
very ape of a tragedian, village Ginomaus, counterfeit orator!? 
What advantage has your eloquence” been to your country? 
Now do you speak to us about the past? As if a physician 
should visit his patients, and not order or prescribe any thing 
to cure the disease, but on the death of any one, when the 
last ceremonies were performing, should follow him to the 
grave and expound, how, if the poor fellow had done this and 
that, he never would have died! Idiot! do you speak now? 

Even the defeat—if you exult in that which should make 
you groan, you accursed one!—pby nothing that I have 
- done will it appear to have befallen us. Consider it thus, 
O Athenians. Erom no embassy, on which I was commis- 
sioned by you, did I ever come away defeated by the em- 
bassadors of Philip—neither from ‘Thessaly, nor from Am- 
bracia, nor from the kings of Thrace, nor from Byzantium, 


1 Leland renders this passage as follows: “A false accuser, my coun-- 
trymen, is a monster, a dangerous monster, querulous and industrious 
in seeking pretenses of complaint. And such is the very nature of this 
fox in human shape,—a stranger to every thing good or liberal,—this 
theatrical ape, this strolling player, this blundering haranguer!” Ja- 
cobs: Hin boshaftes Wesen, lhr Manner Athens, ist der Sycophant, boshaft 
immer und uberall, misgunstig und schmahsuchtig ; aber’ dieser Wicht 
hier ist eine Bestie von Natur; von Anbeginn hat er nichts Gesundes, 
nichts Freisinniges gethan, dieser leibhafte Affe der Tragédie, dieser 
dorfische Oenomaus, dieser Redner von schlechtestem Schrot und Korn. 

As to κίναδος, see page 65, note 2; and as to Ginomaus, see page 72, 
note 1. . 

? Δεινότης is used not only to signify craft and cleverness in general, 
but specially to describe the quality of a powerful and effective speaker. 
So it occurs several times in Dionysius. It is applied, however, both in 
a good and in a bad sense, according to circumstances, as many other 
words are. Thus we may calla man an orator, either simply, meaning ~ 
a public speaker, or by way of praise, meaning a good speaker, or in- 
vidiously, meaning to say that he is an artful speaker, able to make 
the worse appear the better cause. Compare Aischines cont. Ctes. 73, 
883; Demosth. De Cor. 318. : mtg 


ON THE CROWN. | 91 


nor from any other place, nor ofthe last recent occasion from 
Thebes; but where his embassadors were vanquished in argu- 
ment, he came with arms and carried the day. And for this 


- you call me to account; and are not ashamed to jeer the same 


person for cowardice, whom you require single-handed to over- 
come the might of Philip—and that too by words! For what 


else had I at my command? - Certainly not the spirit? of each 


individual, nor the fortune of the army, nor the conduct of 
the war, for which you would make me accountable; such a 
blunderer are you! 

Yet understand me. Of what a statesman may be respons- 
ible for I allow the utmost scrutiny ; I deprecate it not. What 
are his functions? ΤῸ observe things in the beginning, to 
foresee and foretell them to others—this I have done: again; 
wherever he finds delays, backwardness, ignorance, jealousies, 
vices inherent and unavoidable in all communities, to contract 
them into the narrowest compass, and on the other hand, to 
promote unanimity and friendship and zeal in the discharge 
of duty. All this too I have performed; and no one can dis- 
cover the least neglect on my part. Ask any man, by what 
means Philip achieved most of his successes, and you will be 
told, by his army, and by his bribing and corrupting men in 
power. Well; your forces were not under my command or 
control; so that I can not be questioned for any thing done in 
that department. But by refusing the price of corruption I 
have overcome Philip: for as the offerer of a bribe, if it be 
accepted, has vanquished the taker, so the person who refuses 
it and is not corrupted has vanquished the person offering. 
Therefore is the commonwealth undefeated as far as I am con- 
cerned. 

These, and such as these, (besides many others,) are the 
grounds furnished by myself to justify the defendent’s motion 
in my behalf. Those which you my fellow-citizens furnished, 
I will proceed to mention. Immediately after the battle the 
people, knowing and having witnessed every thing which I 
did, in the very ‘midst of their alarm and terror, when it would 
not. have been surprising if the great body of them had even 
treated me harshly, passed my resolutions for the safety of the 
country ; all their measures of defense, the disposition of the 


1 Jacobs: Muth. Pabst: Gesinnung. Augur: “valeur.” Other 
translator's take ψυχῆς to signify “ life.” 


92 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


garrisons, the trenches, ΓΕ ἘΦ for our fortifications, were 
carried on under my decrees: and further, upon the election of 

a commissioner of grain, they chose me in preference to all. 

Afterward, when tlHose who were bent to do me a mischief 
conspired, and brought indictments, audits, impeachments and 
the rest of it against me, not at first in their own persons, but 
in such names as they imagined would most effectually screen 
themselves, (for you surely know and remember, that every 
day of that first period I was arraigned, and neither the despe- 
ration of Sosicles, nor the malignity of Philocrates, nor the. 
madness of Diondas and Melantus, nor any thffig else was left 
untried by them against me;) on all those occasions, chiefly 
through the Gods, secondly through you and the other Athe- 
nians, I was preserved. And with justice! Yes, that is the 
truth, and to the honor of the juries who"so conscientiously 
decided. Well then: on the impeachments, when you ac- 
quitted me and gave not the prosecutors their share of the 
votes, you pronounced that my policy was the best: by my 
acquittal on the indictments my counsels and motion were 
shown to be legal; by your ‘passing of my accounts you ac- 
knowledged my whole conduct to have been honest and in- 
corruptible. Under these circumstances, what name could 
Ctesiphon with decency or justice give to my acts? Not that 
which he saw the people give—which he saw the jurors give— 

which he saw truth establish to the world? . 

Ay, says he; that was a fine thing of Cephalus, never to 
have been indicted. Yes, and a lucky one too. But why 
should a man, who has often been charged, but never con- 
victed of crime, be a whit the more liable to reproach? How- 
ever, men of Athens, against my opponent I have a right to 
use the boast of Cephalus; for he never preferred or prosecu- 
ted any indictment against me; therefore I am a citizen as 

-good as Cephalus by his admission. ; 

From many things one may see his unfeelingness and ma- 
lignity, but especially from his discourse about fortune. For 
my part, I regard any one, who reproaches his fellow-man 
with fortune, as devoid of sense. He that is best satisfied 
with his condition, he that deems his fortune excellent, can 
not be sure that it will remain so until the evening: how 
then can it be right to bring it forward, or upbraid another 
man with it? As Adschines, however, has on this subject 





ON THE CROWN. 93 


(besides many others) expressed himself with insolence, look, 
men of Athens, and observe how much more truth and 
humanity there shall be in my discourse upon fortune! than 
in his. 

- JT hold the fortune of our commonwealth to be good, and 
so I find the oracles of Dodonzan Jupiter and Pythian Apollo 
declaring to us. The fortune of all mankind, which now pre- 
vails, I consider cruel and dreadful : for what Greek, what 
barbarian, has not in these times experienced a multitude οὗ 
evils?. That Athens chose the noblest policy, that she fares 
better than those very Greeks who thought, if they aban- 
doned us, they should abide in prosperity, I reckon as part of 
her good fortune: if she suffered reverses, if all happened not 
to us as we desired, I conceive she has had that share of the 
general fortune which fell to our lot. As to my fortune (per- - 
sonally speaking) or that of any individual among us, it 
should, as I conceive, be judged of in connection with personal 
matters. Such is my opinion upon the subject of fortune, a 
right and just one, as it appears to me, and I think you will 
agree with it. Aischines says that my individual fortune is 


1 “Tes anciens donnoient beaucoup a la fatalité: ¢’étoit une force 
aveugle qui entrainoit les hommes dans le malheur, et méme dans le 
erime, sans qu'il fat possible de résister asa violence. Cette fatalité est 
le mobile presque unique de leurs tragédies, et c’est peut-étre, pour le 
dire en passant, ce qui les a rendus un peu trop uniformes. Non seule- 
ment ils croyoient que le destin s’attachoit ἃ poursuivre un homme, 
mais encore que la mauvaise fortune, que le sort malheureux qui le 
suivoit, se communiquoit ἃ ceux qui l’approchoient. Oreste, dans 
Racine, dit a Pylade:— 

Je ne sais de tous temps quelle injuste puissance 
Laisse le crime en paix et poursuit l’innocence. 

De quelque part sur moi que je tourne les yeux, 

Je ne vois que malheurs qui condamnent les Dieux. 
Mais toi, par quelle erreur veux-tu toujours sur toi 
Détourner un courroux qui ne cherche que moi? 

“Ἐπὶ conséquence de 665 principes Eschine, méchamment, a représenté 
Démosthene, dans un endroit de son discours, comme un miserable 
poursuivi par la fortune, et qui communiquoit son malheur a tous ceux 

ui lui confioient leurs affaires. 

“Démosthene lui répond ici en faisant voir, 1°. que quand méme il 
auroit été poursuivy] par la fortune, il seroit cruel de lui reprocher son 
malheur: 2°. qu'il est ridicule de prétendre que la destinée d’un particu- 
lier influe sur la destinée de la republique: 3°. qu’il n’a 7 88 été si mal- 
heureux pendant sa vie, que sa fortune n’a pas été si misé:ab.e; et dela 
il prend occasion de comparer sa fortune a celle d’Eschine.”—Auger. 


94 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


paramount to that of the commonwealth, the small and mean 
to the good and great. How. can this possibly be? 

However, if you are determined, Aischines, to scrutinize my 
fortune, compare it with your own, and, if you find my for- 
_ tune better than yours, cease to revile it. Look then from 
the very beginning. And I pray and entreat that 1 may not 
be condemned for bad taste.1_ I don’t think any person wise 
who insults poverty, or who prides himself on having been 
bred in affluence: but by the slander and malice of this cruel 
man I am forced into such a discussion; which I will conduct 
with all the moderation which circumstances allow. 

I had the advantage, Aéschines, in my boyhood of going to 
proper schools, and having such allowance as a boy should 
have who is to do nothing mean from indigence. Arrived at 
man’s estate, I lived suitably to my breeding ; was choir- 
master, ship-commander, rate-payer ; backward in no acts of 
liberality public or private, but making myself useful to the 
commonwealth and to my friends. When I entered upon 
state affairs, I chose such a line of politics, that both by my 
coustry and many people of Greece I have been crowned 
many times, and not even you my enemies venture to say 
that the line I chose was not honorable. Such then has 
been the fortune of my life: I could enlarge upon it, but J — 
forbear, lest what I pride myself in should give offense. 

But you, the man of dignity, who spit upon others, look 
what sort of fortune is yours compared with mine. As a boy 
you were reared in abject poverty, waiting with your father — 
on the school, grinding the ink, sponging the benches, sweep- 
ing the room, doing the duty of a menial rather than a free- 
man’s son. After you were grown up, you attended your 
mother’s initiations,? reading her books and helping in all the 







1 Most of the commentators take ψυχρότητα in the sense of “insi- 
pidity or absurdity.” Jacobs has: abgeschmackten Frostes. Pabst: 
Abgeschmacktheit. Schaefer compares the ψυχρὰ λέγειν of Xenophon, 
Conviv. vi.7. Francis translates it, “any thing offensive,” whichis ποῦ 
the meaning of the word, though undoubtedly it was the object of 
Demosthenes to deprecate giving offense. He knew that a large num- 
ber, perhaps the majority, of the jurors were taken from the humbler 
class of citizens, and they might be offended if he boasted too much of © 
his wealth and origin. Therefore he is-anxious to show that he was 
forced into this comparison by Aéschines himself. 

* The rites, which Demosthenes represents to have been performed 
by the mother of Aischines, were brought into Greece from Phrygia and 

I Υ > δ 


~ 4 


~~ 





ON THE CROWN. 95 


ceremonies: at night wrapping the noviciates in fawn-skin, 
swilling, purifying, and scouring them with clay and bran, 
raising them after the lustration, and bidding them say, “ Bad 


the east, and from Thrace. They appear not to have been of the most 

reputable kind, at all events the officiating parties were a low class of 

people. Plato, in the second book of his Republic, tells us, that at this 
period there were a multitude of jugglers and adventurers going about 

Greece, who acquired influence over ignorant men by pretending to 

the exercise of supernatural power. They carried books with them, the 

authorship of*which they ascribed to Museus and Orpheus, and which 
contained directions as to various rites of sacrifice and purification, and 
other mystic ceremonies. These, they said, had the effect of expiating 
crime and averting evil. Bacchus and Ceres were the divinities to 
whose worship the§~ mysteries were devoted, especially the former, as 
appears abundantly from the passage before us. 

Νεβρίζων is putting on the fawn-skin worn by the Bacchanalians. 

Compare the Bacche of Euripides, 137, 176, and Statius Theb. II. 664: 

᾿ς Nebridas et fragiles thyrsos portare putastis 

- Imbellem ad sonitum. 
Κρατηρίζων was a species of Bacchic baptism, either by immersion, 

or pouring the bowl over the head. 
᾿Απομάττων πηλῷ Kat πιτύροις refers, according to Harpocration, to 
the Orphic myth of Διόνυσος Zaypeve, the infernal Bacchus, son of Pros- 
erpine, whom the Titans tore to pieces, having plastered their own 
faces with clay to escape detection. Jupiter destroyed the Titans with 
__ his thunder, and from the smoke of their burning bodies man was gener- 
ated. See Orph. Hymn. 29, Procli Hymn. ad Athen. and Olympio- 
_ dorus on the Phedo. Taylor, whom Leland and Francis follow, in- 
_ terprets ἀπομάττων in the sense of modeling images or idols for the 
ysteries. Reiske thinks the clay and bran was nothing more than a 
kind of soap, used for lustration. Jacobs says the bran reminds him 
ΤΥ the flour (παιπάλη) with which Strepsiades 1s powdered in the Clouds 
᾿ς of Aristophanes (v. 265), where it is evident that the poet is ridiculing 

some initiatory or mystic ceremony. 
Ἔφυγον κακὸν εὗρον ἄμεινον, is a form of words pronounced by the 
initiated, a sort of thanksgiving for the blessings of civilized life 
᾿ς introduced by Ceres and Bacchus, mystically referring to religious 
blessings. To this there is a manifest allusion in the chorus of the 

Bacche, v. 900. 

-- εὐδαίμων μὲν ὃς ἐκ θαλάσσας 
ι ἔφυγε κῦμα, λιμένα δ᾽ ἔκιχεν. 

Taylor compares Cicero de Legibus, II. 24,— Nam mihi cum multa 
eximia divinaque videntur Athenz tue peperisse atque in vitam homi- 
num attulisse, tum nihil melius iis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti imma- 
nique vita exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque 
ut appellantur, ita re vera principia vite cognovimus, neque solum 
cum letitid vivendi rationem accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliori 
moriendi.” 

Ὀλολύξαι is the religious or orgiastic howl. See Baccha, 24, 688. 
Y ae 


4 έν 
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= 
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{ 


96 THE ORATIONS. OF DEMOSTHENES. oo 


I have scaped, and better I have found;” priding yourself 
that no one ever howled so lustily—and I believe him! for 
don’t suppose that he who speaks so loud is not a splendid 
howler! In the daytime you led your noble orgiasts, crowned 
with fennel and poplar, through the highways, squeezing the 
big-cheeked serpents, and lifting them over your head, and 
shouting Evce Saboe, and capering to the words Hyes Attes, 
Attes Hyes, saluted by the beldames as Leader, Conductor, 
Chest-bearer, Fan-bearer, and the like, getting as Your reward 
tarts and biscuits and rolls; for which any man might well 
bless himself and his fortune !! 
When you were enrolled among your fellqy-townsmen—by 


Claudian, Raptus Pros. lib. i. Ululatibus Ide Bacchatur, and lib. ii. 
ululantia Dindyma Gallis. . 

Poplar, supposed to be the growth of the infernal region, was sacred 
(as Harpocration says) to the son of Proserpine. Fennel was supposed 
to have a peculiar virtue. A species of fennel is mentioned by Virgil 
(Eclog. X. 25) as carried by Sylvanus: Υ 

Florentes ferulas et grandia lilia quassans. 

As to the serpents, see Bacche, v. 697. Ceres is drawn by serpents 
in Claudian Rapt. Pros. lib. 1. Compare Plutarch, Vit. Alex. 2. 

The exclamations evoi σαβοῖ are Thracian, perhaps of eastern origin. 
Bacchus is called Evius and Sabazius. See Orph. Hymn 47, Plut. 
Symp. iv. 5. “Yn¢ ἄττης are Phrygian. Θέασος is the common term 
for a troop of Bacchanals (Bacche, 56). The god himself is called 
ἔξαρχος (Bacche, 141). Λέκνος is the ‘mystica vannus Iacchi” (Virgil 


Georg. I. 166). He is called Λικνέτης Δίονυσος in Orph. Hymn 45. See 


Callimach. Hymn. ad Jovem, 48. The «iota contained the arcane ~ 


symbols of the mysteries. Such was the κάλαθος of Ceres (Callimach. — 


Hymn. ad Cererem, 1, Taylor’s Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries, 119). 

1 T consider it better to give this turn than to write, ‘‘for which who 
would not,” &c., which suits not the English idiom so well. But you 
may keep the interrogative, if you turn ‘‘for which” into “for such 
things,” as Pabst and Jacobs do.. ἃ 

Here I can not forbear noticing the fulsome eulogy pronounced by the 
Times reviewer upon Mitchell’s version of this passage. I concede that 
it is clever, but it certainly deserves not the epithets of “terse and 
pointed,” which have been applied to it. He himself would disdain such 
an encomium, for he insists that it is necessary to expand and dilute 
the expressions of the original, and he translates upon that system. 
Thus, ὁ διαπτύων is, “ who considers worthy only of the spittle of his 
mouth ;” ἐτράφης must be enlarged into “born and bred τὸ γρᾳδίων, 
“all the crones and beldames of the quarter,” and so on. I suppose 
these are questions of taste. For my own part, I think there was much 
wisdom in the saying of the clergyman, who excused himself to his 
congregation for preaching longer than usual, on the plea that he had 
not had time to make his sermon shorter. ; 


ON THE CROWN. , 97 


what means I stop not to inquire—when you were enrolled 
however, you immediately selected the most honorable of 
employments, that of clerk and assistant to our petty magis- 
trates. From this you were removed after a while, having 
done yourself all that you charge others with; and then, sure 
enough, you disgraced not your antecedents by your snbse- 
quent life, but hiring yourself to those ranting players, as they 
were called, Simylus and Socrates, you acted third parts, col- 
lecting figs and grapes and olives like a fruiterer from other 
men’s farms, and getting more from them than from the play- 
ing, in which the lives of your whele company were at stake; 
for there was an implacable and incessant war between them 
and the audience, from whom you received so many wounds, 
that no wonder you taunt as cowards people inexperienced in 
such encounters.! ; : 

But passing over what may be imputed to poverty, I will 
come to the direct charges against your character. You es- 
poused such a line of politics, (when at last you thought of 
taking to them,) that, if your country prospered, you lived 
the life of a hare, fearing and trembling and ever expecting to 
be scourged for the crimes of which your conscience accused 
you; though all have seen how bold you were during the 
misfortunes of the rest. A man who took courage at the 
death of a thousand citizens—what does he deserve at the 
hands of the living? A great deal more that I could say 
about him 1 shall omit: for it is not all I can tell of his tur- 
pitude and infamy which I ought to let slip from my tongue, 
but only what is not disgraceful to myself to mention. 

1 The commentators and translators have all misunderstood this pas- 
sage, imagining that Aschines and his troop are charged with strolling 
about the country and robbing orchards. Nothing could be more for- 
eign to the meaning. Taking Bekker’s text, and omitting the first 
tpavpata, the explanation is simply as follows:— 

ZEschines and his fellow-players acted so badly, that they were pelted 
by the audience with figs, grapes, and olives,—as we should say, with 
oranges. The players picked up these missiles, and were glad to pocket 
the affront. Such quantities were showered upon the stage, that they 
got enough to stock a fruiterer’s shop; so they were supplied, ὥσπερ 
ὀπωρώνης ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων χωρίων, like a dealer in fruit, who purchases 
his stock from various farmers and gardeners. From this source Ais- 
chines derived more profit, πλεζω λαμβάνων ἀπὸ τούτων, than from the 
dramatic contests, τῶν ἀγώνων, for which the company were ill paid, 
and in which they ran the risk of their lives every day from the indig- 
nation of the audience. 


Vou. IL—E 


% 


98 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


Contrast now the circumstances of your life and 
gently and with temper, A‘schines; and then ask these peor 
whose fortune they would each of them prefer. You taught 
reading, I went to school: you performed initiations, I re- 
ceived them: you danced in the chorus, I furnished it: you 
_were: assembly-clerk, I was a speaker: you acted third parts, 
I heard you: you broke down, and I’ hissed: you have work- 
ed as a statesman for the enemy, I for my country. I pass 
by the rest; but this very day I am on my probation for a 
crown, and am acknowledged to be innocent of all offense; 
while you are already judged to be a pettifogger, and the 
question is, whether you shall continue that trade, or at once 
be silenced by not getting a fifth part of the votes. A happy 
fortune, do you see, you have enjoyed, that you should de- 
nounce mine as miserable! | Sunt 3F 

Come now, let me read the evidence to the jury of public 
services which I have performed. And by way of comparison 
do you recite me the verses which you murdered: 





From Hades and the dusky realms I come. 
And | 


Tll news, believe me, I am loth to bear. 
ΠῚ betide thee, say I, and may the Gods, or at least the Athe- 
nians, confound thee for a vile citizen and a vile third-rate 
actor 12 | 


1 The best version of this series of antitheses is, I think, that of 
Jacobs: 


Du hieltest Schule; ich besuchte die Schulen ; Du besorgtest die Wei- 


hungen ; ich empfing sie; Du tanztest im Chor ; ich stattete Chore aus ; 
Du dientest als Schreiber ; ich sprach vor dem Volke ; Du spieltest die 
dritten Rollen ; ich sah zu; Du fielst durch, und ich zischte ; Du wirk- 
test fiir die Feinde ; ich fiir das Vaterland. 
ilton has imitated this passage in the Apology for Smectymnuus 
(vol. i. p. 221, Symmons’ Edition). Speaking of the young divities and 
students at college, whom he had seen so often upon the stage prosti-. 
tuting the shame of that ministry, which they either had or were nigh 
having, to the eyes of courtiers and court ladies, he proceeds thus: — 
“There while they acted and overacted, among other young scholars, 
I was a spectator: they thought themselves gallant men, and I thought 


them fools; they made sport, and I laughed; they mispronounced, and 


I misliked ; and, to make up the Atticism, they were out, and I hissed.” 

? The first quotation is from the beginning of the Hecuba. The words 
κακὸν κακῶς are supposed by Wolf to be the beginning of another quo- 
tation which the orator converts abruptly into an imprecation upon 
Zischines. The position of the, words however is against this inter- 


> 


ON THE CROWN. 99 


_ Read the evidence. 
ay [ Evidence. ] 

‘Such has been my character in political matters. In private, 
if you do not all know that I have been liberal and humane 
and charitable to the distressed, I am silent, I will say not a 
word, I will offer no evidence on the subject, either of persons 
whom I ransomed from the enemy, or of persons whose daugh- 
ters I helped to portion, or any thing of the kind. For this 
is my maxim. . 1 hold that the party receiving an obligation 
‘should ever remember it, the party conferring should forget it 
immediately, if the one is to act with honesty, the other with- 
out meanness. ‘To remind and speak of your own bounties is 
next door to reproaching.! I will not act so; nothing shall 
induce me. Whatever my reputation is in these respects, I 
am content with it. ? 

I will have done then with private topics, but say another 
word or two upon public. If you can mention, A¢schines, a 
single man under the sun, whether Greek or barbarian, who 
has not suffered by Philip’s power formerly and Alexander’s 
now, well and good; I concede to you, that my fortune, or 
misfortune (if you please), has been the cause of every thing. 
But if many that never saw me or heard my voice have been 
grievously afflicted, not individuals only but whole cities and 
nations; how much juster and fairer is it to consider, that 
to the common fortune apparently of all men, to a tide of 
events overwhelming and lamentable,” these disasters are to 


pretation: for μάλιστα μὲν must be connected with what follows, and 
σὲ standing alone could not have the required emphasis. Schaefer with 
Preater probability supposes κακὸν κακῶς ce to be the commencement of 
averse. I have followed Bekker, who throws them into the next clause. 
’ Demosthenes, after repeating two Jambic lines, and ridiculing his op- 

nent’s declamatory style, suddenly, as if he was weary of such stuff, 
esis into the curse, the introductory words being suggested by the 
κακαγγελεῖν. ; ; 

1 Compare Terence, Andria, Act I. Se. i. 16:— 

Sed mi hoe molestum est; nam isthee commemoratio 

Quasi exprobratio est immemoris benefici. 

3 Brougham: “some force of circumstances untoward and difficult to 
resist.” Leland: “torrent of unhappy events that bore down upon us 
with irresistible violence.” Francis: ‘‘the rapid impetuosity of partic- 
_ ular conjunctures, cruel and unaccountable,”—a lame version indeed! 
Auger: “concours fatal de circonstances malheureuses.” Jacobs: einer 
harten und widrigen Gewalt der Ereignisse. Pabst: einen gewaltsamen 
Umschwung der Ereignisse, wie er nicht haite stattfinden sollen. 


100 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 





be attributed. You, disregarding all this, accuse 
ministry has been among my countrymen,! knowing a the 
while, that a part (if not the whole) of your calumny falls 
upon the people, and yourself in particular. For if 1 assumed 
the sole and absolute direction of our counsels, it was open to 
you the other speakers to accuse me: but if you were con- 
stantly present in all the assemblies, if the state invited pub- 
lic discussion of what was expedient, and if these measures 
were then believed by all to be the best, and especially by 
you; (for certainly from no good-will did you leave me in pos- 
session of hopes and admiration and honors, all of which at- 
tended on my policy, but doubtless because you were compelled 
by the truth and had nothing better to advise ;) is it not iniqui- 
tous and monstrous to complain now of measures, than Lie 
you could suggest none better at the time? 

Among all other people I find these principles im a manner 
defined and settled—Does a man willfully offend? He is the 
object of wrath and punishment. Hath a man erred uninten- 
tionally? There is pardon.instead of punishment for him. 
Has a man devoted himself to what seemed for the general 
good, and without any fault or misconduct been in common 
with all disappointed of success? Such a one deserves not 
obloquy or reproach, but sympathy. These principles will 
not be found in our statutes only: Nature herself has defined 
them by her unwritten laws and the feelings of humanity. 
Zeschines however has so far surpassed all men in brutality 
and malignity, that even things which he cited himself as mis- 
fortunes he imputes to me as crimes. 

And besides—as if he himself had spoken every thing with 
candor and good-will—he told you to watch me, and mind . 


+ The meaning is—‘‘ you charge me with this universal ruin, though 
I was merely an Athenian citizen who took my share, together with 
my fellow-citizens, in the politics of my own country, but could have 
nothing to do with the affairs of other people, on whom similar calami- 
ties fell.” So Reiske interprets παρὰ rovrowi—* designat pro more. 
judices civesque Athenienses.” Pabst however takes these words to 
refer to the φορὰν πραγμάτων, and thus translates: der ich unter dem 
Einflusse dieses Umschwunges der Ereignisse die Staatsverwaltung fihrte. 
Lord Brougham, following Francis, translates to the same effect: “ ‘called 
upon, as I was, to carry on the government in such a crisis.” The ~ 
words do not favor such an interpretation. “Azaocz refers to τουτοισὶ, - 
and, if it stood alone, could be hardly understood to signify “ all the 
Athenians.” 


ON THE CROWN. 101 







did not cajole and deceive you, calling me a great or- 
ator,! a juggler, a sophist, and the like: as though, if a man 
says of another what applies to himself, it must be true, and 
the hearers are not to inquire who the person is that makes 
the charge. Certain am I, that you are all acquainted with 
my opponent’s character, and believe these charges to be more 
applicable to him than to me. And of this I am sure, that 
my oratory—let it be so: though indeed I find, that the 
speaker’s power depends for the most part on the hearers; for 
according to your reception and favor it is, that the wisdom 
of a speaker is esteemed—if I however possess any ability of 
this sort, you will find it has been exhibited always in public 
business on your behalf, never against you or on personal 
matters; whereas that of Aischines has been displayed not 
only in speaking for the enemy, but against all persons who 
ever offended or quarreled with him. It is not for justice or 
the good of the commonwealth that he employs it. <A citizen 
of worth and honor should not call upon judges impanneled 
in the public service to gratify his anger or hatred or any 
thing of that kind; nor should he come before you upon 
such grounds. The best thing is not to have these feelings ; 
but, if it can not be helped, they should be mitigated and 
restrained. 

On what occasions ought an orator and statesman to be ve- 
hhement? Where any of the commonwealth’s main interests 
are in jeopardy, and he is opposed to the adversaries of the 
people. Those are the occasions for a generous and brave’ 
citizen. But for a person, who never sought to punish me for 
any offense either. public or private, on the state’s behalf or 
on his own, to have got up an accusation because I am 
crowned and honored, and to have expended such a mul- 
titude of words—this is a proof of personal enmity and spite 
and meanness, not of any thing good. And then his leaving 
the controversy with me, and attacking the defendant, com- 
prises every thing that is base.3 

I should conclude, A%schines, that you undertook this 

1 See p. 90, note 2. ᾿: 

Or, “he has to do with the adversaries of the people,” omitting τί 
with Bekker. But with τὰ the sense is as Jacobs, Reiske, and others 
give it: wo es der Sache des Volkes gegen die Feinde gilt. 


3. “This once more pressed, because, after the brilliant declamation 
that precedes, it was sure to be doubly effective.”’—Lord Brougham. 


» 


102 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ay 


cause to exhibit your eloquence and strength of lungs, not to 
obtain satisfaction for any wrong. But it is not the language 
of an orator, Aschines, that has any value, nor yet the tone of 
his voice, but his adopting the same views with the people, and 
his hating and loving the same persons that his country does. 
He that is thus minded will say every thing with loyal inten- 
tion: he that courts persons from whom the commonwealth 
apprehends danger to herself, rides not on the same anchorage 
_ with the people, and therefore has not the same expectation 
of safety. But—do you see?—I have: for my objects are 
the same with those of my countrymen; I have no interest 
separate or distinct. Is that so with you? How can it be 
—when immediately after the battle you went as embassador 
to Philip, who was at that period the author of your country’s 
calamities, notwithstanding that you had before persisted’ in 
refusing that office,! as all men know? 
And who is it that deceives the state? Surely the man 
who speaks not what he thinks. On whom does the crier 
‘pronounce a curse??. Surely on such a man. What greater 
crime can an orator be charged with, than that his opinions 
and his language are not the same? Such is found to be 
_your character. And yet you open your mouth, and dare to 
look these men in the faces!' Do you think they don’t know 
you ?—or are sunk all in such slumber and oblivion, as not to 
remember the speeches which you delivered in the assembly, 
cursing and swearing that you had nothing to do with Philip, 
and that I brought that charge against you out of personal 
enmity without foundation? -No sooner came the news of 
the battle, than you forgot all that; you acknowledged and | 
avowed that between Philip and yourself there subsisted a— 
relation of hospitality and friendship—new names these for 
1 This is to be understood only of the last six years before Cheronea. 
3 This curse was pronounced at every assembly of the people and 
every meeting of the council, before the business began. It was in- 
cluded in a form of prayer prescribed by law, in which the gods were 
implored to bless and prosper the consultations of the citizens, and to 
destroy and extirpate all persons who were ill-affected to the common- 
wealth, or plotted or conspired against the people, or were bribed to 
mislead or deceive them. ‘There are many allusions to this curse in the 
Attic orators. In the speech on the Embassy (p. 368), Demosthenes 
causes it to be read tothe jury. At the meeting of ladies in the Thes- 


mophoriazuse of Aristophanes, there is an amusing mock prayer read 
by the crier, vv. 295—351. See Schémann De Comitiis, 92. εἶν 


wate ON THE CROWN. 103 
your contract of hire. For upon what plea of equality or jus- 
tice could Aischines, son of Glaucothea the timbrel-player,! be 
the friend or acquaintance of Philip? I can not see. No! 
You were hired to ruin the interests of your countrymen: and 
yet, though you have been caught yourselfin 6pen treason, and 
informed against yourself after the fact, you revile and reproach 
me for things which you will find any man is chargeable with 
sooner than I.’ ’ 

Many great and glorious enterprises has the commonwealth, 
ZEschines, undertaken and succeeded in through me; and — 
she did not forget them. Here is the proof—On the election 
of a person to speak the funeral oration immediately after 
the event, you were proposed, but the people would not have 
you, notwithstanding your fine voiee, nor Demades, though 
he had just made the peace, nor Hegemon, nor any other of 
your party—but me. And when you and Pythocles came for- 

_ ward in a brutal and shameful manner, (O merciful heaven !) 
and urged the same accusations against me which you now do, 
and abused me, they elected me all the more. The reason—_ 
you are not ignorant of it—yet I will tell you. The Atheni- 
Fal 


1 The drum or timbrel was an instrument peculiarly used in the or-_ 
gies of Bacchus and Cybele, derived from Phrygia. Compare Bacche, — 
58 :--- 3 

αἴρεσθε τἀπιχώρι᾽ ἐν πόλει Φρυγῶν. 

τύμπανα; Ῥέας τε μητρὸς ἐμά θ᾽ εὑρήματα" 
and Virgil, in. IX. 619:— 

py pans vos buxusque vocat Berecynthia matris 
8689. 

~ Compare also Virgil, Georg. IV. 64; Apulei. de Gen. 49, “ Aigyptia 
numina gaudent plangoribus, Greca choreis, barbara strepitu cymba- 
listarum et tympanistarum et ceraularum.” 

2 «Here is the same leading topic once more introduced; but intro- 
duced after new topics and fresh illustrations. The repetitions, the 
enforcement again and again of the same points, are a distinguishing 
feature of Demosthenes, and formed also one of the characteristics of 
Mr. Fox’s great eloquence. The ancient however was incomparably 
more felicitous in this than the modern; for in the latter it often arose. 
from carelessness, from ill-arranged discourse, from want of giving due 
attention, and from having once or twice attempted the topic and for- 
gotten it, or perhaps from having failed to produce the desired effect. 
Now in Demosthenes this is never the case: the early allusions to the 
subject of the repetition are always perfect in themselves, and would 
sufficiently have enforced the topic, had they stood alone. But new 
matter afterward handled gave the topic new force and fresh illustra. 
tion, by presenting the point in a new light.” —Lord Brougham. 


104 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


ans knew as well the loyalty and zeal with which I conducted 
their affairs, as the dishonesty of you and your party; for 
what you denied upon oath in our prosperity, you confessed 


in the misfortunes of the republic. ‘They considered there- 


fore, that men*who got security for their politics by the 
public disasters had been their enemies long before, and were 
then avowedly such. They thought it right also, that the 
person who was to speak in honor of the fallen and cele- 
brate their valor, should not have sat under the same roof 
or at the same table’ with their antagonists; that he should 
not revel there and sing a pean over the calamities of Greece 
in company with their murderers, and then come here and 
receive distinction; that he should not with his voice act the 
mourner of their fate, but that he should lament over them 
with his heart. ‘This they perceived in themselves and in 
me, but not in any of you: therefore they elected me, and 
not you. Nor, while the people felt thus, did the fathers and 
brothers of the deceased, who were chosen by the people to 
perform their obsequies, feel differently. For having to order 
the funeral banquet (according to custom)? at the house of the 
nearest relative to the deceased, they ordered it at mine. And 
with reason: because, though each to his own was nearer of 
kin than I was, none was ‘so near to them all collectively. 
He that had the deepest interest in their safety and success, 
had upon their mournful disaster the largest share of sorrow 
for them all.? , 


1 Literally : “joined in the same libations.” Brougham: “drunk out 


of the same eup.” Pabst has happily expressed the two words: Haus- 
und Tisch- Genosse, “ house and board-fellows.” We might say, “shared 
house and board with.” I have adopted the turn of Jacobs. 

3 Literally: ‘‘as other funeral banquets [2. 6. as funeral banquets in 
general] are wont to be held.” “ 

* This passage, which has not been particularly noticed by any of 
the critics, appears to me one of the most touching in the whole oration. 
The séntiment is like that which Gidipus expresses in the beautiful lines 

_ of Sophocles (Cid. Rex, 58), which very possibly were in the mind of 
~ the orator :— 
ὦ παῖδες οἰκτροὶ, γνωτὰ κοὐκ ἄγνωτά μοι 
προσήλθεθ᾽ ἱμείροντες " εὖ γὰρ old’ ὅτι 

νοσεῖτε πάντες, καὶ νοσοῦντες, ὡς ἐγὼ 

οὐκ ἔστιν ὑμῶν ὅστις ἐξ ἴσου νοσεῖ. ; 
τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑμῶν ἄλγος εἰς ἕν᾽ ἔρχεται 

μόνον καθ᾽ αὑτὸν, Kovdév’ ἄλλον - ἡ δ᾽ ἐμὴ 

ψυχὴ πόλιν τε κἀμὲ καὶ σ᾽ ὁμοῦ στένει... 


> 


ON THE CROWN. 105 


_ Read him this epitaph, which the state chose to inscribe on 
their monument, that you may see even by this, Aschines, 
what a heartless and malignant wretch you are. Read. 


THE EPITAPH.) κα 


These are the patriot brave, who side by side ~ 
Stood to their arms, and dash’d the foeman’s pride: 
Firm in their valor, prodigal of life, 

Hades they chose the arbiter of strife ; 

That Greeks might ne’er to haughty victors bow, 
Nor thraldom’s yoke, nor dire oppression know; 
They fought, they bled, and on their country’s breast 
(Such was the doom of heaven) these warriors rest. 
Gods never lack success, nor strive in vain, 

But man must suffer what the fates ordain. 


Do you hear, A‘schines, in this very inscription, that ‘* Gods 
never lack success, nor strive in vain?”- Not to the statesman 
does it ascribe the power of giving victory in battle, but to 
the Gods. Wherefore then, execrable man, do you reproach 
me with these things? Wherefore utter such language? I 
pray that it may fall upon the heads of you and yours. # 
_ Many other accusations and falsehoods he urged against 


1 The reader will doubtless be pleased to see the lines of Campbell, 
which appeared in Lord Brougham’s translation, and therefore I take 
the liberty of subjoining them :— 
~ These are the brave, unknowing how to yield, . 

Who, terrible in valor, kept the field 

Against the foe, and higher than life’s breath 

Prizing their honor, met the doom of death, ᾿ 

Our common doom, that Greece unyoked might stand, 
Nor shuddering crouch beneath a tyrant’s hand. 

Such was the will of Jove; and now they rest 
Peaceful enfolded in their country’s breast. 

Th’ immortal gods alone are ever great, 
- But erring mortals must submit to fate. 


The following also is submitted for the judgment of the reader :— 


These for their country stood in war-array, 

And check’d the fierce invader on his way; 

Into the battle rush’d at glory’s call, 

With firm resolve to conquer or to fall; 

That Greeks should ne’er to tyrants bend the knee, 
But live, as they were born, from thraldom free. oy 
Now in the bosom of their fatherland ᾿ 

These warriors rest; for such was Jove’s command. 
The Gods in all succeed and have their will, 

But mortals must their destiny fulfill. 


— 


106 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


me, O Athenians, but one thing surprised me more than all, 
that, when he mentioned the late misfortunes of the country, 
he felt not as became a well-disposed and upright citizen, he 
shed no tear, experienced no such emotion: with a loud voice 
exulting, and straining his throat, he imagined apparently 
that he was accusing me, while he was giving proof against 

himself, that our distresses touched him not in the same 
manner as the rest. A person who pretends, as he did, to 
care for the laws and constitution, ought at least to have this 
about him, that he grieves and rejoices for the same cause as 

the people, and not by his politics to be enlisted in the ranks 
of the enemy, as A‘schines’ has plainly done, saying’ that I 
am the cause of all, and that the commonwealth has fallen 
into troubles through me, when it was not owing to my views 
or principles that you began to assist the Greeks; for, if you 
conceded? this to me, that my influence caused you to resist 
the subjugation of Greece, it would be a higher honor than 
any that you have bestowed upon others. I myself would 
nét make such an assertion—it would be doing you injustice 
—nor would you allow it, 1 am sure; and Aéschines, if he 
acted honestly, would never, out of enmity to me, have dis- 
paraged and defamed the greatest of your glories. 

But why do I censure him for-this, when with calumny far 
more shocking has he assailed me? He that charges me with 
Philippizing—O heaven and earth !—what would he not say? 
By Hercules and the Gods! if one had honestly to inquire, | 
discarding all expression of spite and falsehood, who the per- 
sons really are, on whom the blame of what has happened 
may by common consent fairly and justly be thrown, it 
would be found, they are persons in the various states like 
tischines, not like me—persons who, while Philip’s power 
was feeble and exceedingly small, and we were constantly 
warning and exhorting and giving salutary counsel, sacrificed 
the general interests for the sake of selfish lucre, deceiving 
and corrupting their respective countrymen,’ until they made 
them slaves—Daochus, Cineas, Thrasylaus, the Thessalians ; 
Cercidas, Hieronymus, Eucampidas, the Arcadians; Myrtis, 
Teledamus, Mnaseas, the Argives; Euxitheus, Cleotimus, 

? Confer Aschines contr. Ctes. 61. 


? Perhaps “ attributed ;” as Jacobs and Pabst render it. 
3. Schaefer explains τοὺς ὑπάρχοντας πολίτας, “ cives sue factionis.” 


- ON THE CROWN. 107 


Aristechmus, the Eleans; Neon and Thrasylochus, sons of 
the accursed Philiades, the Messenians; Aristratus, Epichares, 
the Sicyonians; Dinarchus, Demaratus, the Corinthians; 
Ptceodorus, Helixus, Perilaus, the Megarians; Timolaus, 
Theogiton, Anemeetas, the Thebans; Hipparchus, Clitarchus, 


Sosistratus, the Eubceans. The day will not last me to re- _ 


count the names of the traitors.1 All these, O Athenians, 
are men of the same politics in their own countries as this 
party among you,—profligates, and parasites, and miscreants, 
who have each of them crippled? their fatherlands; toasted 
away® their liberty, first to Philip and last to Alexander; 
who measure happiness by their belly and all that is base, 
while freedom and independence, which the Greeks of olden 
time regarded as the test and standard of well-being, they 
have annihilated. 

Of this base and infamous conspiracy and profligacy—or 
rather, Ὁ Athenians, if I am to speak in earnest, of this 
betrayal of Grecian liberty—Athens is by all mankind ac- 
quitted, owing to my counsels; and I am acquitted by you. 
Then do you ask me, Adschines, for what merit I claim to be 
honored? J will tell you. Because, while all the statesmen 
in Greece, beginning with yourself, have been corrupted for- 
merly by Philip and now by Alexander, me neither oppor- 
tunity, nor fair speeches, nor large promises, nor hope, nor 
fear, nor any thing else could tempt or induce to betray aught 
that I considered just and beneficial to my country. What- 
ever I have advised my fellow-citizens, I have never advised 
like you men, leaning as in a balance to the side of profit: 
all my proceedings have been those of a soul upright, honest, 


? See the opinion of Polybius in Appendix VI. 

Cicero appears to have imitated this passage in the oration against 
Verres, Act. I. lib. 4,—“ Nulla domus in Sicilié locuples fuit, ubi iste 
non textrinum instituerit. Mulier est Segestana, perdives et nobilis, 
Lamia nomine; per triennium isti, plena domo telarum, stragulam 
vestem confecit: nihil nisi sohiebyiig tinctum. Attalus, homo pecu- 
niosus, Neti; Lyso Lilybei; Critolaus Ennz ; Syracusis 4Eschrio, Cleo- 
menes, Theomnastus; Elori Archonides, Megistus. Vox me citius 
defecerit quam nomina.” 

? Literally: “mutilated.” 

3. [ have given for προπεπωκότες the version of Lord Brougham, who 
justly censures the paraphrases of the other translators. Jacobs ren. 

ers it darbot, but says in a note: wértlich: zutrank. Pabst: wie ein 
Geschenk beim Zutrinken hingegeben haben. 


i 


108 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


and incorrupt: intrusted with affairs of greater magnitude 
than any of my contemporaries, I have administered them 
all honestly and faithfully. ‘Therefore do I claim to be 
honored. ane ὦ 

As to this fortification, for which you ridiculed me,’ of the 
wall and fosse, I regard them as deserving of thanks and 
praise, and so they are; but I place them nowhere near my 
acts of administration. Not with stones nor with bricks did 
I fortify Athens: nor is this the ministry on which I most 
_ pride myself. Would you view my fortifications aright, you 
will find arms, and states, and posts, and harbors, and 
galleys, and horses, and men for their defense. These are 
the bulwarks with which I protected Attica, as far as was 
possible by human wisdom; with these I fortified our terri- 
tory, not the circle of Pirzus or the city. Nay more; I 
was not beaten by Philip in estimates or preparations; far 
from it; but the generals and forces of the allies were over- 


1 AEschines had urged in his speech—‘‘that the merit of repairin 
the fortifications was far outweighed by the guilt of having rendere 
such repairs necessary; that a good statesman should not seek to be 
honored for strengthening the ramparts, but for doing some real service 
to the commonwealth.”—P. 87. 

2 T have here taken τούτων as Wolf, Reiske, Jacobs, and Pabst do. 
But Taylor, Markland, and Schaefer understand it to mean “these 
men,” ὁ. 6. the Athenians. ἕ 

3 IT subjoin Lord Brougham’s note:— 

“The fame of this noble passage is great and universal. It is of a 
beauty and force made for all times and all places; its effect with us 
may be imagined by supposing Mr. Pitt to have been attacked for his 
Martello towers, the use of which was far more doubtful than Demos- 
thenes’ τειχισμὸς and ταφρεία, and to have indignantly and proudly 
appealed to the other services he had rendered and the other outworks 
he had erected for our internal protection against foreign and domestic 


enemies. Qne seems to hear him nobly pour forth his magnificent — 


periods, alike majestic in structure and in tone, upon the ‘lines of cir- 
eumvallation far mightier than any fortress, lines which the energy of 
a united people and the wisdom of a British parliament had drawn 
around our glorious constitution, placing it in proud security above all 
the assaults either of an insulting enemy from without, or a more 
desperate foe at home,’—and ‘ desiring that his title to the gratitude of 
his country should be rested on foundations like these, far more im- 
perishable than any works which the hands of men could raise.’ Or 
would he haply have spoken figuratively of ‘the loftier towers which 
he had raised in the people’s hearts, and the exhaustless magazines of 
their loyalty and valor?” ἴδω 


ON THE CROWN. 109 


‘come by his fortune. Where are the proofs of this? They 
are plain and evident. Consider. 

What was the course becoming a loyal citizen—a states- 
man serving his country with all possible forethought and zeal 
and fidelity? Should he not have covered Attica on the sea- 
board with Eubcea, on the midland frontier with Boeotia, on the 
Peloponnesian with the people of that confine? Should he 
not have provided for the conveyance of corn along a friendly 
coast all the way to Pirzus? preserved certain places that 
belonged to us by sending off succors, and by advising and 
moving accordingly, — Proconnesus, Chersonesus, Tenedos ? 
brought others into alliance and confederacy with us,—By- 
zantium, Abydus, Eubcea?—cut off the principal resources 
of the enemy, and supplied what the commonwealth was de- 
ficient in? All this has been accomplished by my decrees 
and measures; and whoever will examine them without prej- 
udice, men of Athens, will find they were rightly planned 
- and faithfully executed; that none of the proper seasons were 
lost or missed or thrown away by me, nothing which depend- 
ed on one man’s ability and prudence was neglected. But if 
the power of some deity or of fortune, or the worthlessness 
of commanders, or the wickedness of you that betrayed your 
countries, or all these things together, injured and eventually 
ruined our cause, of what is Demosthenes guilty? Had there 
in each of the Greek cities been one such man as I was in my 
Station among you; or rather, had Thessaly possessed one 
single man, and Arcadia one, of the same sentiments as my- 
self, none of the Greeks either beyond or within Thermopylz 
would have suffered their present calamities; all would have 
been free and independent, living prosperously in their own 
countries with perfect safety and security, thankful to you 
and the rest of the Athenians for such manifold blessings 
through me. 

To show you that I greatly understate my services for fear 
of giving offense, here—read me this—the list of auxiliaries 
procured by my decrees. 


[The list of auxiliaries. | 


These and the like measures, Xschines, are what become 
an honorable citizen; (by their. success—O earth and heav- 
en!—we should have been the greatest of people incontest- 


* 


110 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


ably, and deserved to be so: even under their failure the re- 
sult is glory, and no one blames Athens or her policy: all 
condemn fortune that so ordered things:) but never will he 
desert the interests of the commonwealth, nor hire himself to 
her adversaries, and study the enemy’s advantage instead of 
his country’s; nor on a man who has courage to advise and 
propose measures worthy of the state, and resolution to perse- 
vere in them, will he cast an evil eye, and, if any one privately 
offends him, remember and treasure it up; no, nor keep him- 
self in a criminal and treacherous! retirement, as you so often 
do. There is indeed a retirement just and beneficial to the 


state, such as you, the bulk of my countrymen, innocently 


enjoy: that however is not the retirement of Aschines; far 
from it. Withdrawing himself from public life when he 
pleases, (and that is often,) he watches for the moment when 
you are tired of a constant speaker, or when some reverse of 
fortune has befallen you, or any thing untoward has happened 
(and many are the casualties of human life): at such a crisis 
he springs up an orator, rising from his retreat like a wind; 
in full voice,? with words and phrases collected, he rolls them 
out audibly and breathlessly, to no advantage or good purpose 
whatsoever, but to the detriment of some or other of his fel- — 
low-citizens and to the general disgrace. 


1 As to the meaning of ὕπουλος, the Edinburgh reviewer, whom I 
have before quoted, remarks as follows (vol. xxxvi. p. 498):— 

“ He accuses A’schines of maintaining an μές and hollow silence, @r 
quiet, ἡσυχίαν ἄδικον καὶ ὕπουλον. This translation we consider a very 
tolerable one, but how far it falls short of the original will be seen 
when, in order to express the literal meaning of that single word, we 
are of necessity driven to this periphrasis—a hollow silence, like that 
particular state of a wound which has just skinned over, as if about to 
heal, but which is nevertheless rankling underneath, and just upon the 
point of breaking out into fresh mischief.” . 

Leland renders it ‘‘insidious.” Brougham: “traitorous.” Auger: 
“perfide.” Jacobs: heimtuckische. Pabst: arglistige. cbetey 

3 Leland renders this aptly enough: “ his_voice is already exercised.” 
Spillan follows him; and Pabst is to the same effect. It is not correct 
to say, “raising his voice,” or the like, as others have it. 

It appears from the testimony of ancient writers, as well as from the 
sneers of Demosthenes, that Aischines had a remarkably fine voice, and 
was not a little proud of it. A good voice must indeed have been a 
great advantage to an Athenian speaker, who had to address thousands 
of people in the open air. But Adschines not only possessed a voice 
that was loud and clear, but had a wonderful ease and fluency of speech, 
in these natural gifts surpassing Demosthenes himself. 2 


. 


δ 


ΟΝ THE CROWN. 111 


Yet from this labor and diligence, A®schines, if it pro- 
ceeded from an honest heart, solicitous for your country’s 
welfare, the fruits should have been rich and noble and pro- 
fitable to all—alliances of states, supplies of money, con- 
veniences of commerce, enactment of useful laws, opposition 
to our declared enemies. All such things were looked for! in 
former times; and many opportunities did the past afford 
for a good man and true to show himself; during which time 
you are nowhere to be found, neither first, second, third, 
fourth, fifth, nor sixth?—not in any rank at all—certainly 
on no service by which your country was exalted. For what 
alliance has come to the state by your procurement? What 
succors, what acquisition of good-will or credit? What em- 
bassy or agency is there of yours, by which the reputation of 
the country has been increased? What concern domestic, 
Hellenic, or foreign, of which you have had the management, 
has-improved under it? What galleys? what ammunition ? 
_-what arsenals? what repair of walls? what cavalry? What 
in the world are you good for? What assistance in money 
have you ever given, either to the rich or the poor, out of 
public spirit or liberality? None. But, good sir, if there is 
nothing of this, there is at all-events zeal and loyalty. Where? 


1 Ἐξέτασις ἦν, “ there was an inquiry after—they were wanted,”— 
the word being strictly applicable to a search or muster, where the 
names of persons are called over—the things needed or missing are 
inquired for. Hence ἐξετάζεσθαι gets the meaninggof “to be found ;” 
being strictly, “to be éalled over at muster,” and more loosely, “to 
appear in your place at call.” Leland’s translation is: “such were the 
services which the late times required.” Spillan: “for all these services 
there was a demand.” Francis: “these were objects of great attention.” 
The Germans, however, understand it differently. Jacobs: Alle diese 

᾿ Gegenstdnde dienten in friiherer Zeit zur Priifung. Pabst: Durch 
alles dies konnte man in den friihern Zeiten sich erproben, which is 
pretty nearly the same thing as is expressed by the next clause. Com- 
pare the passage below (p. 331, Orig.), ἐπειδὴ οὐκέτι συμβούλων ἀλλὰ 
τῶν τοῖς ἐπιταττομένοις ὑπηρετούντων καὶ τῶν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος μισθαρ- 
veiv ἑτοίμων καὶ τῶν κολακεύειν ἑτέρους ϑουλομένων ἐξέτασᾳῳ ἦν, τηνικαῦτα 
σὺ καὶ τούτων ἕκαστος ἐν τάξει. ᾿ 

2 Auger contents himself with rendering this: ‘‘ni le premier, ni le 
second, ni le dernier, dans aucun rang enfin,” and observes, “il me 
semble que cette 6numération arithmétique n’auroit eu aucune grace en 
francois.” It refers, however, to an ancient answer of the Delphic oracle, 
which to an inquiry, what rank the Zgzans held, responded, that “they 
were neither third, nor fourth, nor twelfth ; of no number or account 
at all.” 


112 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


when? You infamous fellow! Even at a time when all who 
ever spoke upon the platform gave something for the public 
safety, and last Aristonicus gave the sum which he had 
amassed to retrieve his franchise,! you neither came forward 
nor contributed a mite—not from inability—no! for you have 
inherited above five talents from Philo, your wife’s father, and 
you had a subscription of two talents from the chairmen of 
the Boards for what you did to cut up the navy-law. But, 
that I may not go from one thing to another and lose sight of 
the question, I pass this by. That it was not poverty pre- 
vented your contributing, already appears: it was, in fact, 
your anxiety to do nothing against those to whom your po- 
litical life is subservient. On what occasions then do you 
show your spirit? When do you shine out?? When aught ἢ 
is to be spoken against your countrymen !—then it is you are 
splendid in voice, perfect in memory, an admirable actor, a 
tragic Theocrines.? | 

You mention the good men of olden times;*and you are 
right so to do. Yet it is hardly fair, O Athenians, that he 
should get the advantage of that respect which you have for 
the dead, to compare and contrast. me with them,—me who 
am living among you; for what mortal is ignorant, that to- 
ward the living there exists always more or less of ill-will, 
whereas the dead are no longer hated even by an enemy ὃ: 
Such being human nature, am I to be tried and judged by 


7 

1 His civic privileges were suspended, until he had discharged the 
debt due from him to the state. f 

2 Neaviac—Aaurpéc. Leland: “spirited and shining.” Brougham: 
“bold and munificent.” Francis: ‘on what occasions has your spirit 
been excited and your abilities displayed?” Jacobs: wacker—kréftig. 
Pabst: Bei welchen Gelegenheiten zeigtest Du Dich also mit jugend- 
licher Kraft, bei welchen glinzend und ausgezeichnet. See note 1, p. 57. 

3 Theocrines was a notorious informer and slanderer. There is an 
oration attributed to Demosthenes against such a person. Reiske in 
his Index says, apparently from conjecture—“ Videtur Athenis Roscius 
xvi sui fuisse, 7. 6. perfectus histrio comicus; cum quo Demosthenes 
Zischinem comparans Theocrinem tragicum appellat, ut agentem his- 
trionicam in rebus seriis et funestis.” 

4 Compare Thucydides ii. 45.—06vo¢ γὰρ τοῖς ζῶσι πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον 
τὸ δὲ μὴ ἐμποδὼν ἀνανταγωνίστῳ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται ; and the declamation 
attributed to Cicero against Sallust: ‘‘Quare noli mihi antiquos viros 
objectare. Neque me cum iis conferre decet, Patres Conseripti, qui jam 
decesserunt, omnique odio carent et invidid, sed cum iis qui mecum una 
in republicé versati sunt” ἊΣ 


ON THE CROWN. 118 


the standard of my predecessors? Heaven forbid! It is not 
just or equitable, A‘schines. Let me be compared with you, 
or any persons you like of your party who are still alive. 
And consider this—whether it is more honorable and better 
for the state, that because of the services of a former age, 
prodigious though they are beyond all power of expression, 
those of the present generation should be unrequited and 
spurned, or that all who@ive proof of their good intentions 
should have their share of honor and regard from the people? 
Yet indeed—if I must say so much—my polities and princi- 
ples, if considered fairly, will be found to resemble those of 
the illustrious ancients, and to have had the same objects in 
view, while yours resemble those of their calumniators ; for 
it is certain there were persons in those times, who ran down 
the living, and praised people dead and gone, with a malignant 
purpose like yourself. 

You say that I am nothing like the ancients. -Are you like 
them, Aéschines? Is your brother, or any of our speakers? 
I assert that none is. But pray, my good fellow, (that I 
may give you no other name,) try the living with the living 
and with his competitors, as you would in all cases—poets, 
dancers, athletes. Philammon did not, because he was infe- 
rior to Glaucus of Carystus and some other champions of 
a by-gone age, depart uncrowned from Olympia, but, because 
he beat all who entered the ring against him, was crowned 
and proclaimed conqueror.!. So I ask you to compare me 
with the orators of the day, with yourself, with any one you 
like: [yield tonone. When the commonwealth was at liberty 
to choose for her advantage, and patriotism was a matter 
of emulation, I showed myself a better counselor than any, 
and every act of state was pursuant to my decrees and laws 


Δ An anecdote of this Glaucus is told by Pausanias (vi. 10). He used 
to drive his father’s plow, and one day, when the coulter was loose, 
he knocked it in with his fist. His father, having seen this feat, took 
him to Olympia, and entered him in the ring as a pugilist. He was 
nearl ’ beaten for want of skill, when his father called out, “Strike as 

one id the coulter,” on which he redoubled his efforts, and won the 
attle. 

The argument here advanced is anticipated by A®schines, (cont. 
Ctes. 81,) who asserts that on questions of political merit the true test 
Is, not a mere comparison with men of the day, but a positive standard 
of excellence. 


114 THE ORATIONS OF. DEMOSTHENES, 


and negotiations: none of your party was to be seen, unless 
you had to do the Athenians a mischief. After that lament- 
able occurrence, when there was a call no longer for advisers, 
but for persons obedient to command, persons ready to be 
hired against their country and willing to flatter strangers, 
then all of you were in occupation, grand people with splendid . 
equipages; I was powerless, I confess, though more attached 
to my countrymen than you.! &% j 

Two things, men of Athens, are characteristic of a well- 
disposed citigen:—so may I speak of myself and give the 
least offense:—JIn authority, his constant aim should be the 
dignity and pre-eminence of the commonwealth; in all times 
and circumstances his spirit should be loyal. This depends 
upon nature; power and might upon other things. Such a 
spirit, you will find, I have ever sincerely cherished. Only 
see. |When my person was demanded—when they brought 
Amphictyonic suits against me—when they menaced—when 
_ they promised—when they set these miscreants like wild 
beasts upon me—never in any way have I abandoned my 
affection for you. From the very beginning I chose an honest 
and straightforward course in politics, to support the honor, 
the power, the glory.of my fatherland, these to exalt, in these 
to have my being. I do not walk about the market-place 
gay and cheerful because the stranger has prospered, holding 
out my right hand and congratulating those who I think will 
report it yonder, and on any news of our own success shudder 
and groan and stoop to the earth, like these impious men, 
who rail at Athens, as if in so doing they did not rail at 
themselves; who look abroad, and if the foreigner thrives by 
the distresses of Greece, are thankful for it, and say we should 
keep him so thriving to all time. | 
_ Never, O ye Gods, may those wishes be confirmed by you! 
If possible, inspire even in these men a better sense and 
feeling! But if they are indeed incurable, destroy them by 
themselves ; exterminate them on land and sea; and for the 


1 Aischines declares (cont. Ctes. 76) that soon after the battle of 
Cheronea Demosthenes rose in the assembly, trembling and half-dead, 
and asked that he might be appointed to draw up the terms of peace; 
but the Athenians would not allow his name to be subscribed to their 
decrees. “ad 


ON THE CROWN. 115 


rest of us, grant that we may speedily be released from our 
present fears, and enjoy a lasting deliverance !! 


* Lord Brougham’s version of this concluding passage is spirited, 
though not free from faults: A 

“Let not, O gracious God, let not such conduct receive any measure 
of sanction from thee! Rather plant even in these men a better spirit 
and better feelings! But if they are wholly incurable, then pursue 
them, yea, themselves by themselves, to utter and untimely perdition, 
by land and by sea; and to us who are spared vouchsafe to grant the 
speediest rescue from our impending alarms, and an unshaken security.” 

᾿Ἐπινεύσειε ταῦτα is not translated quite correctly, and μάλιστα is 
omitted. ‘Themselves by themselves” is a Greek idiom, not an En- 
glish. For example, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἀπέκτεινεν is, in plain and good En- 
glish, “he killed himself,” not, “‘he himself killed himself.” We might 
say, “by themselves alone ;” and Leland’s turn is not bad: “on them, 
on them only discharge your vengeance.” 

It may be thought that my own version of the ἐξώλεις καὶ προώλεις 
ποιήσατε is too wide. I look upon it as a phrase, like ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν 
and many others, to be represented by some general equivalent, and 
not by taking the words piecemeal. There is no advantage that I see 
in giving a particular verbal expression to the πρὸ in προώλεις, since 
in any form of imprecation, such as “ perdition seize,” or the like, it is 
necessartly implied that the destruction is to be premature, or before 
- the ordinary course of nature. 

Lord Brougham justly says that “the music of this passage is almost 
as fine as the sense is impressive and grand, and the manner dignified 
and calm;” and he remarks upon the difficulty of preserving this in 
a translation. The last two lines are perhaps the most difficult of all. 
I have resorted to a little expansion, in the attempt to preserve their 
harmony; yet I-am mnable to satisfy myself. ᾿Ασφαλῇ σωτηρίαν is - 
variously .rendered—by Spillan: “safe security”—Leland: “blessings 
of protection and tranquillity.” Lord Brougham’s “ unshaken security” 
is a good expression, and sounds well at the close. ‘‘Inviolable secu- 
rity” had occurred to me; but I rather think that σωτηρίαν indicates 
the idea of divine protection, or safety derived from the Gods. The 
prayer of Demosthenes is, that his countrymen may not only be extri- 
cated from their present state of suspense and anxiety, but may have 
the insurance of divine protection for the future. In effect, he prays 
for the deliverance of Athens from a foreign yoke, and the restoration 
of her ancient dignity. His language is purposely vague, but was not 
the less felt and understood by his hearers. The very prayer which 
invokes a blessing upon the Athenians is designed Meh ress the con- 
viction upon them, that A‘schines was their deadly enemy, who would 
regard their welfare as his own ruin. . 

The version of Jacobs is subjoined. He has been bold enough, like 
Leland, to omit ‘“‘by land and sea;” which, perhaps, to modern ears, 
does not much add to the force. It means, that the whole gang of 
traitors should be destroyed, in whatever part of the world they might 
be, without chance or possibility of escape. 

Méchte doch, o al? ihr Gétter! keiner von Huch dieses billigen, son- 


116 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. - 


7 


THE ORATION ON THE EMBASSY. . 


THE ARGUMENT. 


Demosthenes appears in this cause as the conductor of a prosecution 
against Aischines for treasonable practices in the embassy which pre- 
ceded the peace of Β.σ. 346. The circumstances connected with that 
embassy are so fully explained in the third Appendix to Volume L, 
and in the first Appendix to this Volume, that it will be sufficient to 
advert briefly to them, while we inquire more particularly“into cer- 
tain matters that took place after the conclusion of the peace and be- 
fore this prosecution. An interval of three years elapsed between ~ 
those two events. schines was then accused and brought to trial, 
not only for neglect and misconduct in the performance of his duty 
as embassador, but for positive corruption and betrayal of his coun- 
try’s interests to Philip. It will naturally be asked why*the pro- 
ceeding against him on such grave charges was so long delayed. For 
this various causes may be assigned. 

Notwithstanding the dissatisfaction of the Athenians at the conditions 
and consequences of the peace, and at the triumph and advantage 
which Philip had obtained, there was a general reluctance to bring on 
any public discussion of the matter, which might possibly provoke 
a new quarrel, for which the Athenians were ill prepared. It was felt 
that an exposure of the artifices by which the people were deluded 
would reflect some disgrace upon them for their credulity. , All parties 
concerned in the negotiation for peace were in some measure respons- 


dern Ihr vor allen Dingen auch diesen hier einen bessern Sinn und bes- 
seres Gemiith verleihen ; wenn sie aber unheilbar sind, sie allein fiir sich 
dem Verderben iiberliefern, uns, den Uebrigen, aber die schnellste Befrei- 
ung von den obschwebenden Besorgnissen und unerschiitterte Wohlfahrt 
gewdhren. 3 ᾿ 

Now let the reader compare with this the peroration of the first. - 
Catilinarian speech: 

“ Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa reipublice salute et cum tua 
peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum exitio, qui se teeum omni scelere par- 
ricidioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. Tum 
tu, Jupiter, qui iisdem, quibus hee urbs, auspiciis a Romulo es consti- 
tutus ; quem Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere nominamus; hune 
et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac meenibus, 
a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis: et omnes inimicos bonorum, 
hostes patric, latrones Italie, scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria socie- 
tate conjunctos, ceternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis.” 


ON THE EMBASSY. 117 


ible for it, and among these Demosthenes himself: and therefore, 
while he was the first to call the attention of his countrymen to the 
misdeeds of his colleagues, he forbore for some time to take any act- 
ive steps against them. Again, whatever ground there might be for 
suspecting A‘schines and Philocrates of corrupt practices, there ap- 
‘nate no substantial proof against them, at least none such as would 
e sufficient to convict them in a court of justice. Moreover, they 
were supported by a powerful party, at the head of which were 
Eubulus and Phocion, and which comprised most of those citizens 
who were anxious to preserve peace with Macedonia. Demosthenes, 
although he had acquired a great reputation both as a statesman and 
an orator, had not yet attained that high position as minister of the 
commonwealth, to which a few more years served to raise him. 
These were the causes which for a long time prevented any formal 
proceeding against the suspected parties. 
The discontent at Athens however continued to increase. The com- 
ΕΝ against the embassadors were kept alive, not only by private 
iseussion, but by frequent indirect attacks upon them in the public 
debates. Thus, in the Oration on the Peace, Demosthenes reminded 
the people how they had been deluded by false reports and promises. 
In the second Philippic, without expressly naming either Aischines 
or Philocrates, but in language that could not fail to be understood, 
he publicly denounced them, and declared that they ought to be 
called to account. .The part which Aischines took when Python came 
to Athens, his addressing the people in support of the Macedonian 
envoys, and defending Philip’s conduct, by no means tended to in- 
crease his popularity. News was continually arriving at Athens of 
some warlike or ambitious movement of Philip, plainly showing that 
he would not rest contented ev ith his present position, but was 
making advances in every direction to extend his influence and pow- 
er. All this, while it excited the alarm of the Athenians, exalted 
Demosthenes in their estimation as a man who possessed more fore- 
sight than his adversaries, and brought them in a corresponding degree 
into disrepute. Before the close of the year B.c. 848, many important 
events had occurred, showing what advantage Philip had gained by 
terminating the Sacred War, and how the safety of Athens was en- 
dangered by his influence in Southern Greece. Such were, the divis- 
ion of Thessaly into tetrarchies, and the establishment of Philip’s 
adherents in the government—the conspiracy of Ptcedorus at Megara, 
which nearly threw that city into Philip’s hands—his intrigues in 
Eubceea—and those in Elis, where a Macedonian faction had become 
predominant. Negotiations had been entered into between Philip 
and the Athenians, with a view to amend the articles of the peace, 
and put them on a basis which should preclude future disputes; but 
they had proved wholly ineffectual. Philip was so incensed at the 
demands made by the Athenian embassadors, that he treated them 
with rudeness, and even banished from his dominions the poet Xeno- 
clides, because he had received them into his house. These events 
are alluded to in the speech of Demosthenes. Before the trial came 
on, it is clear that the Athenian people had begun to regard Philip 
. With increased suspicion and anger. 


118 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


It would appear also, from a particular passage in the Oration on the 
Embassy, that the affair of Antiphon (related more fully m the Oration 
on the Crown, ante p. 55) occurred shortly before the present trial. | 
‘The part which Aschines took in it caused him to be deprived of an 
honorable appointment, that of pleader before the Amphictyonic 
council; so that, if the date which has been assigned is correct, -he 
must about this time have been in no little disgrace with the public. 
The allusions of Demosthenes, however, are not so distinct as to en- 
able us to speak with much certainty upon the point. 

Notwithstanding all the suspicion under which A‘schines might lie, it 
is very doubtful whether any legal proceeding would ever have been 
taken against him, but for the imprudence of his colleague Philo- 
crates, who by his conduct at Athens, by open talk and conversation, 
afforded the strongest evidence against himself, and almost provoked 
his enemies to bring him to justice. Of the treason of Philocrates 
there remains no historical doubt. He had received from Philip large 
sums of money and grants of land in Phocis, which brought him in 
a considerable income; all this wealth he displayed ostentatiously, 
and made no secret of the quarter from which it was derived. About 
two years after the peace, and probably not long after the delivery 
of the second Philippic, Hyperides undertook to prosecute him. The 
law of Athens, in case of high crimes and misdemeanors against the 
state, afforded a method of proceeding not unlike an impeachment in 
our own law. This method Hyperides adopted. He brought Philo- 
erates before the popular assembly, and there charging him with 
treasonable conspiracy, procured a decree of the people ordering him 
to be brought to trial. Philocrates, having (as we may presume) 
given bail for his appearance to answer the charge, was so conscious 
of guilt, and so hopeless of escapygp that he sought safety in voluntary 
exile. 

This confession of crime on the part of one with whom on the most 
important occasions he had acted in concert was a severe blow to 
féschines. He had already been menaced with a similar accusation: 
for at the time when Hyperides preferred his impeachment, Demos- 
thenes rose in the assembly, and declared, that there was one thing 
in it which dissatisfied him, and this was, that Philocrates was the 
only person accused ; for it was certain, there must have been accom- 
plices among the embassadors. ‘“ Let those,” said he, “who disapprove 
the conduct of Philocrates, and disclaim connection with him, come 
forward and declare themselves, and I will acquit them from all 
‘blame.” No one responded to this challenge ; and Demosthenes stood 
pledged to follow up his own words, and bring another delinquent 
to justice. The flight of Philocrates left no room for hesitation; and 
the only question was, what sort of criminal process it was most 
advisable to adopt. : i 

It was open to him to take the same course against Alschines which 
Hyperides had taken against Philocrates, viz. to proceed by impeach- 
ment. But the more regular way of proceeding against a public 
functionary for any crime or misdemeanor relating to his office, was 
to prefer an accusation against him when he presented himself before 
the legistx, or auditors, to render an aecount of his official duties. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 119 


We have seen that every person holding an office of importance at 
Athens was compelled, after the expiration of his term, to render an 
account of the manner in which he had acquitted himself. Embas- 
sadors were subject to the same liability as other servants of the pub- 
lic, except that no particular time was fixed for their submission to 
the audit, as in other cases. The reason for such difference may be 
found in the nature of their employment; embassadors not+being ap- 
pointed like ordinary magistrates for any stated term, or at regular 

eriods, but occasionally, as circumstances might require. There- 
ore, while it was competent for any citizen to summon an embassa- 
dor before the auditors, and call him to account for the manner in 
which he had executed his mission, the law prescribed no positive 
time for the embassador himself to tender his accounts. 

Many embassies must have been simple affairs, involving little or no 
responsibility ; and we may presume, the ministers employed upon 
them would hardly be called upon to go through the ceremony of an 
audit. On the thee hand, we may reasonably suppose, that persons 
commissioned to represent their country on questions of moment, and 
to conduct arduous and critical negotiations, would for their own 

_sakes come before the auditors at the earliest opportunity, and offer 
themselves to that public inquiry which the Athenian law in all such 
cases invited or allowed. - Aschines had not done so; on the con- 
trary, he had suffered three years to elapse without submitting to this 
ordeal. But he had raised a point of law, on which his excuse partly 
rested. He contended that there was no necessity to render an ac- 
count of the second embassy, as all the substantial part of the busi- 
ness had been transacted upon the first ; the second journey to Mace- 
donia was for a matter of form only, to receive the oath of Philip: 
having therefore obtained his legal discharge as to the first embassy, 
he was to all intents and purposes discharged as to both. Demos- 
thenes took a different view of the question, and presented himself 
before the auditors as having a distinct account to render of his con- 
duct upon the second embassy. Atschines, seeing that this might be 
turned into a precedent against him, came with a large number of 
friends to the audit-room, and objected that the account of Demos- 
thenes could not be received, he being no longer accountable. The 
objection was overruled; Demosthenes went through the necessary 
forms, and his account was passed. It does not appear however that 
this decision had any immediate influence upon the conduct of 
Aischines. The time when Demosthenes presented himself to the au- 
ditors is not stated ; yet I should be disposed to think, it was a con- 
siderable time before the commencement of this prosecution. It was 
not the legal precedent, but the force of circumstance, which after- 
ward determined Aischines to follow his adversary’s example. Find- 
ing after the flight of Philocrates, that a proseéution against himself 
was inevitable, he deemed it the most prudent policy to take a bold 
step; and accordingly he demanded his audit, thereby challenging 
any accuser who dared to come forward and arraign him. 

Several accusers appeared, the principal among them being Timarchus 
and Demosthenes. Timarchus had long been known as an active 
politician, and for the last few years had zealously exerted himself 


vei 


120 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


in opposition to Philip. He was however a man of profligate habits, 
and notoriously guilty of certain infamous practices, which by an old 
statute of Solon incapacitated him to appear as a speaker in the 
public assembly. -Aischines seized the opportunity, which this law 
afforded him, of striking a blow, which might at the same time crush 
a formidable adversary, and create a prejudice that should help him 
materially in hisown defense. He demanded, according to the form 
of the Attic law, a judicial scrutiny into the character of Timarchus, 
and a jury being summoned to try the case, he aceused and convicted 
him of the crimes above mentioned. The legal consequence of such 
conviction was disfranchisement ; and A‘schines thus in a summa 
way got rid of one of his accusers. Demosthenes remained: and his 
own trial soon afterward came on. . 

The nature of the case is best learned from the speeches of the rival 
orators. Demosthenes, feeling what difficulties he had to contend 
with, and how much his own credit was at stake, uses every exertion 
to bring home to Aischines those charges which he had been for three 
years proclaiming incessantly to the Athenian public, and labors to 
supply the want of direct proof by close reasoning, and inferences 
from a variety of facts and circumstances. He calls attention at the 
outset to the efforts which the defendant’s party were making to 
screen him from justice. Timarchus had been ἐ ῥένοποστον he says, 
not for the good of society, but to deter any other accuser from taking. 
up the case. Notwithstanding the lapse of time, he undertakes to 
prove the following points—that Aischines had deceived the Athe- 
nians by false reports; that he had given treacherous counsel; that 
he had neglected his instructions; that he had lost precious opportu- 
nities by delay ; and that he had done all this from corrupt motives. 
The charge is in terms confined to the transactions upon the sec- 
ond embassy; but the discussion is by no means confined to them. 
Aischines, according to his opponent’s view, was bribed by Philip on 
the first embassy, but no one suspected him till some time after. 
Dionysius, in his treatise on Rhetoric, commends the skill shown b 
Demosthenes in dealing with this part of the subject. It would not 
have lain in his mouth to complain of any thing done upon the first 
journey to Pella, as on his return he had expressed himself satisfied 
with al] the proceedings, and praised the embassadors for their con- 
duct. The prosecution therefore is nominally directed to the affairs 
of the sae embassy, and the orator, contending that Avschines had 
previously hired himself to Philip, excuses his own apparent inconsist- 
ency by alleging that up to a certain time he, in common with the rest 
of his fellow-citizens, had been deceived as to the defendant’s motives. 
He comments upon the remarkable change which A‘schines had un- 
dergone in his political views:—he had been sent embassador to Pel- 
oponnesus, to rousejthe Arcadians against Philip; he had made a 
brilliant speech at Megalopolis, in which he assailed the king of 
Macedon with the fiercest invective; he talked in the same strain 
when he returned to Athens, and boasted of what he had done; he 
was appointed on that very account to be one of the embassadors to 
Pella, that he might be a check upon his colleagues; who were sus- 
pected of being too favorable to Philip; yet, after all this, he was 


ON THE EMBASSY. 121 


found suddenly acting in concert with Philocrates, and doing every 
thing to secure Philip's advantage in the negotiations. Among other 
circumstances, prominently advanced as evidence of guilt, are—the 
time which the embassadors wasted on their journey to Pella, in dis- 
obedience to the decree of the council; their lingering afterward at 
Pella, until Philip returned from Thrace; their consenting to accom- 
pany him to Phere, and postponing the signature of the treaty until 
their arrival at that city. By all this delay Philip was enabled to 
reduce Thrace into subjection, and complete the preparations for his 
march southward. It was the duty of the embassadors to apprise 
their countrymen of Philip’s preparations and objects; yet not only 
had they neglected to do so themselves, but they refused to permit 
a letter, which Demosthenes had written for that purpose, to be sent 
to Athens. Philip had sent a letter to the Athenians, apologizing 

‘for their delay: this, says Demosthenes, was an argument that they 
were colluding with him, and it was plain that Atschines had dic- 
tated the letter. 

Aischines had had many private interviews with Philip, and on one 
particular occasion, at Phere—of this Demosthenes gives evidence 
—he had been watched coming out of the king’s tent at midnight. 
It is further asserted by Demosthenes, that on the first embassy Philip 
offered a sum,of money to the whole body of the embassadors ; that 
he also sounded them each separately, himself among the rest, with a 
view to seduce them from their allegiance. Aschines was known to 
have received land in Phocis, yielding an income of thirty minas; (this 
apparently is not denied by Aischines ;) it could not be doubted that 
this was the price of corruption. The conduct of Aschines after his 
return home could only be explained on the supposition of treachery. 
He professed to be perfectly acquainted with Philip’s intentions; he 
assured the people that Philip meant to deprive the Thebans of their 
sovereignty in Beotia, and to punish them for their designs upon 
Delphi; to restore Thespize and Platea, and to give Eubea and 
Oropus to Athens. Afterward, when it turned out that these prom- 
ises were nugatory—when Philip had destroyed the Phocian cities, 
and confirmed Thebes in her sovereignty over Beotia—how had 
Aischines acted? Instead of denouncing Philip for breach of faith, 
—which would have been the natural course if he had been him- 
self deceived by Philip—he remained quite silent: and not only 
that; he had gone to Phocis, and shared the festivities of Philip’s 
camp, and continued ever after to sound his praises at#Athens. Not 
very long ago he had supported the Macedonian envoys before the 
thse assembly, and, to gratify them, had spoken disparagingly of 

is own countrymen. He had throughout assisted and upheld Philoc- 
rates, clearlysbecause he was the partner of his treason, and had 

* been afraid to disclaim connection with him, lest his royal master 
should be displeased. : 

Such are the principal matters of fact adduced by Demosthenes in sup- 
port of the charge. Many stories are told, not bearing directly upon 
the case, but tending to throw discredit on the character of the de- 
fendant and his supposed accomplices, Philocrates and Phrynon, 
Great pains also are taken by the orator to explain the part which he 

Vor. .—F 


122 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


himself took in the same transactions, with a view to clear himself 
from all imputation of connection with the guilty parties, or any 
other share of the blame. His anxiety on this head rendered it more 
difficult for him to confine himself to the question properly at issue ; 
and the speech has not that clear order and arrangement which is com- 
monly observable in Demosthenes. The arguments indeed are often 
pointed and forcible, but they are not well put together. He dwells 
with much emphasis on the destruction of the Phocians, on the evil 
consequences resulting from Philip’s possession of Thermopylae, and 
the great extension of his power; all which are attributed to Aischines 
and his colleagues. If, after they had discovered the designs of Philip, 
they had given immediate information to the Athenians, there was 
plenty of time to send a fleet and army to Thermopyle, and prevent 
his passing the straits: evén after he had passed, they might have ~ 
saved Phocis, if they had not been prevented by false intelligence and 
insidious counsels. The men who had thus deceived their country- 
men had been hired to’ betray a sacred trust, and they ought not to 
be spared, It was urged, that their punishment would excite the 
resentment of Philip: but, says Demosthenes, they deserved punish- 
ment on this very account, that they had made Philip’s resentment 
τ thing to be dreaded; and Philip should be made to see that it 
would not answer his purpose to bribe the citizens of Athens, He 
reminds the jury how severely Timarchus had been dealt with, and 
how A®schines had in his case insisted upon general notoriety as 
a sufficient ground of conviction: if they tried A’schines upon his 
own principles, they must convict him, for his guilt was known to 
all. He comments at great length upon the general increase of cor- 
ruption in the Greek states, showing what baneful effects it had pro- 
duced in Chalcidice, Peloponnesus, and elsewhere, and how perilous 
it would be to themselves, if they suffered it to spread yet further. 
Strong measures should be taken to check the progress of the mis- 
chief; and now that Aischines was brought before them on a clear 
charge of treason, they should, without regard to his abilities, his 
position, or his party, make a signal example of him, and strike ter- 
ror into the host of traitors in the Hellenic world. 
ischines replied, in a speech little, if at all, inferior to that of his 
adversary; and, as we are informed by Idomeneus the Epicurean, he 
was acquitted by a majority of thirty votes. Nor can this surprise ~ 
us, when we look at the circumstances of the case—the length of 
time whichghad elapsed—the lack of any direct proof of criminalit 
—the able defense made by Aischines—the advantage which he had. 
gained by the conyiction of Timarchus—and the powerful aid of 
Eubulus and other friends, who appeared in his behalf, or supported 
him by their influence. . a 
Notwithstanding the express testimony of Idomeneud@iwho wrote not 
very long after the event, and who is confirmed by Ulpian, there are 
writers, both ancient and modern, who have inclined to the opinion 
that Aischines was never brought to trial, but the orations on both 
sides were only published. The doubt was first suggested by Plutarch, 
who thought it strange that no mention of this trial should be made 
in either of the speeches on the Crown, The same view is espoused 


ON THE EMBASSY. 123 


by Albert Gerhard Becker, in his treatise on the character of Demos- 
thenes, (Demosthenes als Staatsman und Redner, p. 820,) who argues 
the matter more fully. It appears to me, that the negative evidence 

. on which they rely has but little force under the cir cumstances, for 
the reason assigned by Tg weer, (which Becker does not satisfactorily 
answer,) viz., that both the orators had motives for their silence: 

* Demosthenes had lost the ver dict, and therefore had nothing to boast 

of; Aischines had so small a majority—the whole number of jurors 
being not less probably than five hundred—that he was considered 
not to have obtained an honorable acquittal. 

As to the title to this oration, and further information as to the law, see 
my article Parapresbeia in the Archeological Dictionary. 


OF the intrigue and canvassing which there has been about 
this trial, men of Athens, I imagine you are all aware, having 
seen what a throng assailed you at the ballot just now.) 1 
shall only ask at your hands—what those who don’t ask it 
are entitled to—that ἢ you will value no person and no one’s 
favor more highly than justice and the oath which each juror 
has sworn, remembering that this is for the good of yourselves 
and the community ; whereas all this intrigue and importunity 
of partisans is to get advantages for some persons over the 
rest, which the laws assemble you here to prevent, not to se- - 
cure for the benefit of the unjust. © 

Other men, who enter honestly upon the service of the 
publiny eyen after their audit, I see, profess a continued re- 
sponsibility: A¢schines does ‘the very reverse; for before he 
appeared in court to give a reckoning of his actions, one of 
the persons who came to demand it he has removed out οὗ 
the way ;?. others he goes about threatening, and thus intro- 
duces into the commonwealth a practice most flagitious and 
injurious to you; for if a man who has discharged or admin- 
istered any public office can by intimidation, and not by hon- 
esty, keep people-from accusing him, you will be deprived of 
all authority. 

That I shall prove the defendant to be guilty of many ρτανδ᾽ 
misdemeanors, and to merit the severest punishment, I am 
confident and persuaded: what, notwithstanding such con-— 
viction, Lam afraid of, I will tell, you without disguise. It 
appears to me, O Athenians, that all the causes which come 
ὑαίκα: you depend on the time of bringing them as much as 


ΠΤ For the election of j jaer See page 81, note 1. 
* Timarchus. See Appendix II. 


124 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


upon the merits, and I fear, the length of time since the 
embassy may have caused you to forget or become reconciled 
to your wrongs. Yet, even under these circumstances, you. 
may, I think, arrive at a correct judgment and decision: I 
will tell you how. You must consider among yourselves, 
men of the jury, and reflect for what things the common- 
wealth should receive an account from an embassador. First, 
it should be, on the subject of his reports; secondly, of his 
counsels; thirdly, of your instructions to him; next, as to 
the circumstances of time; and after all, whether in each of 
these points he has acted incorruptly or not. Why these in- 
quiries? Because, from his reports you have to deliberate on 
your course of action; if they are true, you determine rightly, 
if not so, otherwise. ‘The advice of embassadors you give 
more credit to, because you listen to them as to men who 
understand what they were sent about: never then ought 
an embassador to be convicted of giving bad or mischievous 
advice. And of course, whatever you instructed him either 
to do or say, whatever commission you expressly gave him, it 
is his duty to have executed. But why the account of time? 
Because it often happens, men of Athens, that the season for 
many important measures falls in ἃ short space, and if it be 
sacrificed and betrayed to the enemy, do what you will, it 
can not be recalled. As to the absence of corrupt motive— 
I am sure you will all agree, that to take reward for acts 
which injure the-commonwealth is shocking and abominable. 
The legislator indeed does not define it so, but absolutely for- 
bids the taking ofbribes in any way, considering, as it appears 
to me, that a person who is once bribed and corrupted ceases 
to be even a safe judge of what is useful for the state. If 
then I shall prove and demonstrate clearly, that A®schines 
the defendant has reported what is untrue, and prevented 
he people hearing the truth from me—that he has given 
dvice totally opposed to your interests, and fulfilled none of 
your instructions on the embassy—that he has wasted time 
in which many important opportunities have been lost to the - 
commonwealth—and that for all this he has received presents 
and wages in conjunction with Philocrates,convict him, 
punish him as his crimes deserye: if I prove not these state- 
ments, or not all of them, look with contempt on me, and 
acquit the defendant. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 125 


Many grievous things can I lay to his charge besides those - 
which I have mentioned, Ὁ Athenians—enough to make 
every one detest him—but before I enter upon other topics, I 
“will remind you (though nearly-all indeed must remember) 
what character At‘schines first assumed in politics, and what 
language he thought proper to address to the people against 
Philip, that you may see, his own early acts and speeches will 
most surely convict him of taking bribes. 

He is the first Athenian (as he declared in his speech) who 
discovered that Philip was plotting against the Greeks, and 
corrupting certain of the leading men in Arcadia. He it is 
who, haying Ischander, son of Neoptolemus, to play second 
part to him,’ applied to the council on this matter, and also 
to the people, and persuaded you to send embassadors every 
where to assemble a congress at Athens for consulting about 
war with Philip ; who afterward, on his return from Arcadia, 
reported those fine long speeches, which he said he had de- 
livered on your behalf before the ten thousand at Megalop- 
olis,? in answer to Philip’s advocate Hieronymus, and dwelt 
on the enormous injury done, not only to their own countries, 
but to the whole of Greece, by the men who took presents 
and money from Philip. Such being his politics then, such 
the specimen which he had given of himself, when Aristo- 
demus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, and the rest, who brought 
reports from Macedonia, without a word of truth, prevailed 
on you to send embassadors to Philip for peace, this man is 
put into the embassy, not as one of a party who would sell 
your interests, not as one of those who trusted Philip, but as 
one who would help to watch the others; for, on account of 
his former speeches and hostility to Philip, you all naturally 
held that opinion of him. He came then to me, and arranged 
that we should act in the embassy together; and strongly 


1 Pabst: indem er dem Ischander dem Sohne des Neoptolemus die 
zweite Rolle bei seinen Umtrieben zu spielen iibertrug. Others connect 
δευτεραγωνιστὴν with τὸν Νεοπτολέμου, and understand it literally, as 
if Ischander had been an actor, as Photius says he was. See Thirl- 
wall’s Gr. Hist. v. 326. Taylor takes τὸν Νεοπτολέμου to mean “the 
servant or assistant of Neoptolemus.” 

2 The general Pan-Arcadian assembly, which met at Megalopolis, and 
had power to determine questions of peace and war. See Diodorus, xv. 
59. And as to the embassy of Aischines to Peloponnesus, see Appendix 
Vill. 


126 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


urged, that we should both watch that impudent. profligate 
Philocrates. And until his return home from the first em- 
bassy, men of Athens, I certainly never discovered that he was 
corrupted and had sold himself; for, besides the speeches 
which, as I said, he had made before, he rose in the first of 
the assemblies in which you debated on the peace, and began 
—I think I can repeat his opening to you in the very same 
words which he used—‘ Had Philocrates been meditating 
ever so long, men of Athens, upon the best means of opposing 
the peace, he could not, methinks, have found a better way 
than a motion like the present. Never will I, while a single 
Athenian is left, advise the commonwealth to make a peace 
like this: peace, however, I do advise’”—and to such purport 
briefly and fairly he expressed himself. Yet the same man 
who had thus spoken on the first day in the hearing of you 
all, on the next, when the peace was to be ratified, when I 
supported the resolution of our allies, and exerted myself to 
make the peace equitable and just, and you were of my 
opinion, and would not even hear the voice of the despicable 
Philocrates, —he then got up and addressed the people in 
support of Philocrates, and said what (O heavens!) deserved 
a thousand deaths—that you ought not to remember your 
ancestors, nor put up with persons who talked about trophies 
and sea-fights, and that he would propose and pass a law to 
prevent your succoring any Greeks who had not previously 
succored you. All which this impudent wretch dared to utter 
in the presence'and hearing of the embassadors, whom you 
sent for out of Greece at his persuasion before he had sold; 
himself. ὃ ; » : 
How he wasted the time, O Athenians, after you had 
appointed him again to receive the oaths; how he ruined all 
the affairs of the commonwealth, and quarreled with me 
about it when I sought to prevent him, you shall hear pres- 
ently. But when' we had returned from that embassy for 
the oaths, which is the subject of your present inquiry—we 
not having obtained a particle, great or small, of what was - 
promised and expected when you made the peace, but having 
been cheated in every thing, and these men having a second 


+ Auger’s turn of the passage is a good one: “ écoutez auparavant ce 
qui a suivi le retour de cette seconde ambassade, dont je lui demande 
compte aujourd’hui. Nous étions revenu,” de. 


. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 127 


time outstepped their duty as embassadors, and neglected 
your orders—we went before the council. What I am about 
to say is known to many people; for the council-hall was full 
of strangers. I came forward and reported the whole truth 
to the council, and accused these men, and reckoned every 
thing up, beginning with those first hopes which Ctesiphon and 
Aristodemus brought you, showing what speeches A‘schines 
had made at the time of your concluding peace, and into 
what position they had brought the commonwealth ; and as 
to what remained, that is, the Phocians and Thermopyle, I 
advised that we should not sacrifice them and repeat our 
errors, not keep hanging on hopes and promises, till we let 
things come to an extremity. And so I persuaded the council. 
But when the assembly came, and we had to address you, 
ZEschines advanced before any οἵ us: and do, I entreat you, 
try and recollect, as Igo on, whether I am telling the truth; 
for what marred and. utterly ruined all our affairs is just. this. 
From any report of our proceedings on the embassy, from 
any mention of what. was said in the council, whether or 
no he disputed the truth of my statements, he altogether 
abstained; but told a tale promising such mighty advant- 
ages, that he carried you all away with him. He said that 
he had brought Philip entirely over to the interests of Athens, 
both on Amphictyonie questions and all others; and he went 
through a long speech, which he said he had addressed to 
Philip against the Thebans, and repeated to you the heads, 
and computed that in two or three days (thanks to his own 
diplomacy) you would hear without leaving home or having 
any field-service or trouble, that Thebes, alone and separately 
from the rest of Boeotia, was besieged, that Thespie and 
Plateza were having their people restored, and the treasures of 
the God were demanded not from the Phocians, but from the 
Thebans, who had formed the design of seizing his temple; 
for he had taught Philip, he said, that those who designed 
were guilty of as much impiety as those who executed; and 
on that account the Thebans had set a price upon his head. 
He declared further, he had heard some of the Eubceans, who 
were frightened and alarmed at the connection of our state 


_ 1 Ie. people not councilors. As Thirlwall expresses it, (Gr. Hist. 
v. 863,) “thronged with spectators.” Auger: “plein de peuple.” 
Pabst: mit Biirgern ohne Staatsamt angefillt. 


128 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


with Philip, say to the embassadors, ‘‘ We are not unaware of 
the terms on which you have concluded peace with Philip; 
we are not ignorant, that you have given Amphipolis to him, 
and Philip has agreed to surrender Euboea to you:” there 
was indeed another thing which he had arranged, but he 
would not mention it yet a while; for some of his colleagues 
were jealous of him—hinting in obscure words at Oropus. 
Exalted in your opinion by this plausible tale, judged to be 
a consummate orator and a wonderful man, he quitted the 
platform with much solemnity. I rose, and declared that 1 
knew none of those things, and was proceeding to tell what ἡ 
I had reported to the council; but the defendant standing © 
up on one side, and Philocrates on the other, shouted and 
clamored me down, and at last mocked me. You laughed, 
and would neither hear nor believe any thing but what 
ZEschines had reported. And, by the Gods} I think your 
behavior was not unnatural; for. who-could have endured, 
with such splendid prospects of advantage, to hear any one 
say they were delusive, or arraign what these men had done? 
Every thing else, I fancy, at that time was secondary to the 
hopes and prospects before you; opposition looked like spite 
and annoyance merely ;! the results achieved for the country 
were so marvelously advantageous, as it seemed. 

Why have I begun by reminding you of these things, and 
going over these speeches? Chiefly and principally, men of 
Athens, for this reason, that when you hear me speak of any 
proceeding, and it appears outrageously bad, you may not ery 
in astonishment, “ Why didn’t you speak at the moment, and 
inform us?” but remembering the promises of these men, by 
means of which on every occasion they prevented others from 
being heard, and also that specious announcement of Aischines, 
you may see that he has injured you in’ this way among 
others, because you were not suffered to learn the truth at 


1 I do not agree with Schaefer, in thinking that οἱ δ᾽ ἀντιλέγοντες 
ὄχλος ἄλλως are to be separated from the following words. Οἱ ἀντιελέ- 
yovrec is, in effect, the same as τὸ ἀντιλέγειν, and the sentence, though 
loose, is not inelegant. Pabst expresses it at too great length: wnd von 
denen die dem widersprachen nahm man an, dass sie ohne hinldng- 
lichen Grund als widerwartige und hdmische Menschen sich bendhmen. 
Auger is much neater: “les contredire, ¢’étoit vous troubler inutile- 
ment, c’étoit jalousie.” Francis: ‘‘ whoever contradicted them appeared 
actuated merely by a spirit of opposition and envy.” - 


ON THE EMBASSY. ; 129 


the instant when it was needful, but cheated by hopes and im- 
postures and promises. Such was the chief and principal cause 
of my entering into these details. What was the second? 
One of no less importance; that, while you. remember his 
political principles before he was corrupted—how wary, how 


mistrustful he was of Philip—you may observe his sudden 


conversion to confidence and friendship ; and if his reports to 
you have been verified, and the results are all right, you may 
hold his conversion to have been honest and for the country’s 
good ; but if the events have all been contrary to what he said, 
and are fraught with deep disgrace and grievous peril to the 
country, you may see that he has changed from sordid avarice 
and bartering of the truth for money. ~ 

As I have been led into these topics, I would take the ear- 
liest opportunity of mentioning how they took the Phocian 
business out of your hands. And you must not suppose, 
men of the jury, when you look at the magnitude of that 
affair, that the crimes and charges imputed to -4éschines are 
too great for his character, but consider, that any person whom 
you had placed in that position and made the arbiter of events, 
had he sold himself, like Aéschines, for. the purpose of cheat- 


‘ing and deceiving you, would have wrought the same mischief 


as /ischines. It is not because you often put mean persons 
in public employments, that the affairs which other people 
deem our state worthy to administer are mean; quite other- 
wise. And again—Philip, I grant, has destroyed the Pho- 
cians ; but these men helped him: and we must look and see, 
whether such chance of saving the Phocians as depended on 


the embassy was sacrificed and lost by the treachery of these 
‘men; not that A%schines' destroyed the Phocians by himself 


—how could he? 

Give me the ‘resolution which the council passed on my 
report, and the deposition of the person who drew it up 
—to show you, I am not repudiating acts which I was 
silent about before, for I denounced them immediately, and 


* “Ode means Aischines, as Reiske, Auger, and Pabst take it; not 


Philip, as Schaefer and Francis. The argument is—It is not necessary ἡ 


to make out, for the purpose of conviction, that Auschines was the sole 
destroyer of the Phocians; of course he was not, and could not be. 
Philip was the principal author of that result. The question is, wheth- 
er Aischines and his accomplices did not help to bring it about by 
their treacherous conduct in the embassy. 


F2 


ἐδ 


180 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


foresaw the consequences ; and the council, who were not pre- 
vented hearing the truth from me, would neither vote thanks 
to these men, nor invite them to the city-hall.1 Such an 
indignity is not known to have befallen any embassadors 
since the foundation of the city, not even Timagoras,? whom 
the people condemned to death: yet it has been suffered by 
these men. ‘ 
Read them first the evidence, and then the resolution. 


[The evidence. 
[The resolution of the council. ] 


Here is no vote of thanks, no invitation of the embassadors 
by the council to the city-hall. If Atschines says there is, let 
him show and produce it, and I will sit down. But there is 
none. I allow, if we all acted alike in the embassy, the 


‘ The Prytaneum, or town-hall of Athens. This was a public build- 
ing near the market-place, where the Prytanes, or presidents of the. 
council, met to dine every day during their term of office, in company | 
with a few select citizens, to whom the state gave the honor of a pub- 
lic dinner. This honor was sometimes given for life, to men who had 
done some signal service, or to the children of such persons; but it was 
a reward reserved for rare occasions. Hence the Athenians were so 
incensed with Socrates, when, being asked after his conviction what 
penalty he deserved, he replied, “Dinner in the Prytaneum.” Cicero 
de Oratore, i. 54:—*‘ Respondit sese meruisse ut Amplissimis honoribus 
et premiis decoraretur, et ei victus quotidianus in Prytaneo publice 
preberetur; qui honos apud Greecos maximus habetur. Cujus responso 
sic judices exarserunt, ut capitis hominem innocentissimum condem- 
narent.” Here also the presidents, representing the hospitality of the 
state, entertained embassadors and other foreigners of distinction. And 
it appears from this passage of Demosthenes, that it was usual to invite 
the Athenian embassadors after their return home, unless they had mis- 
conducted themselves, and the omission to give such invitation would 
be regarded as a stigma. =e . : 

3 Timagoras and Leon were the Athenian embassadors to the court 
of Persia, at the same time when the Thebans and their allies sent 
a joint embassy with Pelopidas at their head, 8. o. 867. According to - 
Xenophon, (Hell. vii. 88,) Leon, upon his return to Athens, accused - 
Timagoras of having refused to lodge with him, and having acted in 
concert with Pelopidas; and the Athenians for this put him to death. _ 
Plutarch, in the life of Pelopidas, relates that the Athenians condemned 
Timagoras for receiving a large number of presents from Artaxerxes, 
and traveling to the coast in a carriage provided by the king; though 
the real cause of their displeasure was, that Pelopidas, by means of 
his superior credit and abilities, had gained greater success than the 
Athenian envoys. ᾿ : τῇ 


* 
ON THE EMBASSY. ΝΣ 181 


council did right in thanking none of us; for the conduct of 
all was truly shameful: but if some of us acted uprightly and 
some not, through ‘the rogues, it would seem, honest men have 
come in for a share of the disgrace. How then may you easily 
distinguish who is the knave?  Recollect among yourselves, 
who it is that denounced the proceedings from the beginning: 
for it is clear that the guilty party was content to be silent, 
to elude the present time, and never afterward submit his con- 
duct to inquiry; while to a man conscious of nothing wrong 
it occurred, that possibly by holding his tongue he might. seem 
to be an accomplice in misdemeanor and crime. Well then, I 
am the person who accused these men from the beginning; 
none of them accused me. f 

The council had passed their resolution. The assembly 
was convened, and Philip already at Thermopyle. ‘This 
indeed was their prime offense, that they gave the conduct of 
such an affair to Philip, and when the proper course was, that 
you should have information, and then deliberate, and after- 
ward execute what you determined; you received intelligence 
only at the moment of his arrival, and it was difficult even to 
advise what should be done. And besides, no one ever read 
to the people that resolution of the council; the people never 
heard it; but A‘schines got up and harangued as I have 
just told you, stating what immense advantages he had per- 
suaded Philip to grant, and that the Thebans on that ac- 
count had set a price upon his head; at which you, though 
terrified at first by Philip’s arrival, and angry with these 
men for having given no warning, became as gentle as possi- 
ble,’ in the expectation of getting all that you desired, and 
would not suffer me or any one else to speak. And then 
was read Philip’s letter, which A‘schines wrote without our 
privity,? and which is in terms a plain and direct apology for 


+ “As gentle as any thing.” The familiar expression in English is 
like that of the Greek. And it is the same in German: see Reiske’s 
note. But Schaefer prefers the reading of τινὰς, “some of you;” the 
orator confining his observation to a part of the assembly, to avoid 
giving offense.. Pabst adopts the same reading, and translates: aber 
gar bald gewissermassen milder gestimmt wurdet. 

2 I follow Reiske, Auger, and Schaefer. Pabst renders it: wahrend 
seines Zuriickbleibens nach unserer Abreise. And Francis thesame. It 
does indeed appear that Aischines staid behind with Philip after the 


~ departure of Demosthenes. -See p. 396, orig. 
+ 


[1 
192 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


these men’s faults. For. it states, that he hindered them 
from going to the cities as they wished and receiving the 
oaths, and that he kept them to assist him as mediators be- 
tween the Halians and Pharsalians; and he adopts and takes 
upon himself all their delinquencies: but as to the Phocians 
or Thespians, or the defendant’s reports to you, there is not 
a syllable. And it was not done in this way by accident: 
but where you ought to have punished these men for non- 
performance and neglect of your positive instructions, Philip 
takes the blame off their shoulders, and says that he him-- 
self was in fault, because (as I imagine) you -were not likely 
to punish him: when he desired to cheat and surprise us 
out of some advantage, Aschines made the report, that you 
might have no charge or complaint against Philip afterward, 
the statements not being in a letter or any other communica- 
tion of his. Read them the letter itself, which this man 
wrote and Philip sent. You will see, it is just as I explained. 
Read. ihe 


[ The letter. | 


You hear the letter, O Athenians—how fair and friendly 
it is. About the Phocians however, or the Thebans, or the | 
other matters which this man reported, there is not a word: 
and therefore there is nothing honest in it, as you shall see 
directly. He kept them, as he says, to help him in making 
up the quarrel of the Halians: but a pretty making-up the 
Halians have got—they have been outcast, and their city has 
been razed to the ground. As to the prisoners, this man who 
was considering what he could do to oblige you says, he never 
thought of ransoming them: but it has often, as you know, 
been testified before the assembly, that I went with a talent 
to redeem them, and it shall be testified now: therefore, to 
deprive me of the credit of a generous act, A‘schines per- 
suaded him to insert this. But here is the most important 


1 « Λύσασθαι idem valere quod activum λῦσαι, ut Kusteri doctrinam 
convellat, ait Clericus, antestans Aischinem, qui diserte affirmet, }iAcr- 
mov ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ οὐδένα πώποτε ᾿Αθηναίων λύτρα πράξασθαι. Sed vera 
illum ratio fugit. Scilicet Philippus gratis potuit dimittere eos qui 
ipsius mancipia essent; qti essent aliorum, si vellet liberare, a dominis 
redimere debuit pretio soluto, 11108 igitur ἔλυσεν, hos ἐλύσατο. Omnem 
tollit dubitationem quod legitur P 393.”—Schaefer, App. Crit. And 
compare what Thirwall says, Gr. Hist. v. 356,—‘‘ Demosthenes wished 


ON THE EMBASSY. 133 


thing :—He that wrote in the first letter which we brought— 
“1 should have expressly mentioned what benefits I had in 
store for you, had I been sure of the alliance also””—after the 
alliance had been concluded says, he knows not what he can 
do.to oblige you; he knows not even his own promise! Of 
course he knew that, if he was not playing false.1_ To prove 
that he wrote so at first—here, read the passage out of the 
letter—begin here—read. 


[The passage from the letter.] 


You see, before he obtained peace, he promised, if alliance 
also was granted him, he would write and say what benefits 
he had in store for you. Now that both have been granted 
him, he says he knows not what he can do to oblige you, 
but, if you will tell him, he will do any thing that is not 
disgraceful or dishonorable; having recourse to these pre- 


it to be believed that the debates on the peace had raised such suspi- 
cions in his mind as to the integrity of his former colleagues, especially 
Philocrates and A‘schines, that he would have declined the office, if he 
had not undertaken to procure the release of some of the Athenian 
prisoners who were detained in Macedonia. Aischines treats this as an 
empty pretext, because Philip had never been used to exact ransom for 
his Athenian prisoners during the war; and a promise had been given 
in his name that all should be released as soon as peace should be con- 
cluded. But it isclear that this related only to those whom he kept in 
his own hands; and Aschines himself admits that, among the instruc- 
tions of the second embassy, one was to negotiate forthe release of the 
prisoners.” 

The distinction between λῦσαι and λύσασθαι is properly explained by 
Schaefer; and the first part of the charge here made against Philip is 
perfectly clear. Philip had said he was considering what service he could 
render to the Athenians: and yet in his letter he states that he never 
_ thought of redeeming’ the prisoners. How could this obvious method 
of obliging them have escaped him, if he had really desired to do so? 
But what does Demosthenes mean when he says that Philip put that 
clause in his letter, in order to deprive him of credit for his liberality ἢ 
We should have the whole letter before us, to understand this fully ; 
but perhaps the meaning of Philip was as follows: It did not occur to 
me to redeem the prisoners who were in the hands of my subjects; the 
moment it was suggested, however, I acceded to the request: there 
could be no occasion for Demosthenes, or any one else, to come to Pella 
for the purpose of effecting their ransom. Compare what Demosthe- 
nes says at pp. 393, 394, which looks like an answer to this very ar- 

ment. 

1 The γὰρ might be expressed more fully, thus—“a likely thing, 
indeed! Surely he must have known that!” &c. 





184 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


tenses, and (should you mention-any thing and be induced ie 
make a proposal) leaving himself an escape. 

These and many other tricks one might then inistanthe 
have exposed, and enlightened you on the subject, and not 
permitted you to abandon every thing, had not Thespiz and. 
Platea and the expectation of immediate punishment being 
inflicted on Thebes blinded you to the truth. If these things 
were merely to be heard, and the commonwealth to be de- 
luded, it was proper enough to tell you of them: but if they 
were really to be performed, they should not have been talk- 
ed about. For if matters had gone so far, that the Thebans 
even discovering the design could not have helped themselves, 
why has it not been executed? If they discovered it in time 
to prevent the execution, who let out the secret? Was it not 
ZEschines? But no—he never had any such meaning or in- 
tention,' and Aischines never expected it: so 1 acquit him 
entirel yof letting the secret out. The fact is—it was neces- 
sary that you should be amused by these statements, and refuse 
to hear the truth from me, and that you should yourselves re- 
main at home, and a decree pass by which the Phocians would 
be destroyed. Therefore were these statements fabricated, am 
therefore publicly announced. 

I, when I heard the defendant making such inagnitiedihe 
promises, being quite certain of their falsehood—and I will 
tell you why: first because, when Philip. was about to 
swear the oath of peace, the Phocians were by these men 
expressly excluded from the treaty, a. thing they should have ~ 
been quite silent about, if the Phocians were to be saved— 
secondly, because Philip’s embassadors used no such language, 
nor Philip’s letter, but only the defendant.2 Making my 
conjectures accordingly, I got up to speak, and attempted to 
answer him: but, as you refused to hear me, I held my 
tongue, protesting only—I pray and entreat you to recollect 
—that I had no knowledge of these things, that I had no 


* I follow Markland, Auger, and Pabst, in understanding Philip as 
the nominative to ἤμελλεν and ἠβουλήθη. It is true that Philip has ποῦ. 
been mentioned in the sentences preceding ; but then he was thro hout 
in the orator’s thoughts as the party, promising and designing the things 
alluded to. Schaefer explains οὔτ᾽ ἤμελλεν, “nee futura erant que fore 
4ischines jactaverat;” and connects ἠβουλήθη with οὗτος. But there . 
is not much sense in saying that ‘‘ Auschines never desired.” 

* I preserve the anacoluthon of the original. 





ON THE EMBASSY. 135 


concern in them, and what was more, I did not expect them. 
At this (the not expecting) you fired up. ‘ Athenians,” I 
said, “if any of this comes trueybe sure you praise and 
honor and crown these men, and not me; but if it turns 
out differently, let them feel your resentment. Iam out of 
it altogether.’”* ‘Don’t be out of it now,” ‘said AMschines, 
interrupting —‘‘ Mind you don’t want’ to. be in it another 
time.” ' “ Certainly,” said I, “or I should be acting unfairly ;” 
at which Philocrates rose in a flippant manner and said, 
“ΝΟ wonder, men of Athens, that I and Demosthenes agree 
not in opinion; for he drinks water, and I drink wine”?—and 
you laughed. 

~ Read the decree, which Philocrates presented afterward, 
of his own drawing.’ It is very well just to hear: but when 
one takes into account the occasion on which it was prepared, 
and the promises which the defendant then made, it will-ap- 
pear, they plainly delivered up the Phocians to Philip and the 
Thebans, all but tying their hands behind them. Read the 
decree. 


[ The decree. | 


You see, men of Athens, how full the decree is of fair and 
flattering words; that it extends the peace with Philip to 
his descendants, and the alliance, and awards praise to Philip 
for offering to do what was just. But Philip offered nothing 
at all—so far from offering, he says he knows not what he 
can do to oblige you: it was the defendant that spoke and 


ΠΤ (Τ wash my hands of it,” as we familiarly say. “I disclaim all 
connection with the business; (that is) with what Aischines has been 
telling you.” The reply of Aschines might be rendered with equal 
force, but with a turn of expression, thus—‘ Don’t disclaim connection 
now and claim it hereafter.” Pabst: Ich fiir meinen Theil sage mich 
los von der ganzen Sache! Hierauf sprach dieser _Aischines: sage Dich 
jetzt nicht los davon, und siehe zu, dass Du nicht hernach daran An- 
theil wirst haben wollen. Francis, without either force or accuracy: 
“For my partI retire. Not yet, replied Aischines: do not yet retire: 
only remember not to claim any of these rewards, when they are dis- 
tributed.” : 

.? Demosthenes was often joked about his water-drinking. Thus, in 
allusion to the Clepsydra (as to which, see page 59, note 1), it was said, 
that other men spoke by water, but Demosthenes composed by it. 

3 Philocrates had drawn it up, and then put it in the hands of the 
assembly-clerk, to be read as his own motion before the people. See 
Appendix V. 


186 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


promised in his name. Philocrates, seeing you jump at the 
defendant’s promise,! inserts in the decree, that, unless the 
Phocians did what was right and gave up the temple to the 
Amphictyons, the Athenian people would send forces against 
those who resisted. So, men of Athens, as you were staying 
at home and had never been out, as the Lacedemonians 
seeing the artifice had withdrawn, and no other Amphictyons 
were present besides Thessalians and Thebans, he has pro- 
posed? in the blandest possible language to deliver up the tem- 
ple to them, proposing (as he does) to deliver it up to the Am- 
phietyons—what Amphictyons? for none were there but 'The- 
bans and Thessalians—not that you should convoke the Am- 
phictyonic body, or wait till they assembled ; not that Proxe- 
nus should carry succor to the Phocians, or that the Atheni- 
ans should take the field, or any thing of the kind. Philip 
however twice summoned you by letter—not to induce you to 
march, most assuredly : or he would never have destroyed your 
opportunities of marching and summoned you then ; he would 
not have prevented my sailing home when I desired it, or or- 
dered A‘schines to make. statements calculated to stop your 
march: no—it was that you, under the belief that he would 
do all you desired, might vote nothing against him; that the 
Phocians might not be encouraged by hopes from you to hold 
out and resist, but might in utter despair surrender them- 
selves into his hands. Read Philip’s letters, and-let them 
speak for themselves. 

[ The letters. ] ὩΣ 

You see, the letters summon you, and verily for the first 
time: but these men—had there been any thing honest about 
it— ought surely to have pressed for your going out,? and 
moved that Proxenus, whom they knew to be in the neigh- 
borhood, should immediately carry succor. Yet it appears, 
they have done just the contrary : and no wonder. They heeded 
not his epistles, for they understood his intentions in writing 
them: those intentions they seconded and strove to forward. 

* Pabst: der Huch durch die Reden des Aischines angelockt sah. 

* This tense is used because the decree, which Demosthenes had 
caused to be read, was before the court. Francis translates inaceurate- 
ly: “then did Aischines write in the gentlest language in the world.” 
The mover of the decree was not A‘schines, but Philocrates. 


8. More literally: “what else should they have done but second his 
request for your march?” &e. εἰς ἢ 


2 = a J ΄ 
ON THE EMBASSY. 137 


The Phocians, when they learned your views from the 
assembly,' and received this decree of Philocrates, and heard 
the defendant’s report and his promises, were in every way 
undone. Consider only, ‘There were some intelligent per- 
sons there who distrusted Philip: they were induced to put 
faith in him—why ?—because they supposed that, if Philip 
deceived them ten times over, he would at all events not 
dare to deceive the Athenian envoys, but that the defend- 
ant’s reports to you were correct, and destruction menaced the 
Thebans, not themselves. ‘There were others inclined to re- 
sist at any price: but even their zeal was slackened by the 
persuasion that Philip was on their side, and that, if they 
refused compliance, you would attack them, you from whom 
they had expected succor. Some however believed, that you 
repented having made peace with Philip: to these they 
showed, that you had voted the same peace with his poster- 
ity, so that all hope from you must have been despaired of. 
Therefore they got all this into one.decree. And here, in my 
opinion, have they done you the most grievous wrong. In 
drawing a treaty of peace with a mortal man raised to power 
by certain accidents, to have covenanted for an immortality 
of disgrace to the commonwealth !—to have deprived her not 
merely of other things, but also of the chances of fortune !— 
to have been so wantonly wicked as to injure not only the 
existing Athenians, but all hereafter to come in being !?—is 
not this most dreadful? Never afterward would you have 
consented to add to the treaty this clause, ‘‘and to his pos- 

+ “They got intelligence about you from the proceedings in the as- 
sembly, which were reported to them.” Others construe it differently, . 
joining τὰ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν with ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Francis: “what you had 

etermined in your assembly.” Pabst, to the same effect. 

2 «Selon la formule assez ordinaire, les Athéniens avoient inséré dans 
leur traité de paix les mots de paix perpétuel, de paix conclue avec eux 
et leur descendants. Ce wétoit A-peu-prés qu'une formule; car cette per- 
pétuité se bornoit souvent a un petit nombre d’années. La déclama- 
tion de Démosthéne, quoiqu’éloquente, n’est done dans la réalité qu’une 
déclamation.”— Auger. 

These observations are not quite correct. It was common enough 
among the Greeks to conclude a peace for a limited number of years; 
and when for a small term, it was little better than an armistice. (See 
Thueydides, v. 18, 28,41; Aristophanes, Acharn. 186—-202, 251.) The 
argument of Demosthenes is good, assuming the peace with Philip to 


have been a dishonorable and injurious one. Had the peace been satis- 
factory, it could not be too firmly cemented. 


188 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


terity,” had you not relied on he promises announced by 
/Eschines. On these the Phocians relied, and were ruined: 
for, after they had surrendered to Philip and put their cities 
into his hands, they met with treatment the very “Ppa of 
what he assured them. 

To convince you that all has been lost in this manner and 
through these men, I will compute to you the dates of the 
several transactions. Whoever disputes any of these par- 
ticulars, may get up and speak while my water is running. 
The peace was concluded on the nineteenth of Elaphebolion, 
and we were away to receive the oaths three whole months; 
and during all that time the Phocians were safe. We re- 
turned from the embassy for the oaths/on the thirteenth of 
the month Scirophorion, and Philip was by that time at Ther- 
mopyle, and making promises to the Phocians, of which they 
believed not a single word. ‘The proof is this;—they would 
not otherwise have come here to you. The assembly, in 
which these men ruined all by their false and delusive state- 
ments to you, was held afterward, on the sixteenth of Sciro- 
phorion. On the fifth day after that, as I reckon, intelligence 
of your proceedings reached the Phocians ; for the Phocian 
envoys were here, and it much concerned them to know what 
these men would report, and what resolution you would pass. 
I reckon then, it was on the twentieth that the Phocians 
heard of your proceedings, for that is the fifth day from the 
sixteenth... Then comes the twenty-first, twenty-second, twen- 
ty-third: on this the convention? took place, and it was all 
over with Phocis. How does this appear? On the twenty- 
. seventh you were assembled in Pirzeus on the business of the 
arsenal, and Dercylus came from Chalcis, and reported to you 
that Philip had put every thing into the hands of the Thebans; 
and he computed it to be the fifth day from the convention. 
Twenty-three, twenty-four, twenty-five, twenty-six, twenty- 
seven—that makes it exactly the fifth. So, you see, by the 
date of their report, by the date of their motion, by all the 
dates,3 are they convicted of having acted in concert with 
Philip, and assisted in the destruction of the Phocians. — 


1 Reckoning inclusive, according to custom. 

* Between Philip and the Phocians. See Appendix 1. 

3 T follow Pabst in connecting οἷς with χρόνοις, not Reiske, who taki 
it neutrally. But I differ with Pabst as to πᾶσιν. He explains it, “by 


~ 


ON THE EMBASSY. ᾿ 139 


τ Again, the circumstance that not a city of the Phocians was 
taken by storm or blockade, but that they were utterly de- 
stroyed by the convention, is a decisive proof that they suffered 
‘because these men had persuaded them that they would be 
saved by Philip. For of his character they were certainly 
not ignorant. Give me the treaty of alliance with the Pho- 
᾿ cians, and the decrees! under which they dismantled the for- 
tifications—to show you in what relation you stood to them, 
and how they were treated notwithstanding through these ac- 
cursed men. Read. 


[Lhe treaty Ψ' alliance between the Athenians and the 
Phocians. | 


That i is what ths had to expect from sf odefribcidehink al- 
liance, succor. Now hear what treatment they got through 
this man who prevented your succoring them. Read. 


[The convention between Philip and the Phocians. | 


~ You hear, O Athenians. A convention between Philip and 

the Phocians, it says, not between the Thebans and Phocians, 
nor Thessalians and Phocians, nor Locrians, nor any other of 
the people present. And again it says, that the Phocians shall 
deliver up these cities to Philip; not to the Thebans, nor the 
Thessalians, nor any other people. Why? Because this man 
reported to you that Philip had come to save the Phocians. 
To him they trusted for all; to him they looked for all; with 
him they concluded peace. Now for the rest. Look what 
they trusted to, and what they got. Any thing like was it or 
similar to this man’s assurance? Read. 


[The decree of the Amphictyons. | 


Results more awful and momentous, O Athenians, have 
not been wrought in Greece within our time, nor I should 
think in any time heretofore. Yet such mighty results has 
Philip singly been able to accomplish during the existence of 
the Athenian commonwealth, whose hereditary privilege it is 


~ 


all the circumstances.” But Demosthenes is here summing up his ar- 
gument as to the dates only. See the clause just above, near the be- 
ginning of p. 359 (orig: ), Τοὺς χρόνους ὑμῖν λογιοῦμαι καθ᾽ οὕς ἐγίγνεθ᾽ 
ἕκαστα. 


* The Arohidotydnie: 


140 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


to take the lead in Greece, and not permit any proceeding of 
this kind. 

The ruin which has fallen on the poor Phocians may be 
seen not only by these decrees, but by what has actually been 
done—a shocking and pitiable spectacle, O Athenians!" On 
our late journey to Delphi! we were forced to see it all— 
houses razed to the ground, walls demolished, a country 
stripped of its adult population, a few women and little chil- 
dren and miserable old men. No language can come up to 
the wretchedness now existing there. I hear you all say, 
that once this people gave the opposite yote to the Thebans 
on the question of enslaving us.2 How think ye then, Ὁ 
Athenians ?—could your ancestors return to life, what vote or 
judgment would they pass upon the authors of this destruc- 
tion? In my opinion, though they stoned them with their 
own hands, they would consider themselves pure. For is it 
not disgraceful—is it not, if possible, worse than disgraceful 
—that people who had then saved us, who gave the vote for © 
our preservation, should have met with an opposite return 
through these men, and been suffered to incur greater mis- 
fortunes than any Greeks ever knew? Who then is the ~ 
author of them? Who was the deceiver? A%schines—who 
but he? 

For many things, men of Athens, might one felicitate 
Philip on his fortune, but for one thing with the greatest 
justice—one piece of luck which (by the gods and goddesses !) 
I don’t think has fallen to any other man in our time. To 
have taken great cities and subdued a large territory, these 
and the like feats are ‘wonderful, I allow, and splendid — 
how can they help being? Yet they have been achieved, it 
may be said, by many others. This however is a peculiar 
good fortune which has occurred to no other mortal—what ? 
—That, when he wanted base men for his purposes, he found 
baser than he desired. Can we avoid holding such an opinion 
of these men, when falsehoods which Philip dared not utter in 
his own behalf, notwithstanding their importance to him— 


“Lo the Amphietyonic meeting. 

? In the council of war, after the capture of Athens by Toucan 
when the Thebans proposed that Athens should be razed to the ground, 
and Attica thrown into pasture. See Xenophon, Hell. ii. 2. As to the 
phrase ψῆφον προτεθεῖσαν, see Schdmann, De Comitiis, 104. 


ON THE EMBASSY. ᾿ 141 


which he neither wrote in any letter nor commissioned any 
embassador to state—they lent themselves to for hire, and de- 
ceived you by them? Antipater and Parmenio, who were 
serving a master, and not likely to encounter you afterward, 
contrived not to be the instruments of your deception: yet 
embassadors appointed by the Athenian state, the freest in the 
world, had the hardiness to deceive you—you whom they were 
certain to look upon face to face, and to pass the remainder of 
their lives with, and before whom they would have to render 
an account of their conduct. Could any men be more wicked 
or abandoned? ~ by ck 
To show that he is devoted by you to execration, that after 
such falsehoods you could not with any regard to sanctity or 
religion acquit him—recite thg curse—read it from the law 
here. | 
[ The curse. ]' , 


This imprecation, men of Athens, the crier pronounces on 
your behalf according to law in every assembly, and also be- 
fore the council when it sits. -Aschines can’t say that he 
was not well acquainted with it: for as your clerk and serv- 
ant to the council, he himself dictated this law to the crier. 
Would it not be a strange and monstrous proceeding, if what 
you enjoin, or rather request the gods to do in your behalf, 
you should fail to do yourselves when it is in your power to- 
day, and acquit a man whom you implore the gods to extir- 
pate with his house and family? Don’t think of such a thing. 
When a man escapes you, leave the gods to punish him: when 
you catch him yourselves, trouble them about him no more. 

So far will he carry his impudence and audacity, I am told, 
that, leaving the facts of the case, his reports, his promises, his 
impostures upon the state, as if he were tried before some other 
people, and not before you who know it all, he will accuse 
first the Lacedzemonians, then the Phocians, then Hegesippus. 
But this is mockery, or rather abominable effrontery. For, 
whatever he may say now about the Phocians, or the Lacede- 
monians or Hegesippus—that they would not receive Proxenus, 
that they are guilty of impiety, or any thing else against them 
surely it had all taken place before these embassadors re- 
turned, and was no obstacle to the Phocians being saved, as 


1 See page 102, note 2. 


* 


142 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


is said—by whom ?—by ZEéschines the defendant himself. For 
he did not then report, that but for the Lacedzmonians, or 
but for their not receiving Proxenus, or but for Hegesippus, 
or but for this thing and the other, the Phocians would have 
been saved—No: he passed over all that, and said expressly 
that he had prevailed on Philip to save the Phocians, to re- 
people Beeotia, to arrange things to your advantage ;! that it 
would all be accomplished in two or three days, and on that 
account the Thebans had set a price upon his head. There- 
fore, if he talks about what the Lacedemonians or what the 
Phocians had done before he mad@€ these reports, don’t listen 
_to him nor hear a word; and don’t suffer him to make charges 
of immorality ‘against the Phocians. It was not for their 
merit that you rescued the Lagedemonians formerly, or these, 
accursed Eubceans, or many others, but because their safety 
was for the interest of the commonwealth, as that of the Pho- 
cians was lately. And what fault did the Phocians or the 
Lacedzemonians ΟΥ̓ yourselves or any other people commit 
after this man’s statements, to cause the miscarriage of what 
he then told you? Ask him this: he won't be able to explain. 
There have been but five days in which he made his false re- 
port, you believed him, the Phocians got the news, yielded 
themselves up, and perished. From this, I imagine, it appears 
clearly, that the whole fraud and artifice was contrived for the 
purpose of destroying the Phocians. For in the interval after 
the peace, while Philip was unable to march, but was making 
preparations, he sent for the Lacedemonians, and promised to 
do every thing for them, that the Phocians might not get 
them for auxiliaries through you. But when he arrived at 
Thermopyle, and the Lacedemonians perceiving the, snare 
withdrew, he then put this man forward? to deceive you; for he 


1 Pabst: Huch Hinfluss auf die dortigen Angelegenheiten aU ver- 
schaffen. Auger: “a vous rendre maitres des affaires.” 

* Reiske in his Index gives the following explanation of the verb 
προκαθιέναι : “aliquem premittere, summittere, subornare, qui ante 
tuum adventum omnia que tu parata velis preparet atque instruat; 
ut si tu exempli causa fratrem in puteum demittas explorandi aut 
‘elimandi ergo, antequam tute temet eo demittas. Τοῦτον προκαθῆκεν.͵ 
ἐξαπατᾶν ὑμᾶς, ericulum facturum, possitne Philippus vobis imponere.” 
Pabst renders it: sandte er diesen Menschen wieder voran, um Buch 
listig zw betrigen. Francis: “he secretly employed Aischines to de- 
ceive you.” 


ON THE EMBASSY. °° ~ 143 


= 
feared, if you discovered that he was acting for the Thebans, 
he might get into war and delay and embarrassment, by the 
Phocians. defending’ themselves and your assisting them, and 
he wished rather to complete his conquest without a struggle ; 
which indeed has been the case. Don’t then, because Philip 
deceived the Lacedemonians and the Phocians also, let this 
man escape punishment for his deception of you. That would 
hardly be just. 
ον If, to compensate for the Phocians and Thermopyle and 
the rest of our losses, he alleges that the Chersonese is pre- 
served to us, by heavens! men of the jury, don’t admit the 
excuse; don’t endure that, in.addition to the injuries which 
you have sustained by the embassy, he should by his defense 
cast reproach upon the state, as if you made a reservation for 
certain of your own possessions, while you sacrificed the wel- 
fare of your allies.. You did nosuch thing: for, after the peace’ 
was made and the Chersonese was in security, the Phocians 
were safe during the four ensuing months, and the falsehoods 
of this man afterward, by imposing on you, caused their ruin.! 
Besides, you will find the Chersonese is in greater danger now 
than it was then. For let me ask, would it have been easier to 
punish Philip for attacking it before he had snatched any of 
+» “Si quid cerno, argumentum hoe, cui tantum tribuit Demosthenes, 
parum aut nil valet. Eequis enim non videt in arcanis Philippo cum 
Atheniensibus condictis, que non fuerunt publicata, hoc fuisse, ut Athe- 
nienses pro Cherrhoneso Phocidem Philippo permitterent? Et renun- 
tiatio legationis falsa ab Aischine ad populum Atheniensem potuerunt 
esse mere prestigie-ad oculos Gracie occecandos et invidiam ab 
Atheniensibus avertendam commisse erga socios proditionis. Tales 
mimi aguntur inter optimates. Que intra siparium fiunt, multum ab 
iis diversa sunt, que foris.”—Reiske. 

“Non cogitavit Reiskius Atheniensium illis temporibus publice, hoc 
est, in concionibus, talia transigentium esse non potuisse arcana πολί- 
τεύματα. Quidquid igitur hoc in negotio fraudis fuit, commissum est 
a Philippo, non consciis Atheniensibus, sed parariis τοῖς παραπρεσβεύ- 
cacw.”—Schaefer. 

Reiske was undoubtedly quite mistaken in his view of this transac- 
tion. There is not the slightest evidence of any instructions having 
been given by the Athenians to their ministers, to effect a peace with 
Filip by which their allies were intentionally sacrificed. ‘They acted 
foolishly indeed and weakly, in suffering themselves to be deceived, 
and not seeing their real interests; and it is true also that they were 

ejudiced in some degree by the forms of their political government, 


y reason of which their embassadors were not sufficiently checked by 
8. vigorous executive power. 


perils consequently menace the state. For wh 


144 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

% e , 
these advantages from us, or is it easier now? I imagine it | 
was much easier before. What sort of preservation then is 
it for the Chersonese, when he that would violate it is released Ὁ 
from fear and danger ? 

I understand however, that he intends to say something of 
this kind—that he wonders how it is Demosthenes accuses — 
him, and not any of the Phocians. It is better you should 
hear the explanation from me beforehand. Among the ex- 
patriated Phocians, the best and most respectable being in 
exile and consequent distress keep themselves Sone and 
none of them would like to incur private hostility on account 
of the public misfortunes; while those who would U 
thing for money can find no one to give it them. certainly 
would not have feed any of them, to stand up for me here and 
cry out what they had suffered : for the truth and the facts 
cry out of themselves. As to the Phocian commonalty, they 
are in such a wretched and deplorable condition, that they 
have no thought of being prosecutors at Athenian audits, but 
are every one of them slaves, frightened to death at the 
Thebans and the mercenaries of Philip, whom they are forced 
to maintain, scattered themselves one : villages, and deprived 
of their arms. Don’t allow him then to use that argument, 
but make him show that the Phocians have not been ruined, 
or that he never promised that Philip would save ‘them, 
These are the questions at the account of an embassy—What 
has been negotiated? what was your report? If true, take 
your acquittal ; if false, pay the penalty. What matters it 
whether the Phocians are present. ornot? They are in such a 
plight, I fancy—-and you did your best to bring them into 
it—they can neither help their friends nor punish their ene- 
mies. ᾿ 3 

But besides the general discredit and disor 
proceedings are attended with, it is easy tos 

















ignorant that by the Phocian war, and the PI 
masters of Thermopyle, we were out of all app 
the Thebans; never could they or Philip make th 
Peloponnesus, nor to Eubcea, nor Attica? This 
which place and circumstances guaranteed to the common- 
wealth, you, trusting to the falsehoods and artifices of these 
men, abandoned : fortified though it was by arms, by con- 


ON.THE EMBASSY. 145 


πω μι war, by great cities of an allied people, and by an ex- 


tensive territory, you suffered it to be overthrown.! And your 
former expedition to Thermopyle has become fruitless, which 
cost you more than two hundred talents, reckoning the pri- 


vate expenses of those who served. Your hopes about the 


Thebans are fruitless also. But what, among many shameful - 
services’ which this man has performed for Philip, involves 
really the most contemptuous treatment of the commonwealth, 
and all of you, I beg you to hear—it is this: that Philip hav- 
ing πε σαπρα from the beginning to do all that he has done 
for the ' Bhans, ZEschines, by reporting the contrary, and 
making it τ 
creased yo πὰ with the Thebans and their friendliness 
to Philip. How could a man have treated you more con- 
tumeliously ? 

‘Take and read the decree of Diophantus, and that of Callis- 
thenes, to show you that when you performed your duties, 
you were recompensed with thanksgivings and praise both at 
Athens and elsewhere, but after you had been deluded by 
these men, you aa ἘΣ in your women and children from the 
sOnBiry,: and. decreed d t ey τὰ the Heraclean sacrifice within 











with h impunity a man who caused even the 
gods to be deprived of their ΕὐείομλνεΥ worship. Read the 
decree. ; 

[The decree.) | 


Thus πων of your conduct, O D “Athenians you voted 


then. Now read the next. — 53 se 
[The decree.] 
Such was the vote you then passed through the conduct of 
these men; though it was not with such prospects that you 










n of Reiske, who" for καὶ χώρᾳ πολλῇ substitutes 
"λήν, has met the approval of some critics, and among others, 
hus renders the passage: und ein durch Waffen und 
rieg geschutztes Land, was mit bedeutenden Stadten und 
nern bevolkert, und von ansenhlichem Umfange war, 
i ohne es zu hindern, verheeren lassen. I agree with 
it is much better to preserve the old reading and under- 
av as the subject of the whole sentence. The metaphor, 
s by no means harsh, but suitable to the dignity of the 
. And he refers to the famous Passage τὸν δὲ τειχισμὸν 
τοῦτον, «. τ. A. (p. 826 Orig. and p. 108 in this volume.) 

Vor. 11.-- 


.146 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


either originally concluded peace and alliance, or were after- 
ward persuaded to insert the clause, “and to his posterity,” 
but under the belief that through these men you would get 
marvelous benefits. You all know-how often afterward you 
were alarmed by hearing of Philip’s army and mercenaries 
in the neighborhood of Porthmus or Megara.! ‘Therefore, 
though he may not yet have ‘invaded Attic ground, it is not 
that you must look at, nor relax in your vigilance: you must 
see whether he has through these men got the opportunity of 
doing it when he pleases; this peril you must keep in view, 
‘and abhor and punish thé guilty person who has furnished. him 
with such opportunity. | 

I know indeed that Aéschines will avoid all discussion of the 
charges against him; that, seeking to withdraw you as far as 
possible from the facts, he will rehearse what mighty blessings 
accrue to mankind from peace, and, on the other hand, what 
evils from war; in short, he will pronounce a panegyric on 
peace, and take up that line of defense. Yet even these are so 
many arguments to convict him. For if the cause of bless- 
ings to others has been the cause of so many troubles and such 
confusion to us, what else can one suppose, but that by taking 
bribes these men have spoiled a thing in its own nature ex- 
cellent ? ἢ ᾿ς ΤΑΝ Iv 

Oh, but—he may say perhaps—have you not preserved, 
and won’t you preserve through the peace three hundred 
galleys, with stores for them and money ?—In regard to this 
you must understand, that Philip’s resources likewise have 
been largely augmented through the peace, in supplies of 
arms, in territory, in revenues, of which he has gained an 
abundance. ‘True, some have come in to us also. But that 
establishment of power and alliances, through which people 
hold their good things either for themselves or their supe- 
riors’*—ours has been sold by these men, and gone to ruin 


1 See vol. i. pp. 119, 128. a . 

* Schaefer explains it: ‘‘Potentioribus, ubi aut unus regnat, aut 
oligarchis civitas subjecta est.” Pabst renders it thus: durch welchen 
einst Alle, theils fur sich, theils fur einen machtigern Staat, Giiter und 
Vortheile gewonnen haben. And with this latter interpretation I agree. 
Thus the whole Athenian empire is that establishment of power and 
alliances, κατασκευὴ πραγμάτων καὶ συμμᾶχων, through which the Lem- 
nians, Imbrians, and other subject people, hold what they have, (their 
country, their harbors, their revenues, &c,) partly for themselves, Ὁ 


ON THE EMBASSY. 147 


and decay ;! his hath become formidable and mightier by far. 
It is not just, that Philip should through these men have 
augmented both his alliances and his revenues, while what 
Athens must naturally have gained by the peace they set off 
against what was sold by themselves. The one has not come 
to us in exchange for the other—very far from it: one we 
should equally have had, and the other in addition, but for 
these men. 

Speaking generally, men of Athens, I presume you will 
agree, that on the one hand, however many and grievous 
have been the misfortunes of the commonwealth, if Aschines 
be not to blame for any, your resentment ought not to fall upon 
him; and, on the other hand, if any advantages have been 
achieved through others, they ought not to save him. Con- 
sider what the defendant has been the cause of; look favor- 
ably on him, if favor he deserves, but with anger, if he has 
_ done aught to excite it- How will you ascertain the truth of ᾿ 
the matter? In this way—you must not let him confound 
all things together—the misdeeds of the generals, the war 
“with Philip, the blessings of peace—but you must consider 
each point by itself. For example—Was Philip at war with 
us? Hewas. Does any man complain of Atschines on that 
account? Would any man wish to arraign him for the 
transactions of the war? Noman. Well'then; upon those 
points he is acquitted, and has no need to say any thing: for 
it is a defendant’s business to produce witnesses and proofs 
upon the matters in issue, not to mystify the court by pleading 


partly for the Athenians, who are at the head of the empire. The 
power of the general confederacy supports every constituent part of it. 
1 On the expression, ἀπόλωλε καὶ γέγονεν ἀσθενὴς, Schaefer observes: 
“ Gravius precedit, sequitur levius. Sic passim Orator. ᾿Απώλλυε καὶ 
ἐλυμαίνετο, p. 119. ᾿Απόλωλε καὶ νενόσηκεν, p. 121. ᾿Απόλωλε καὶ διέ- 
p0aprat, p. 872. Qualia non mirer si nostfis Technicis parum proben- 
tur. Sed Critici caveant, ne hee similiaque transponendo corrumpant: 
nam sunt longé sanissima.” - 
_ See my observations about Anti-climaxes, p. 18,n.2. In the ancient 
_ writings, both Greek and Roman, the weaker word or clause often 
pat to explain or qualify the: preceding. Compare Virgil, Aineid 
[. 353,— 2 
ba - Moriamur et in media arma ruamus; 

and Aneid VII. 50,— 3 

Filius huie fato Divim prolesque virilis 

Nulla fuit, prim4que oriens erepta juventé est. 


Me 


148 =~ THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 
what no one disputes. Mind then, that you say nothing about 
the war; for no one charges you with any thing concerning 
it. Afterward certain persons advised us to make peace; we 
followed their advice; we sent embassadors; they brought 
people to Athens to conclude peace. Here again, does any 
one blame Atschines for this? No one. Does any man say 
that he introduced the question of peace, or is guilty of crime 
for having brought people here to conclude it? Noman. No 
more should he say any thing about the fact of our concluding 
peace: for he is not chargeable with it. 

What then do you say, man?—suppose I were asked— 
from what point do you commence your accusation? From 
this, men of Athens—when, at the time you were deliberating, 
not whether you should make peace or no, (for that had 
already been resolved upon,) but what sort of a peace you 
should have, he opposed the men who offered honest advice, 
and supported the mover of a corrupt resolution, himself 
being bribed; and afterward, on being chosen to receive the 
oaths, he entirely neglected your instructions, destroyed those 
allies who had come safe through the whole war, and told 
such huge falsehoods as.no mortal ever did either before or 
after. At first indeed, until Philip got leave to negotiate for 
peace, Ctesiphon and Aristodemus commenced the beginning 
of the plot; but when things were ripe for execution, they 
handed it over to Philocrates and the defendant, who took up 
the matter and ruined every thing. Now that he must render 
an account of what has been done, and stand his trial for it, 
the defendant, I imagine, like a rascally and abominable 
clerk! as he is, will plead his defense as if he were tried for 
the peace—not that he may render an account of more than 
he is accused of; that were madness—but he sees, that in his 
own conduct there is nothing good and every thing criminal, 
while a defense of peace; if it-have nothing else about it,*has 
in name at least a show of humanity. I fear indeed, O 


1 In Bekker’s edition καὶ stands before γραμματεὺς, which appears to 
be thrown in as an additional term of reproach. And so Reiske under- 
stands it: “erat convicium usurpatum pro nomine vilissima stirpe, 
pyre te sordidi, versuto, impuro, scelerato, audaci.” Schaefer dissents 

rom this view, and expunges καί, Demosthenes does often refer to the 

early occupation of A’schines, but rather contemptuously than by way 
of strong reproach. Where he means the latter, he adds an epithet, as 
ὄλεθρος γραμματεύς. See page 80, note 2. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 149 


Athenians, I fear, that without knowing it, like persons who 
borrow money, we are enjoying the peace at a high rate: for 
these men betrayed what constituted its strength and security, 
the Phocians and Thermopyle. However, it was not through 
the defendant we originally made it: for what I am about to 
say is strange, yet perfectly true—if any one is really glad of 
the peace, let him thank the generals for it, whom all accuse. 
Had they carried on the war as you desired, the very name 
of peace would have been intolerable to you. Peace therefore 
is owing to them: perilous and unstable and insecure has it 
become through these men having taken bribes. Bar him 
then, bar him from any argument in favor of peace, and put 
him to his defense for what he has done. For Atschines is 
not tried for the peace; no: the peace is discredited through 
4®schines. Here is the proof—if the peace had been con- 
cluded without any deception being afterward practiced on 
you, or any of your allies being ruined, what mortal would 
the peace have aggrieved, independently of its being dishonor- 
able? Of this indeed the defendant was in part the cause, 
by supporting Philocrates: nothing fatal however would have’ 
taken place. Now, I conceive, he is answerable for a great 
deal. . 

That these men have shamefully and basely wrought all 
this ruin and mischief, I suppose you are all satisfied. I 
however, men of the jury, am so far from entering upon these 
questions in a vexatious spirit, or wishing you to do so, that 
if it has all been brought about through thoughtlessness or 
good nature or any kind of ignorance, I acquit AUschines 
myself and 1 advise you also. ‘Though indeed none of these 
excuses is constitutional or just, for no one is required or 
compelled by you to perform public business; but when a 
man has persuaded himself of his ability and applies for it, 
you, acting the part of worthy and benevolent people, receive 
him with favor and without envy; you elect him, and put 
your affairs into his hands. Then if a man be suceessful, he 
will be “honored and have an advantage over the bulk of the 
people in this respect; if he fails, shall he set up excuses and 
apologies? That would not be fair. It would be no satis- 
faction to our ruined allies or to their wives or children or 
any other parties, that my incapacity (not to say the 
defendant’s) had brought such misfortune upon them—far 


150 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. | 


from it indeed. However, you may forgive A®schines these 
dreadful and monstrous things, if it appears that he has 
damaged the cause through stupidity or any kind of igno- 
rance: but if he has done it from a base motive, having re- 
ceived money and presents, and if he is clearly convieted by 
the facts themselves, put him to death if it be possible, or if 
that can not be, make him a living example to others. Now 
ἣν consider in your minds, how convincing the proof of his guilt 
will be. 

I presume that /Eschines the defendant must have addressed 
those speeches to you, those about the Phocians and 'Thespize 
and Eubcea, (supposing he was not from a corrupt motive 
intentionally playing false,) from one of two causes; either 
because he had heard Philip expressly promise to effect and 
do the things in question, or else because he was charmed 
and beguiled by Philip’s general liberality, and therefore 
expected those things from him also. There is no other — 
alternative. Now in either of these cases he ought beyond 
all other men to detest Philip. Why? Because, so far as it 
depended on Philip, he has suffered the utmost indignity and 
disgrace. He has deceived you; he has become infamous; 
he is judged to be a lost man, if he had his deserts.! Had 
due proceedings been taken, he would have been impeached 
long ago; but now through your simplicity and good nature 
he attends his audit, and chooses his time for it. Is there 
one of you who has heard the voice of Aischines accusing 
Philip ?—who has seen him pressing any charge or speaking 
to the point? No one. Every Athenian is more ready to 
accuse Philip—any indeed that you like—though none of 
them assuredly has sustained any personal injury. I should 
have expected language like this from him, if he had not sold 
himself—‘‘ Men of Athens, deal with me as you please: I 
believed, I was deluded, I was in error, I confess it: but be- — 
ware of the man, O Athenians: he is not to be trusted, he is a 
juggler, a villain. See you not how he has treated me? how 
he has cajoled me?” I hear no language of this kin@, nor do 
you. Why? Because he was not cajoled or deceived, but had © 
hired himself and taken money when he made those state- 
ments, and betrayed you to Philip, and has been a good, true 


1 According to Bekker’s reading, δικαίως. But I rather incline to 
δίκαιος, with Wolf and Schaefer. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 151 


and faithful hireling to him, but a traitorous embassador and 
citizen to you, deserving to perish not once but three times 
over. 
Nor is this the only proof that he was bribed to make all 
those statements. There came to you lately some envoys 
from Thessaly, and some of Philip’s with them, requiring you 
to acknowledge Philip as an Amphictyon. Now of all men 
- who was most especially bound to oppose them? -Aéschines 
here. Why? Because his reports to you were contradicted 
by Philip’s acts. This man said that he would fortify Thespiz 
and Platw#a, and not destroy the Phocians, but humble the 
insolence of the Thebans: whereas Philip has made the 
Thebans greater than they should be, the Phocians he has 
utterly destroyed; and instead of fortifying Thespie and 
Platza, he has reduced Orchomenus and Coronea also to 
slavery. How could any things be more contrary to one 
another? Yet he opposed them not; he never opened his 
mouth or uttered a word against them. And this, bad as it 
is, is not the worst :—he spoke on their side, he and no other 
person in the state. Even the profligate Philocrates ventured 
not to do this; A‘schines, the man before you, did: and when 
you clamored and refused to hear him, he came down from 
the platform, and said, showing himself off to Philip’s embas- 
sadors who were present—‘ There were many to clamor, but 
few to fight when it was needful:” this you surely remember 
—he himself doubtless being a wonderful soldier,,O Jupiter! 
Yet more—if we were unable to show that any of the em- 
bassadors had got any thing, and it was not plain enough for 
all men to see, we must have resorted to question by torture! 
and the like. But if Philocrates not only confessed his gains 
frequently in your assembly, but even displayed them before 
you, selling wheat, building houses, declaring that he would 
1 This refers to the practice, common not only in criminal but also 
in civil proceedings at Athens, of examining slaves by torture. The 
arties to a cause were at liberty either to give up their own slaves to 
3 examined in this way, or to demand those of the adversary ; and 
though it was not compulsory to give up a slave, the refusal might be 
attributed to fear of the truth coming out. No slave was admissible 
as a witness, except on this condition; such was the degraded state to 
which men were reduced by servitude in Greece. On the other hand, it 
was not lawful to apply the torture to freemen, except under extraor- 


dinary circumstances, when the necessities of the commonwealth re- 
quired it. 


152 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


make his journey,! whether you elected him or not, importing 
timber, changing gold openly at the banks; he surely can 
not deny that he has had money, he that himself makes a con- 
fession and display of it. Then is there any man so senseless 
or infatuate, that, to procure money for Philocrates, and bring 
discredit and danger upon himself, when he might appear in 
the ranks of the innocent, he would rather be at enmity with 
them, and side with Philocrates to be prosecuted? There is 
no such man, I believe. All these, if you examine them 
rightly, O Athenians, you will find to be clear and ample 
proofs that /&schines has taken bribes. 

A thing which has last occurred, but is as good a proof as 
any that he has sold himself to Philip, 1 beg you to consider. 
_ You know of course, that when Hyperides lately impeached 
Philocrates, I came forward and said, I was dissatisfied with 
one point in the impeachment, if it alleged that Philocrates 
had alone been guilty of so many grave misdemeanors, and 
the other nine embassadors were entirely innocent. And I 
declared it was not so; for he by himself would have been of 
no account, if he had not had some of these men to co-operate 
with him. ‘ However,” said I, “that I may neither acquit 
nor accuse any man, but that facts themselves may discover — 
the guilty, and clear those who are not implicated, let any 
man that pleases get up and declare before you, that he has 
no concern in the acts of Philocrates, and approves them not. 
And whoever does so, I will acquit him,’ I said. This you 
remember, I suppose. Well: no one came forward or showed 
himself. And the rest have each an excuse: one was not 
accountable; one perhaps was not present; another had a 
son-in-law yonder.2 ‘The defendant however has no such 


+ I. 6. to Macedonia. When Philocrates said this does not appear. 
In the construction I follow Auger and Pabst. But Francis connects 
EvAnyov with βαδιεῖσθαι. 

Philip had abundance of timber in the Macedonian forests, of which 
he made presents to his friends at Athens and elsewhere. Compare 
the passages which follow in this oration, pp. 386, 426. 

* This, according to Ulpian, is a piece of bitter irony against Phry- 
non, who is accused by Demosthenes of prostituting his own son to the 
king of Macedon. Taylor, Reiske, Francis, and Pabst adopt Ulpian’s 
interpretation. Others read ἐκεῖνος, meaning Philocrates. Schaefer 
thinks that the supposed reflection upon Phrynon would be beneath 
the dignity of an orator. The charge itself is distinctly made at page 
412 (Orig.). , 


ON THE EMBASSY. 153 


reason. So completely hath he sold himself, and not only re- 
ceived wages for past services, but makes it plain that here- 
after, should he now get off, he will help Philip against you, 
that, to avoid letting fall even a word in opposition to Philip, 
~ he accepts not even acquittal when we offer it, but chooses to 
incur infamy, prosetution, any kind of indignity at Athens, 
rather than do any thing to give Philip displeasure. 

But what is this connection, this over-anxiety for Philoc- 
rates? Had he done ever such great things, and got every 
advantage by his diplomacy, yet, if he confessed having made 
_ money by it, as he does confess, this is the very thing! from 
which an incorrupt embassador should have kept himself 
aloof and clear, and protested against it for his own part. 
Zé®schines however has not done so. Are not these facts 
plain, men of Athens? Don’t they cry aloud, that AXschines 
has taken bribes and is a scoundrel systematically for lucre’s 
sake, not in thoughtlessness, nor in ignorance, nor by reason 
of failures ? pai δ 

And what witness proves that I have taken bribes ?—says 
he. This is his grand point.—The facts, A¢schines, which are 
the surest of all things; and it is impossible to charge or 
allege, that they are what they are in obedience or out of 
fayor to any person. No: just what your treason and mis- 
chief has made them, they on examination appear to be. But 
in addition to the facts, you shall bear testimony against your- 
self immediately. Come, stand up and answer me.? You 
can’t urge that from inexperience you have nothing to say. 
You that conduct new prosecutions, like new dramas, and win 
them without witnesses even, in the division of a day, you 
must surely be a prodigy of an orator.® 


1 That is, the money-making, as I understand it. But Schaefer-refers 
it to the connection with Philocrates, τὴν κοινωνίαν καὶ τὴν πολλὴν πρό- 
votav ὑπὲρ Φιλοκράτους. 

* The question does not follow, probably because Aischines did not 
step-forward to intimate that he was ready to answer questions. 

* “He alludes to the extraordinary prosecution of Timarchus, un- 
supported by evidence, and founded only upon general reports of the 
impurity of his life. He alludes also to the theatrical profession of 
éschines, who treated such prosecutions as if they were only dramatic 
performances, but in which however he is allowed to have performed 
a Paawbalghstdcior, and to have appeared a very powerful orator.” — 
Francis. © 

Taylor supposes καινοὺς to refer to the first appearance of Aischines 


G 2 


154 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


Many dreadful things hath Aéschines the defendant perpe- 
trated, involving a high degree of baseness, as I think you 
will agree; yet there is nothing in my judgment so dreadful 
as what I am about to mention; nothing that will so pal- 
pably convict him of having taken bribes and sold every 
thing. 7 

‘When you were for the third time again dispatching envoys 
to Philip, under those great and splendid expectations which 
the defendant had held out, you elected him and me and most 
of the others the same as before. I came forward directly and 
excused myself,! and when certain persons clamored and call- 
ed on me to go, I declared I would not leave Athens: the 
defendant had then been elected. After the assembly had 
broken up, these men met and consulted whom they should 


as prosecutor in a court of justice; but it refers rather to the novelty 
of the proceeding itself, as Francis understands it. The credit due to 
AEschines was enhanced by the circumstance that he had a very limited. 
time allowed him to plead in. This may have been for the reason 
assigned by Reiske, that the causes for that day were so numerous, they 
were obliged to cireumscribe the time for each. Or perhaps the time 
allowed for that species of trial (viz. a δοκιμασία) was shorter than for 
ordinary causes. Harpocration explains διαμεμετρημένη ἡμέρα by stat- 
ing, that the whole time for a cause was divided by the Clepsydra 
into three portions,—one for each of the parties, and one for the jury. 
Whether such explanation suits this passage may be doubtful. De- 
mosthenes seems rather to speak of something out of the common 
course, or there would be no point in the words πρὸς 6.7.4. I under- 
stand πρὸς in the sense of “against,” the limitation of time being an 
adverse circumstance against which the orator had to contend: so we 
say, “to speak against time.” Francis takes these words in quite a dif- 
ferent sense. His version is: “which were of such importance as to 
demand a particular day for their determination.” Pabst: in abgemes- 
senen Tagestunden. . | 

Auger translates the whole passage as follows: ‘‘Puisque dans un 
temps limité vous plaidez des causes toutes neuves avec art d’un 
poéte qui compose un drame, et que vous les gagnez sans le secours 
des temoins; peut-on douter un moment de la subtilité de votre élo- © 
quence ?” 

As to the Clepsydra, see p. ὅθ, note 1. And as to πάνδεινος, see p. 
90, note 2. : 

1 Literally: “excused myself on oath—swore off.” As Francis has 
it: “‘declared upon oath I could not accept the employment.” Aman 
desirous of excusing himself from such an appointment as the one in 
question was obliged to assign some reason for it, as illness or the like, 
and to put in an affidavit stating such reason. The affidavit was called © 
ἐξωμοσία, and was recorded. It would appear from this passage, that 
almost any formal excuse was admitted. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 155 


leave behind: for, while things were yet in suspense and the 
future was uncertain, conferences and discussions of all kinds 
took place in the market; they feared therefore that an ex- 
traordinary assembly’ might be convened on a sudden, that you 
might hear the truth from me, and pass some proper resolu- 
tions in favor of the Phocians, and so things would slip out 
of Philip’s hands. Indeed, had you but voted and shown them 
a glimpse of hope, they would have been saved. For impos- 
sible, impossible was it for Philip to remain, if you had not 
been tricked; as there was neither any grain m the country, 
it not having been sown on account of the war, nor could 
any grain be brought while your galleys were there and com- 
manded the sea; and the Phocian cities were numerous and 
hard to take, except by a long siege; for if he took a city in 
a day, they are twenty-two in number. For all these reasons, 
that you might not change the course into which you had 
been entrapped, they left Aischines at home. Well, but to 
excuse himself without some ground was dangerous, and 
fraught with suspicion.—‘‘ What say you? aren’t you going, 
after these mighty advantages of your own announcing, and 
won’t you be on the embassy ?”—Still it was necessary to 
stay. How to act then ?— He pretends to be ill, and his 
brother, taking Execestus the physician and going to the 
council, made affidavit of the defendant’s illness, and was 
himself appointed. Five or six days after, when the Phocians 
had been destroyed, and this man’s hire had come to an end 
like any thing else, and Dercylus had returned from Chalcis, 
and reported to you, in assembly at Pirzeus, that the Phocians 
were destroyed, and you, men of Athens, naturally on re- 
ceiving that intelligence were smitten with compassion for 
them and terror on your own account, and passed a vote to 
bring in your women and children from the country, and to 
repair the garrisons and fortify Pirzeus, and offer the Heraclean 
sacrifice within the city,—in this state of things, when the 
commonwealth was in the midst of such confusion and alarm, 
this clever and powerful and loud-voiced orator, without any 
appointment by the council or the people, went off as embas- 
sador to the author of all the mischief, taking. into account 
neither the illness on which he grounded his excuse, nor the 
. fact that another embassador had been chosen in his stead, 
* See Appendix Y. 


150 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


nor that the law provides the penalty of death for such con- 
duct, nor how monstrous it was, after reporting that a price 
had been set upon his head in Thebes, when the Thebans had 
in addition to the lordship of all Boeotia become masters also 
of the Phocian territory, to take a journey then to the heart 
of Thebes and the Theban camp: so insane was he, so intent 
upon his pelf and reward, that in defiance and despite of all 
these considerations he took himself off. 

Such is the character of this proceeding: but what he did 
on his arrival there is far more shocking. For when all of 
you here, and the Athenians in general, considered the poor 
Phocians so shamefully and cruelly treated, that you would 
not send either members! of the council or the judges to rep- 
resent you at the Pythian games, but abstained from your cus- 
tomary deputation to the festival, Auschines went to the sacri- 
fice which Philip and the Thebans offered in honor of their 
_ success and conquest, and was feasted, and joined in the liba- 
tions and prayers which Philip offered up in thanksgiving for 
the lost fortresses and territory and troops of your allies, and 
donned the garland and sang the pan in company with Phil- 
ip, and pledged to him the cup of friendship. ? 

Nor is it possible that I should state the matter thus, and 
the defendant otherwise. With respect to the affidavit, there 
is an entry in your public register in the temple of Cybele, 
which is given in charge to the superintendent, and a decree 
has been specially drawn concerning that name.? With respect 


1 The Athenians, as well as all the other people who belonged to the 
. Hellenic commuhity, sent deputies regularly to the great periodical 
festivals—the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean. These dep- 
uties represented. the state, and it would appear that certain members 
of the council, and of the six junior archons, (whom I call in my trans- 
lation the judges,) or at least persons chosen from one or the other of 
these bodies, formed part of the deputation. They were called Gewpo?, 
which name signifies simply “ spectators,” derived from θέα, a spectacle, 
unless we adopt the explanation of Pollux, who derives it from θεὸς 
and dpa, as if it properly designated parties concerned in some divine 
~ service or ceremony. ‘The common uses of the word θεωρεῖν and its 
derivatives perhaps favor the former derivation, though it is true that 
the spectacles which these deputies were sent to attend partook al- 
ways of areligious character; and persons dispatched on more purely 
religious missions—as to consult an oracle, or the like—received the 
same appellation. For further information, see the Archeological 
Dictionary, title Theori. Pabst translates the word, Festgesandte. 

2 A decree (probably of the council) was drawn up, ordering the name 


ON THE EMBASSY. 157 


to his doings yonder, there will be evidence against him by 
his colleagues and persons present, who told the particulars 
to me; for I did not go with them on the embassy, but ex- 
cused myself. Now read me the decree and the register, and 
call the witnesses. 


[The Decree. The Public Register. The Witnesses.] _ 


What prayer do you suppose Philip offered to the gods 
when he poured his libation? What do you suppose the The- 
bans? Did they not pray for might and victory in battle for 
them and their allies; the contrary for the allies of the Pho- 
cians? Well then; A%schines joined in that prayer, and in- 
voked a curse upon his country, which you ought now to 
make recoil upon his head. 

He departed therefore in violation of the law which makes 
such an act punishable with death: on his arrival, it has been 
shown, he did what he deserves to die for a second time: and 
his former acts and measures in this behalf! as embassador 
will justify his execution. Consider then what penalty there 
can be of severity enough to be deemed adequate to all his 
crimes. For would it not be shameful, O Athenians, that 
you and the whole people should publicly condemn all the 
proceedings consequent upon the peace, and refuse to take 
any part in Amphictyonic business, and regard Philip with 
displeasure and distrust, because the proceedings are impious 
and shocking, opposed at the same time to your interests and 
to justice; yet, when you have come into court to adjudi- 
cate at the audit of these matters, a sworn jury on behalf of 
the commonwealth, you should acquit the author of all the 
mischief, whom you have caught in the very act when his 
guilt was complete? And which of your fellow-citizens, or 


of Aischines to be expunged from the list of embassadors, and that of 
his brother to be substituted. 

1 τὐπὲρ τοῦτων. “ Dubium est, ad quos referatur, Philippumne et 
Thebanos, pro his, an ad Athenienses, horum nomine.”—Reiske. ‘‘ Pos- 
terius malim.”—Schaefer? ᾿ 

There is a difficulty about either of these interpretations. If it meant 
the Athenians, we should rather expect ὑμῶν ; if Philip and the The- 
bans, ἐκείνων. I am therefore more inclined to the explanation suggested 
by Wolf: τῶν viv γεγενημένων ἐν Φωχεῦσι. If Schaeferis right, we must 
suppose Demosthenes to be making a sort of computation to himself, 
instead of directly addressing the jury. 


1559: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


rather of thé Greeks at large, will not have reason to com- 
plain of you, seeing that you are wroth with Philip, who, in 
the transition from war to a treaty of peace, purchased his ad- 
vantages from those that would sell them,.a thing very venial 
in him; yet you will acquit this man, who so disgracefully sold 
your interests, although the laws prescribe the heaviest penal- 
ties for such conduct. 

Perhaps however an argument of the following kind may 
be advanced by these men—that it will cause enmity with 
Philip, if you convict the embassadors who negotiated peace. 
If this be true, I can’t imagine any thing stronger to be urged 
against the defendant. For if the man who expended money 
to obtain the peace has now become so formidable and mighty 
that you must disregard your oaths and obligations, and 
consider only what you can do to gratify Philip, in what 
way can the authors of such a result be sufficiently punished? 
Though I think indeed I can show, that it will more probably 
lead to a friendship advantageous for you. For it should be 
understood, men of Athens, that Philip does not despise your 
commonwealth, and did not prefer the Thebans to you, be- 

cause he thought you less capable of serving him; but he 
was instructed by these men and informed—as I told you 
once before in the assembly, and none of them contradicted 
me—‘“‘ that the people! is of all things the most unstable and 

1 The word ‘‘people,” notwithstanding a little ambiguity, is preferable 
to “populace,” or “mob,” because it increases the odium sought to be 
thrown upon Aischines, that he spoke thus disrespectfully of the sover- 
eign people of Athens by the very name that constitutionally belonged 
to them. The comparison in the text reminds one of the famous simile 
in Virgil, Mneid I. 148. The fickleness of the valgus infidum has been a 
theme for innumerable orators and poets. EvenJack Cade exclaims, aft- 
er he has been deserted by his followers, “ Was ever feather so lightly 
blown to and fro as this multitude?”—Henry VI Part IL. Act IV. Se. 8. 

Shilleto cites Cicero pro Muren. 17 (85), pro-Plane. 6 (15), Liv. 
xxviii. 27, and the following passage from Clarendon’s History of the 
Rebellion :—“The Duke of Buckingham was utterly ignorant of the 
ebbs and floods of popular councils, and of the winds that move those 
waters.” 

Of the words οἷον αὐτὸς δή he gives the following explanation in the . 
same note :—‘“It is for his advantage to have ready at hand certain 
friendswho will transact and manage every thing for him with you, for 
instance, myself (the speaker).”—So Dobree nearly: ‘“‘ Your Majesty,” 
say these persons, “wants able managers” (each of them of course 


meaning such a one as himself). 
The same was my own impression originally, and it was with some 


ON THE EMBASSY. 159 


inconstant, like a restless wind in the sea, put in motion by 
any accident—one comes and another goes; no one cares for 
the public interests, or keeps them in mind—he should have 
friends to transact every thing for him with you, and manage 
just as he would himself: if that were contrived for him, he 
would accomplish all that he desired with you easily.’”’—If he 
had heard, I fancy, that the persons who used such language 
to him then had immediately after their return home been 
eudgelled to death, he would have done the same as the 
Persian king. What did the Persian king? He had been 
deceived by Timagoras, and given him forty talents, as report 
says; but when he heard that Timagoras! had been put to 
death at Athens, and had not the means even to insure his 
own safety, much less to perform his late promise to him, he 
saw that he had not given his fee to the party with whom the 
power rested. So, in the first place, he made Ampbhipolis 
again your subject, which before he had registered as his own 
ally and friend ;? and, in the riext place, he never afterward 
gave money to any man. And Philip would have done the 


hesitation that I took a different view. There is an awkwardness in 
the change from the plural τούτων to the singular αὐτός. Again, it 
would be clumsy to make αὐτὸς refer to the speaker, when there is an 
αὐτῷ so close both before and after it referring to Philip.. And there 
would be a little difficulty in the construction. It is true, there is some 
harshness in the other method. I should prefer reading oj’ ἄν. 

+ As to this story, see Ὁ. 130, note 2. 

2 | adhere to Bekker’s reading, and understand it thus: “Artaxerxes, 
seeing the fate of Timagoras, sought to conciliate the people of Athens 
by acknowledging their right to the possession of Amphipolis, which 
before he had treated as independent, and registered in the archives of 
the kingdom as his own ally. When he made such acknowledgment 
does not appear. After the embassy of Pelopidas to Susa, the Persian 
king sent a letter to Greece, containing the terms on which he desired 
a general peace to be established, This.was publicly read at Thebes, 
at which city the Greek states had been invited to hold a congress, the 
Thebans hoping to be placed in the same situation as the Lacedemonians 
had been at the peace of Antalcidas. The king’s wishes were entirely 
in favor of Thebes, and there was a clause in the letter which virtually 
required the disarming of the Athenian naval power. The Athenians 

* however and the Greeks in general refused to abide-by the terms which 
Artaxerxes sought to impose; and it may be that he, on receiving in- 
telligence of this, as well as of the execution of Timagoras, and the 
probability of some new combination among the Greek states, which 
might increase the influence of Athens, adopted a different tone, and 
expressed his willingness to consent to a different settlement of affairs, 
seitowisdging (among other things) her title to Amphipolis. 

’ 


160 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


same, if he had seen any of these men punished; and now, if 
he sees it, he will do so. But when he hears that they enjoy 
reputation among you as speakers, as prosecutors of other 
men, what should he do? Seek to incur large expenses, when 
he may incur less, and volunteer to court all, instead of two 
or three? Why, he would be mad. ᾿ 
Even the Thebans Philip had no desire to serve as a people 
—far from it; but he was persuaded by the embassadors, and 
1 will tell you in what manner. Embassadors came to him 
from Thebes, at the same time that we were there from you. 
He offered them money, and (according to their statement) a 
great deal. The Theban envoys would not accept or receive 
it. Afterward at a certain sacrifice or banquet, when Philip 
was drinking and making himself agreeable to them, he of- 
fered them over the cup divers things, such as captives and 
the like, and lastly some gold and silver goblets. All these 
things they rejected, and would in no way compromise them- 
selves. At length Philon, one of the embassadors, made a 
speech worthy, O Athenians, to have been spoken not on 
behalf of the Thebans, but on yours. He said he was de- 
lighted and rejoiced to see Philip liberally and generously 
disposed to them: they, for their part, were his friends 
already without those gifts; but they desired him to apply 
his generosity to the affairs of the commonwealth, in which 
he was then engaged,! and to do something worthy both of 
himself and the Thebans; and they promised then that the 
whole commonwealth as well as themselves would be attached 
to him. Now only see what has come of this, what events 
have happened, to the Thebans; and consider in good sooth, 
' what an important thing it is not to sell the interests of the 
state. First, they have obtained peace when they were dis-— 
tressed and harassed by the war and getting the worst of it; 
secondly, their enemies the Phocians have been utterly de- 
stroyed, and all their fortifications and cities demolished. Is 
that all? No indeed! Besides that they have Orchomenus, 
Coronea, Corsie, Tilphosseeum, as much of the Phocian terri-. 
tory as they please. Such advantages have the Thebans 
gained by the peace: greater they could not wish for, I 


1 ἐν οἷς ἦν τότε." So Francis: “which were then before him.” It is 
possible however, that 7 πόλις may be the nominative to ἦν, and thus 
Auger has taken it 


7 


ON THE EMBASSY. 161 


imagine: but what have the Theban embassadors gained ? 
The advantage of having done so much for their country— 
that is all; but that is honorable and glorious, O Athenians, 
in regard to praise and renown, which these men bartered 
away for gold. . 
Now let me contrast what the Athenian commonwealth 
has gained by the peace, and what the Athenian embassadors ; 
and see if the commonwealth and these men themselves have 
fared alike. To the commonwealth the result has been, that 
she has relinquished all her possessions and all her allies, and 
has sworn to Philip, that, should any one else interfere ever 
to preserve them, you will prevent it, and will regard the 
person who wishes to restore them to you as an adversary 
and a foe, the’ person who has deprived you of them as an 
ally and a friend. These are the terms which A‘schines the 
defendant supported, and his coadjutor Philocrates proposed ; 
and when I prevailed on the first day and had persuaded you 
to confirm the resolution! of your allies, and to summon 
Philip’s embassadors, the defendant drove it off to the follow- 
ing day, and persuaded you to adopt the decree of Philocrates, 
in which these clauses, and many others yet more shameful, 
are contained. To the state then such consequences have 
resulted from the peace :— consequences more disgraceful 
could not easily be found: but what to the embassadors who 
caused them? I pass by all the other matters which you 
have seen—houses—timber—erain; but in the territory of 
our ruined allies they have estates and farms of large extent, 
bringing in to Philocrates an income of a talent, to Auschines 
here thirty minas. Is it not shocking and dreadful, O Athe- 
nians, that the misfortunes of your allies have become a source 
of revenue,to your embassadors; that the same peace has to 
the country which sent them proved to be destruction of allies, 
cession of dominions, disgrace instead of honor, while to the 
embassadors, who wrought these mischiefs to the country, it 


? Schaefer interprets this, “ decretum de sociis,” taking it, I suppose, 
to mean the decree of the Athenians that all the allies should be in- 
cluded in the peace; as to which see page 391 (orig.). But there had 
been a resolution passed by the deputies of the allies themselves, then 
assembled at Athens, which Demosthenes says he supported. See page 
845 (orig.).. To this he refers again. 

For further particulars on the subject, the reader is referred to Ap- 
pendix 1. 


162 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


has produced revenues, resources, estates, riches, in exchange 
_for extreme indigence? To prove the truth of my pels ue 
call me the Olynthian witnesses. 

[ Witnesses. | | 

I shall not be surprised however, if he ventures to say 
something of this kind—that it was not possible to conclude 
the peace honorably or in the manner I desired, as the 
generals had conducted the war badly. Should he say this, 
pray remember to ask him, whether he went embassador 
from any other, state, or’ from this only. If he went from 
another, which he can say had been victorious in war and 
possessed generals of ability, he has taken money with good 
reason :! but if he went from this, why on a treaty, where 
the state which sent him renounced her own rights, did he 
receive presents into the bargain? ‘The state which sent the 
embassy should have got the same advantages as. her émbas- 
sadors, if any justice were done. 

And again, consider this, men of Athens,—Which, think 
ye, more prevailed in the war, the Phocians over the Thebans, 
or Philip over you? I am quite clear, the Phocians over the 
Thebans. They held Orchomenus and Coronea and Tilphos- 
seum, and had cut off the ‘Theban force at Neones,? and had 
slain two hundred and seventy at Hedyleum, and a trophy 
was erected, and their cavalry were masters of the field, and 
an Jliad? of misfortunes beset the Thebans. You had suffered 
nothing of the kind, and I trust you never may: the worst 


1 The argument i is Si ari lame. The point of it is, that there is 
more excuse when a minister of the victorious party is bribed to make 
concessions to the enemy, than when a minister of the vanquished party 
does the same thing. The former only diminishes his country’s gain, 
the other augments his country’s loss. The moral delinquency is the — 
same in both cases; the positive mischief done may be less in the 
latter case. 

* A city of Phocis, also called Neon. Reiske prefers the reading of 
“ αὑτῶν; with which the meaning is,—‘‘they had recovered their own 
troops captured at Neon.” Auger, Francis, and Pabst adopt that read- 
ing; but it does not so well suit this passage, where the orator is re- 
counting the positive disasters inflicted on the Thebans. 

3 The expression “ Iliad of misfortunes” was proverbial, and is plain 
enough. 

Shilleto cites Cicero ad Attic. VIII. 11,—“ Tanta malar impendet 
Trudie.” And Ovid, II. Epist. ex Pont. 7:— 


Ilias est fatis longa futura meis. 


Φ 


ON THE EMBASSY. 133 


thing in the war with Philip was, that you could not do him 
harm when you desired; but you were perfectly secure against 
being damaged yourselves. How comes it then, that by the 
same peace the Thebans, who were so much beaten in the 
war, have recovered their own possessions and won those of 
their enemies, while you, the Athenians, have lost in time of 
peace even what was preserved in war? It is because. their 
interests were not sold by their embassadors, while these men 
have bartered yours away. ‘That such has been the character 
of these transactions, you will learn yet more clearly from 
what follows.! 

When this treaty of Philocrates, which the defendant spoke 
in fayor of, was concluded, and Philip’s embassadors had 
received the oaths and departed, (and up to this point no 
incurable mischief had been done, but, though the peace was 
dishonorable and unworthy of the state, yet we were to have 
those wonderful advantages by way of compensation,) I asked 
your leave,? and urged these men to sail with the utmost 
speed for the Hellespont, and not to sacrifice or let Philip get 
possession of any of the places there in the interval. For I 
knew well, that whatever is sacrificed in the transition from 
war to peace is lost to the neglectful parties: for when once 
‘ people have made up their minds on the whole for peace, 
they won’t renew the war for what has been abandoned, but 
. that remains the property of the captors. Besides, I believed 
the state would be sure to get one of two advantages, if we 
sailed ;—for either, we being on the spot and having sworn 
him according to the decree, he would restore the places 
which he had taken from the republic, and forbear to attack 


1 The preceding clause, which Bekker has included in brackets, and 
which does not appear to fit the passage, I have omitted, as Francis 
has. Auger’s translation shows how little it suits the context, though 
he tries to make it more intelligible by expansion: “Contre la vérité 
des faits qui précedent, Eschine aura le front de dire que vos alliés 
étoient fatigues et harassés parle guerre. Au reste, vous verrez encore 
mieux, par ce qui suit, que vos députeés, gagnés par l’or de Philippe, ont 
prévariqué dans leur embassade.’ 

2 So Schaefer rightly explains ἠξίουν ὑμᾶς: and Auger: “Je deman- 
dois au peuple.” But it must not be understood of a request to the 
assembly, but rather of an application to the proper authorities, as the 
generals, or the council, to expedite the preparations for sail, provide 
the traveling expenses, dc. 


104 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


the rest, or, if he did not, we should immediately report it to 
Athens; and so you, seeing his rapacity and perfidy in those 
distant and less important matters, would not be careless 
about these more important and nearer home—lI mean the 
Phocians and Thermopylz: on the other hand, if he had not 
captured those places and you had not been tricked, all your 
interests would be secure, and your just demands cheerfully 
accorded by him. And I had reason for supposing it would 
be so. For if the Phocians were safe, as they were then, and 
masters of Thermopyle, Philip could have held out no threat 
to prevent your insisting upon any of your rights: neither a 
land march nor a victory by sea would have opened him the 
- road to Attica, while you, if he refused to give you satisfac- 
tion, would instantly close his ports, and again reduce him to 
distress for money and to a state of general blockade; so that 
he would be the party dependent on the benefits of peace, not 
you. ‘That I am not now inventing and assuming the merit of 
these things after the event, but that they were perceived by 
me at the time, and foreseen on your behalf and communi- 
cated to these men, I will now give you the proof:—As all 
the assemblies had been exhausted,! and therefore no new one 
could be had, and these men were not gone, but lingering here, 
I as councilor frame a decree, (the people having given full 
power to the council,) ordering the embassadors to depart 
without delay, and the general Proxenus to convey them to 
whatever place they should hear Philip was in; and I drew it 
up just as I am telling you, in those express words. Here— 
read me the decree. 


[The Decree. | 


did τὸ προκατακεχρῆσθαι----ἢ, e. ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις : “ by reason that the 
people had already held all the assemblies appointed by law,”—~. e. all 
the ordinary assemblies; and therefore none but an extraordinary one 
could be called. As to the Athenian law, see Appendix VY. Reiske in 
his Index explains these words as follows: “ propterea quod, concioni- 
bus antea nimis multis incassum habitis, salutare nihil neque decretum 
neque effectum esset.” In his notes he suggests another interpretation: _ 
‘‘propterea quod omnia hue facientia peracta et absoluta essent.” 
Schaefer renders it: “ propterea quod omne tempus concionibus haben- 
dis destinatum abierat.” So Francis: “When there no longer remain- 
ed any assembly to be called, the days of convening them being alread 
past.” And Pabst: da keine Versammlung des Volks mehr hendrbeandl 
weil die ganze Zeit, wo dergleichen stattfinden, schon abgelaufen war. 


π΄ 


ON THE EMBASSY. 165 


I carried them from Athens downright against their will, as 
you will see clearly by what they. did afterward. When we 
arrived at Oreus and joined Proxenus, these men, instead of 
sailing and performing your instructions, took a circuitous 
journey, and before we. came to Macedonia we wasted three- 
and-twenty days ; all the rest of the time before Philip came we 
sat down in Pella, making fifty days altogether with those of 
thejourney. In that interval Doriscus, Thrace, the Fortresses,! 
the Sacred Mountain—every thing, in short, during a time of 
peace and truce was taken and disposed of by Philip; though 
I was constantly speaking and remonstrating, at first giving 
my opinion as in consultation, afterward by way of instruc- 
tion to ignorant men, lastly as if I were addressing venal and 
impious wretches without any reserve. The man who openly 
opposed what I said, who thwarted all my counsels and your 
decrees, was the defendant. Whether that pleased the other 
embassadors, you will know presently ; for as yet I say noth- 
ing about any one—I make no accusation—there is no need 
for any of them to appear honest to-day by compulsion, but 
of their own choice, and by having had no connection with the 
crimes. For that the acts done are disgraceful and flagitious 
and not unpaid for, you have all seen: the thing itself will 
disclose who have been concerned in them.? 

But, forsooth, in that interval they received the oaths from 
the allies, or performed other duties. Very far from it. AI- 
though they were absent for three whole months, and had 
received from you a thousand drachms for their traveling 
expenses, from not a single state, either on the journey there 
or on the journey back, did they receive the oaths; but in 
the inn before the temple of Castor and Pollux—if any of 


1 “Fuisse tractum Thracie τὰ Teiyn dictum, ut in Belgio sunt Jes 
Barriéres, e. p. 397, constat.”—Reiske. 

3 The reader will notice the artifice of the orator. He was appre- 
hensive that the colleagues of A’schines might support him by their 
testimony or influence. He seeks to deter them from such a course, by 
insinuating that it would prove them to be accomplices. He affects to 
suspend his own judgment, as if he waited to see the result. But this 
affectation is not consistent with the general tenor of the speech, in 
which Demosthenes is continually talking of these men (meaning the 


embassadors in general, or at least the greater number of them, who 


were doubtless in court and supporting Aischines) as being all more 
or less associated with him, and participators in his misconduct. 


- / 


1006. . THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Ρ 


you has been at Phere, he knows the place I mean—here the 
oaths were administered, when Philip was marching hither 
with his army, in a manner disgraceful, O Athenians, and 
unworthy of you. Philip indeed would have given a great 
deal to have’it managed in this way. For when they were 
unable to draw up the treaty as these men attempted at first, 
excluding the Halians and Phocians, but Philocrates was 
compelled by you to expunge that clause and insert expressly 
the Athenians and allies of the Athenians, he did not wish 
any of his own allies to have sworn that oath, (for then they 
would not have marched with him to attack those possessions 
of yours which he now holds, but would have made the oaths 
an excuse,) nor did he wish them to witness the promises on 
which he was obtaining the peace, nor to have it shown to 
all, that in fact the Athenian commonwealth had not been 
beaten in war, but it was Philip who desired peace, and was 
making large promises to the Athenians if he could obtain 
peace. So, for fear what I say might be publicly known, he 
objected to these men going any where; and they did every 
thing to gratify him with an ostentation of zeal and extrava- 
gant servility. 

I say then—when they are convicted of all ΕΣ things" 
having wasted the time, sacrificed the posts in Thrace, done 
nothing that you directed or that your interests required, 
brought false intelligence to Athens—how is it possible for 
them to escape with intelligent and conscientious judges? 
To prove the truth of these statements, read first the decree 
prescribing how the oath was to be administered; then the 
letter of Philip, then the decree of Philocrates and that of 
the people. 


[The Decree prescribing the Oath.]_ 
[The Letter of Philip.| 
[The Decree of Philocrates. | 
[The Decree of the People amending that of Philocrates.] 


To show that we should have caught Philip in the Hel- 
lespont, if they had followed my advice and executed your 
commands as expressed in the decrees, call the witnesses there 
present. 


[ Witnesses. ] 


A ON THE EMBASSY. 167 

Now read the other deposition, what answer Philip made to 
Euclides here, who came afterward.! 

᾿ [The Deposition. ] 

They can’t deny they did all this to serve Philip—attend, 
and you will see. When we started on the former embassy 
for the peace, you sent a herald before us to stipulate for our 
safe conduct. On that occasion, as soon as they arrived at 
Oreus, they did not wait for the herald or create any delay, 
but, though Halus* was under siege, they crossed over to it, 
and again coming out of that city to Parmenio, who was be- 
sieging it, they set off through the hostile army for Pagase, 
and going on met the herald at Larissa: with such expedition 
and diligence they proceeded then. Yet when there was peace 
and every security for traveling, and your command to make 
haste, it never occurred to them either to expedite their 
journey or to go by sea. How came this about? Because 
on the former occasion it was Philip’s interest that the peace 
should be concluded as quickly as possible, but on this it was 
for his advantage that the interval before demanding the oaths 
should be as much as possible protracted. To show that 
these statements are also true, here—take this deposition. 


[The Deposition. | 


Ts there any evidence to convict men of entire subservience 
to Philip stronger than this—that on the same journey they 
loitered when they ought to have made haste in your service, 
-and hurried when they ought not even to have traveled? before 
the arrival of the herald ? 

During the time that we were there and loitering in Pella, 


1 Euclides was sent by the Athenians to remonstrate with Philip for 
having invaded the dominions of Cersobleptes. He replied, that his 
embassadors had not informed him that peace had been concluded, and 
therefore he had a right to pursue his conquests. The deposition of 
Euclides to this effect is now read, he being present to confirm it. 

3 Halus was near the coast, about the centre of the Pagassean bay, 
and a few miles from Pagase. 

3 The opposition here is between σπεύδειν and οὐδὲ βαδίζειν, “ to 
hasten,” and “ not to travel at all—not to begin the journey.” There- 
fore there is no necessity to express (as Sghaefer would have us) the 
opposition between πλεῖν and βαδίζειν, which elsewhere occurs. (See 
pp. 392, 398 orig.) 


168 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


see what different employments we each chose for ourselves. 
Mine was to deliver the captives and seek them out, to ex- 
_ pend money of my own, and request Philip to ransom them 
with what he would have given in presents to us. What the 
defendant made it his business to accomplish, you shall hear 
immediately. What was it? That Philip should make us a 
common present of money. For you must know, among 
other things, Philip sounded us all—in what way ?—hby send- 
ing to each privately, and offering, O Athenians, a heap of 
gold. Failing with one, no matter whom—(for it is not for 
me to mention myself; the facts and circumstances will 
show ;)—he thought that a common present would be ac- 
cepted without suspicion! by all, and thus there would be 
security for those who had privately sold themselves, if in 
ever so small a degree we all joined in the acceptance. ‘There- 
fore the offer was made, under pretense of being a gift of 


hospitality. I having stopped it, these men divided {πὸ 


money among themselves—this besides what they had had 
before. Philip, when I requested him to expend it upon the 
captives, could neither inform against these men with honor, 
or say—“ Oh! but this and that person have it’’—nor yet 
escape the outlay; so he consented, giving an evasive promise 
to send them home by the Panathenzan festival. Read the 
deposition of Apollophanes, then that of the other λα 
who were present. Read. Ἂ 


[The Deposition. } bss 


Now let me tell you how many of the prisoners I ransomed 
myself. During the time that we staid in Pella, before the 
arrival of Philip, some of the captives who were out on bail, 
doubting (I suppose) whether they should afterward be able 
to prevail on Philip, said they should like to ransom them- 
selves, and not be under an obligation to Philip; and they 
applied for loans, one of three minas, another of five, and so — 
on, according to what each man’s ransom came to. When 
Philip therefore consented to redeem the rest, I called the 


1 εὐήθως, ----““ without scruple or misgiving—in simple and thought- 
less honesty of heart. ” Pabst: in gutmiithiger Hinfalt. But Schaefer 
connects it with ἡγεῖτο, and renders it, “pro e& aud erat stultitia 
existimabat.” 


ON THE EMBASSY. 169 


men together, to whom I had advanced! the money, and 
reminding them of what had been done, that they might not 
seem to be in a worse position for their haste, or to have been 
ransomed (poor as they were) out of their own private means, 
while the others expected to be released by Philip, I made 
them a present of the redemption-money. To prove my 
statements, read these depositions. 


[The Depositions. ] 


The sums that I forgave and made a present of to our 
unfortunate fellow-citizens are what you hear. Should the 
defendant say to you presently—‘‘ How comes it, Demosthe- 
nes, having discovered (as you say) from my supporting Phi- 
locrates, that we were after no good, you went with us on the - 
- subsequent embassy for the oaths, and did not excuse your- 
self?”—remember, I had promised the men whom 1 ransom- 
ed, that I would come and bring the redemption-money, and 
do my best to deliver them. It would have been shameful 
then to break my word, and abandon fellow-citizens in misfor- 
tune. But, had I got off the appointment, I could not have 
made a private excursion there with propriety or safety: for, 
but that I desired to release the captives, perdition seize me, 
if I would have taken a very large sum of money to be the 
colleague of these men. And I can prove it—for you twice 
elected me for the third embassy, and I twice excused myself; 
and during the whole of my absence on this I opposed them 
in ete Meng. | 

Thus went your affairs, so far as I had the control on the 
embassy: what these men carried by being the majority has 
ruined all. Indeed all our measures would have been con- 
sistent with what I have just stated, had my advice been fol- 
lowed. For I was not such a wretched idiot, as to give money, 
when I saw others receiving it, for the sake of standing well 
with you, while things that might be accomplished without 
expense, and that drew with them far greater advantages to 
the commonwealth, I was in my wishes opposed to. I wished 
for them earnestly, O Athenians ; but these men, I trow, were 
too many for me. 


* Demosthenes had lent the money as a friend (ἔχρησε, not éddvecce). 
We have not the same distinction in our language. 70 /end is indiffer- 
ently used, whether the loan be with interest or without. 


Vor. Il.—«H 


170 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


_ Come now—see what have been the defendant’s acts in 
comparison with mine, and what those of Philocrates; for in 
contrast they will appear more glaring. First, they excluded 
the Phocians and the Halians and Cersobleptes from the 
treaty, contrary to your decree and the declaration! made to 
you: secondly, they attempted to disturb and alter the de- 
cree, which we had been commissioned to execute: further, 
they set down the Cardians as allies of Philip. And the letter 
written,by me to you they determined not to send, while they 
sent one. written by themselves without a word oftruth. Then 
this brave fellow here said I had promised Philip to over- 
turn your’ democracy, because I denounced those acts, not 
only regarding them as disgraceful, but fearing I might be in- 
volved in the ruin of these men through their fault; while 
he himself never ceased during the whole time holding private 
interviews with Philip. And the rest I say nothing about— 
but Dercylus, (not I,) with the assistance of this boy of 
mine, watched him during the night at Phere, and having 
caught him coming out of Philip’s tent, told the boy to report 
it to me and keep it in his own remembrance; and finally” 
this abominable and shameless fellow for a night and day 
after our departure stayed behind with Philip.2 To prove 


1 I. e. by Philip’s embassadors, as Pabst understands it. Francis 
renders it: “in contradiction to the assurances they themselves had 
given you.” 

3 Reiske in his Index gives a different explanation of these words: 
“quoties nos a Philippo discederemus, sive interdiu sive néetu cum eo 
congressi essemus, Adschines cum eo solus remanebat totum illum reli- 
quum diem noctemve.” This would require ἀπελείπετο. 

ZEschines, in his answer (p. 44), states the charge of Demosthenes to 
have been, that he wentin a boat by night down the river Lydias, on 
purpose to assist Philip in writing the letter. If this was the charge, it 
must have appeared in the deposition read to the jury. Adschines ridi- 
cules the idea of it being necessary for Philip to have his assistance 
in composing the letter, when there was Python of Byzantium and 
the exile Leosthenes, either of them fully capable of writing it; and 
indeed Philip could easily have done it himself. And it would have 
been absurd (he argues) to go by night for such a purpose, when the day - 
would have suited quite as well. Yet neither of these arguments 
touches the point of the matter; for it might be necessary to Philip’s 
objects to concert things with the person who was to be his agent at 
Athens, and the night might, for more than one reason, be more suit- 
able than the day. He proceeds next to confute the charge, by direct 
counter evidence, calling Aglacreon and Iatrocles to prove what we call 
an alibi; that it was impossible he could have passed the night in 


a 


- 


ON THE EMBASSY. ἘΠῚ 


the truth of my statements, in the first place, I will draw up 
my own deposition and make myself responsible as a witness ; 
in the next place, I call each of the other embassadors, and will 
force them to do one or the other, to give testimony or swear 
they are unable. If they swear they are unable, I shall con- 
vict them of perjury before you clearly. 


[Zhe Deposition. | 


With what annoyances and troubles J was beset during the 
whole of the expedition, you have seen. You may guess in- 
deed what they did in the neighborhood of their paymaster, 


Philip’s company, because he lodged in the same apartment with them, 
aud was never absent for a single night. The value of such evidence 
depends in some measure upon the terms in which it was expressed ; 
but the proof of an alibi, without cross-examination, could never be 
satisfactory. 

The use of ἀπελείφθη in this passage tends certainly to confirm the 
translation of Pabst and Francis in the former passage (ante, p. 181). 

‘ To make this passage intelligible, it is necessary to explain the 
method of giving evidence in Athenian courts of law. Any party 
intending to call a witness in court drew up his evidence in the shape 
of a deposition, amd summoned him before the magistrate who had 
cognizance of the cause. The deposition having been sworn to was put 
into a box, together with other documents in the cause, to be produced 
when the trial came on before the jury. On the day of trial the witness 
again attended, his deposition was read out, and he confirmed it by 
signifying his assent. No vivd vote testimony (in our sense of the term) 
was permitted. It was required to be in writing, in order that there 
might be no mistake about what the witness deposed to, and to afford 
the opposite party the means of obtaining redress in case he lost his 
cause by false evidence. A party might be a witness for himself; and 
then he prepared his own deposition in the same way, and, having 
sworn to it, produced and had it read in court, making himself answer- 
able, like any other witness, to a charge of perjury. 

Where a man called a doubtful or unfriendly witness, he drew up a 
statement of the facts which he supposed him capable of proving, and, 
having caused it to be read by the clerk of the court, he asked the 
witness whether he would swear toit. The witness was then required 
either to give his testimony to that effect, or swear that the statement 
was untrue, or not true to his knowledge. 

While some advantages attended this method of proceeding, and, 
among others, a saving of time, (for the evidence was all produced and 
read during the course of the party’s address to the jury, though ex- 
cluded from the measurement of time allotted to him,) there were other 
obvious disadvantages, one of which was the absence of cross-examina- 
tion, and another (in the case of a hostile witness) was the extreme 
difficulty of preparing such a deposition as he could not escape from. 


172 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


when such are their doings before your eyes, in whose power 
it is either to reward or to punish. 

I will now reckon up the charges from the beginning, to 
show you I have performed all that I promised in the outset 
of my speech. I have shown by the evidence not of words, - 
but of the facts themselves, that his reports have been utterly 
false and that he imposed on you. I have shown, that ow- 
ing to him you refused to hear the truth from me, being in- 
fluenced by his promises and assurances ; that all iis advice — 
was contrary to what it should have been: that he opposed 
the peace of the allies and supported that of Philocrates; he 
wasted the time, to prevent your marching to Phocis, even 
if you desired it; he has committed many grievous things — 
besides during his absence; he has betrayed and sold every 
thing, taken bribes, stopped short. of nothing that is villainous. 
All these things I promised in the beginning; all I have made 
out. Mark then what follows—this that I have next to say 
to you is simple:—You have sworn to give your verdict ac- 
cording to the laws and the decrees of the people and the coun- 
cil of five hundred: the defendant is proved by his whole con- 
duct as embassador to have violated the lawsythe decrees, the 
obligations of justice : it is fit therefore he should be convicted 
before an intelligent jury. 

Were he guilty of nothing else, two of his acts are sufficient 
to kill him: for he has betrayed not only the Phocians, but 
Thrace also to Philip. Two places in the world more import- 
ant to our commonwealth could not be pointed out than Ther- 
mopyle by land, and the Hellespont by sea: both which to- 
gether have these men disgracefully sold and delivered into 
Philip’s hands against you. What an offense even this is, 
without any thing further—the sacrificing-of Thrace and the 
Fortresses—would be an infinite topic of discussion: and it 
were easy to show, how many persons have on that account 
been sentenced to death before you, or incurred heavy fines— 
Ergophilus, Cephisodotus, Timomachus, in ancient times Er- 
gocles, Dionysius,' and others, all of whom together (I may 


* As to the first three persons named in the text, see vol. i. pp. 271 
—274. 

Ergocles is a person against whom there is an extant oration of 
Lysias, and who, it appears, was condemned by the Athenians for pee- 

ulation. Of Dionysius ApS) is known. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 173 


nearly say) have injured the commonwealth less than this 
man. But then, O Athenians, you were still, on calculation, 
wary and provident of danger: while now, what for the day 
gives you no trouble, no present annoyance, you disregard ; 
and here you pass idle votes:—that Philip shall take the 
oaths to Cersobleptes—that he shall not interfere in Amphic- 
tyonic business—that you will amend the peace. But there 
would have been no necessity for any of these decrees, if the 
defendant had chosen to sail and perform his duty: what 
might have been preserved by sailing; he has lost by advising 
a land-journey ; what might have been saved by telling truth, _ 
_ he has lost by lying. 

_ He will make it a grievance presently, as I am informed, 
that he should be the only oratar in the assembly who is 
called to account for words. I will not press the argument, 
that all men should be made responsible for their words, if 
they speak for lucre; but I say this—If Aschines in his 
private capacity played the fool or made any slip, don’t be 
over-nice ; let it pass, forgive him: but if in the character of 
embassador he has for lucre’s sake purposely deceived you, 
don’t let him off, don’t tolerate that he is not to be brought 
to trial for what he said. For what else ought we to call 
embassadors to account but for words? Embassadors have 
not galleys or post or soldiers or citadels under their control, 
(for no one intrusts embassadors with these things,) but only 
words and times. With respect to time—if he never de- 
stroyed the opportunities of the state, he is innocent; if he 
has destroyed them, he is guilty. And as to words—if his 
reports have been true or serviceable, let him be acquitted ; 
if false and corrupt and injurious, let him be convicted. A 
man can do you no greater wrong than by telling falsehoods: 
for where the government depends on words, how is it pos- 
sible, if these be untrue, to carry it on safely? And if 
speakers will even take bribes for the interest of the enemy, 
how can you avoid being in peril? Nor indeed is it the 
same thing to rob oligarchs or despots of their opportunities, 
as it is to rob you: nor any thing like. For in those govern- 
ments, I take it, every thing is done sharply according to order: 
but with you, first the council must hear of all matters and 
frame their previous order, and that only after publication of 


174 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


notice for heralds and embassies,! not always; then-they must 
convene an assembly, and that only when it is allowable by 


the laws: then your honest counselors must get the day, and Ὁ 


prevail over those who ignorantly or wickedly oppose them. 
And after all this, when a resolution haspassed, and its ad- 
vantage is apparent, time has to be allowed for the indigence 
of the multitude to provide themselves with what is needful, 
that they may be able to execute your resolve. A man, I say, 
who destroys these times of action in a government such as 
ours, has done more than destroy times of action; he has ab- 
solutely robbed you of your main chance. — | . 

There is a ready argument however for all who wish to 
deceive you—‘“‘the disturbers of the commonwealth !—the 
persons who prevent Philip from doing the state a service!” 
To them I shall offer not a word in reply, but read you 
Philip’s letters, and remind you of the occasions on which in 
every instance you have been cheated, that you may see, by 
cajoling you, he has forfeited that boastful title that one got 
sick of hearing.” 


[Letters of Philip.] 


His acts in the embassy having been thus disgraceful, so 
many, nay all of them, having been treason against you, he 
goes about saying—‘‘ What name does Demosthenes deserve, 
who accuses his colleagues?” Verily I accuse, whether I will 
or no, having been so plotted against by you during the 


1 A program or notice was always posted up in the city, to announce 
the holding of an assembly. But where heralds or embassadors from 
foreign states were to have reception, a notice was required to be pub- 
lished before the council could meet on the business, and frame their 
preliminary decree. Προβουλεῦσαι is, “to pass the decree or order of 
council, which was necessary before it could be laid before the people.” 
It was called then Προβούλευμα. (See Schémann, De Comitiis, 58, 97.) 
I take κήρυξι καὶ πρεσβείαις to refer only to foreign heralds and embas- 
sies. Pabst otherwise; whose version is: bei Huch muss iiber Alles erst 
der Senat gehért, und Alles durch ihn zuvor berathen werden, und zwar 
nur dann, wenn dies fiir Absendung von Herolden und fir Gesandtschaften 
zuvor angekiindigt ist, und nicht ummer. 


2 Je. the title of “friend” or “benefactor of Athens,” which Philip 


was continually assuming in his letters, and which the Macedonian part 
at Athens studiously repeated. Such is Reiske’s interpretation of this 
obscure passage, which I have followed as being, though not wholly 
satisfactory, yet the best. . Pa 





ON THE EMBASSY. ; 175 


whole of my absence, and having the choice of two things — 
left me, either in acts of such a description to be thought 
your accomplice, or to accuse. I say that I have not been 
your colleague at all in the embassy, but that you did many 
heinous things as.embassador, and I did what was best for 
these people. Philocrates has been your colleague, and you 
his, and Phrynon: for you all did these things, and approved 
of them. | 

But where is the salt? where the social board and liba- 
tions?! Such is the rant he goes about with: as if doers of 
justice, and not doers of iniquity, were the betrayers of these 
_ things! I know that all the presidents on every occasion 
sacrifice in common, and sup with each other, and pour liba- 
tions together; and the good do not on this account imitate 
the bad, but if they find any of their body committing an 
offense, they inform the council and the people. In like 
manner the council offer their opening sacrifice,? banquet 
together, join in libations and ceremonials. So do the gener- 
als, and I may say nearly all the magistrates. But do they 
on such account allow impunity to their members who com- 
mit crime? Far from it. Leon accused Timagoras,’ after 
having been four years his co-embassador: Eubulus accused 
Tharrex and Smicythas, after having been their messmate : 


1 To have eaten salt together, sat at the same table, and poured the 
same drink-offering, have in most countries been regarded as sacred 
obligations of mutual friendship or good faith. Compare Odyssey, 
xiv. 158:— 

Ἴστω viv Ζεὺς πρῶτα Θεῶν Eevin τε τράπξζα, 

Ἰστίη τ᾽ ᾽Οδυσῆος ἀμύμονος ἣν ἀφικάνω, 

Ἦ μέν τοι τάδε πάντα τελεΐεται ὡς ἀγορεύω. 
Eurip. Hecub. 787 :— 

Κοινῆς τραπέζης πολλάκις τυχὼν ἐμοί. ᾿ 

Cicero quotes an old saying having reference to this (De Amicitia, 19): 
“Verum illud est, quod citar, multos modios salis simul edendos esse, 
ut amicitize munus expletum sit.” 

Aischines frequently reproaches Demosthenes with his disregard of 
these obligations. De Fals. Leg. 31, 52; Cont. Ctes. 85. 

* Εϊσιτήρια are the sacrifices offered by the council at the opening of 
their session in honor of Jupiter and Pallas. Suidas however, whose 
account is adopted by Schémann, says it was the first day of every year, 
when-the magistrates entered upon their offices. , 

* As to Leon and Timagoras, see ante, p. 180, Of Tharrex and 
Smicythas nothing is known. 


Fey 
176 _ THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


the famous Conon of old accused Adimantus,’ after having 
shared the command with him. Which then violated the 
salt and the cup, A‘schines—the traitors, the false embassa- 
dors and acceptors of bribes, or their accusers? Assuredly 
the men of iniquity violated, as you have done, the sanc- 
tities of their whole country, not merely those of private 
fellowship.? : 

To show you however, that these men have been the vilest 
and basest not only of all public deputies to Philip, but of all 
(without exception) who ever privately visited him, let me tell 
you a little circumstance unconnected with the embassy. 

When Philip took Olynthus, he celebrated Olympic games, 
and invited all kinds of artists? to the sacrifice and the 
festival. While he was feasting them and crowning the con- 
querors, he asked Satyrus,* our comic actor, why he was the 


1 Adimantus was one of the commanders at the fatal battle of Agos- 
porn In the general massacre of the Athenian prisoners ordered 
-by Lysander, he alone was spared, because he had opposed the order 
for-cutting off the thumbs of the Peloponnesian captives. He was sus- 
pected however of having betrayed the fleet to the enemy, and after- 
ward brought to trial on such charge by Conon. 

2 Others take σπονδὰς to be governed by ἀδικοῦντες, as Pabst, who 
thus renders the passage: Gewiss Diejenigen, welche, wie Du, alle 
heiligen Verbindlichkeiten gegen thr Vaterland verletzten und nicht etwa 
nur die gegen einzelne Biirger. 

ἢ Theatrical people were often specially called artists among the 
Greeks, just as painters are in these days. ; | 

* The person of whom this pleasing anecdote is told was an early 
friend of Demosthenes, who first directed his attention to his faults in 
elocution, and ghowed him how to overcome them. Plutarch, in the 
Life of Demosthenes, relates that the young orator, after making one 
of his earliest essays at speaking in the assembly, and having been ill 
received by his audience, was returning home in a melancholy humor, 
when he met Satyrus, and complained to him of his misfortune, sayin 
how hard it was that, after having spent so"much time in the study o 
oratory, he was unable to please the people of Athens: the most igno- 
rant and illiterate persons were heard with pleasure, while he was not 
listened to. “Ay,” said Satyrus; ‘“‘but I can remedy this. Just repeat 
me some verses of Sophocles or Euripides.” Demosthenes did so, but 
without that accompaniment of graceful action and pronunciation, by 
which Satyrus was accustomed to-charm his hearers on the stage. 
ae then repeated the same verses himself, showing how it ought to 
be done, and making the orator see his own deficiencies. Demosthenes 
had the wisdom to profit by this lesson, and from that hour set himself 
resolutely to work to overcome all his natural impediments, to perfect 
his organs of speech, and to acquire the external graces of address and 


ON THE EMBASSY. Ἦ A177 


only person who preferred no request, whether it was that he 
had observed in him any meanness or discourtesy toward 
himself. Satyrus (they say) replied, that he wanted none of 
the things which the others asked, that what he should like 
to propose it would be very easy for Philip to oblige him 
with, but he was fearful of being refused. Philip bade him 
speak out, assuring him in handsome terms, that there was — 
nothing he would not do; upon which (they say) he declared, 
that Apollophanes of Pydna was his friend; that, after he had 
been assassinated, his*relations in alarm secretly removed his 
daughters, then little children, to Olynthus. “They,” said he, 
*‘now that the city is taken, have become prisoners, and are 
in your hands: they are of marriageable age. Give me them, 
I pray and beseech you. Yet I wish you to hear and under- 
stand, what sort of a present you will give me, if you do give 
it. I myself shall derive no profit from the grant; for I shall 
give them in marriage with portions, and not suffer them to 
be treated in any manner unworthy of myself or their father.” 
When the company at the banquet heard this, there was a 
clapping of hands and tumult of applause from all sides, 
insomuch that Philip was touched, and gave him the girls. 
Yet this Apollophanes was one of the persons who killed 
Philip’s brother Alexander.! : 

Now let us contrast with this banquet of Satyrus another 
banquet, which these men held in Macedonia; and see if it 
has any likeness or resemblance. 

These men were invited to the house of Xenophron, the son 
of Phzdimus,? one of the Thirty, and off they went. I did 
not go. When they came to the drinking, he introduces a cer- 
tain Olynthian woman, good-looking, and well-born also and 
modest, as the case proved. At first (I believe) they only 
manner. He even shut himself up, refusing to see any of his friends, 
and keeping his head shaved for several months together, that he might 
have perfect leisure to pursue his training without interruption. In 
the result he acquired a style of delivery which fully reeompensed him 
for all this exertion, and proved the justice of the player’s advice. 

The story which Demosthenes tells appears to have been introduced 
more for the purpose of doing honor to Satyrus, than for any purpose 
connected with the trial; and we may regard it as being really a trib- 
ute of gratitude to the man to whom he was so much indebted. 

+ See Vol. 1, Appendix I. pp. 282, 250. 


? In the list of the thirty tyrants given by Xenophon, occurs the 
name of Pheedrias. 
H 2 


i 


bad 
178 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


made her drink quietly and eat dessert; so Iatrocles told me 
the next day: but as it went on, and they became heated, 
they ordered her to sit down and sing a song. The woman 
was in a sad way; she neither would do it nor could; where- 
upon the defendant and Phrynon said it was an insult, and 
not to be tolerated that a captive woman, one of the accursed 
and pestilent Olynthians, should give herself airs; and— 
“ Call the boy ;’? and—*“ A lash here.” A servant came with 
a whip: and as they were in liquor, I imagine, and it took 
but little to exasperate them, upon her saying something or 
other and bursting into tears, the servant rips off her tunic and 
gives her several cuts on the back. ‘The woman, maddened 
by the pain and the whole treatment, jumps up, throws her- 
self at the knees of Iatrocles, and overturns the table: and 
had he not snatched her away, she would have"perished by 
drunken violence; for the drunkenness of this scoundrel is 
terrible. There was a talk about this female in Arcadia 
before the Ten Thousand ;*and Diophantus made a report to 
youy which I will compel him now to give evidence of; and ~ 
there was much talk in Thessaly and every where.? 


1 In support of this charge, as it appears, Demosthenes gives no evi- 
dence, though he asserts that he heard the story from Iatrocles, whom he 
ealls as his witness for another purpose. -Aéschines declares the whole 
story to be a fabrication, and produces the evidence of an Olynthian, 
named Aristophanes, to prove that Demosthenes had offered him a bribe 
to come forward as a witness, and that he had refused. It is remark- 
able however, that A‘schines produces none of the embassadors who 
were present at the party to disprove the statement. (See his reply, 
pp. 48, 49.) In the opening of his speech Aschines adverts to the in- 
dignant reception which the charge had met with from the jury, stat- 
ing that they had hissed the accuser, and expressed their confidence in 
his innocence. This is apparently confirmed by Ulpian, who states 
that when the charge was preferred, Eubulus instantly got up and ap- 
pealed to the jury, whether they would permit his friend to be slan- 
dered in such a way; the jury then rose and stopped it. 

Many topics of remark suggest themselves as we peruse these contra- 
dictory statements. In the first place, Demosthenes was wrong and — 
unfair in lugging in this story at all; and the Athenians, if they stopped — 
him, did perfectly right, though they were not always so serupulous _ 
about what the speakers chose to say. The tale itself, apart from some 
exaggerations, is not so very improbable. Demosthenes may have made 
some inquiries of Aristophanes respecting the parentage and condition 
of the female; but he could not have been a witness to the facts them- 
selves which took place at Xenophron’s house. It is an odd thing that 
8schines should have been prepared with the evidence of Aristophanes; 


ἊΣ 
ON THE ΕΜΒΑΙ͂ΘΥ. 179 


Notwithstanding his guilty conscience, this polluted wretch 
will dare to look you in the face, will raise his voice presently 
and talk about the life that he has lived; which chokes me to 
listen to. Don’t these people know, that in early life you 
used to read the books for your mother at her initiations, and 
as a boy were rolled about among orgiasts and drunkards ?— 
that afterward you were an office under-clerk, and did dirty 
work for two or three drachms?—that it is but lately you 
got a wretched livelihood for your services as third-rate 
player on the boards of other men?! What sort of a life can 
you mention which you have not lived, when that which you 
have lived appears to be of such:a character? But his assur- 
ance forsooth! He brought another man to trial before you 
for infamous practices! But of that by-and-by. Read me 
first these depositions. : 

[ Depositions. ] 

Such being the number, men of the jury, such the charac- 
ter of the offenses which he has committed against you, 
including every species of criminality—a receiver’ of bribes, a 


and it seems like a confirmation of what Demosthenes says that the 
story had been talked about. The cruel treatment of the woman would 
have been equally reprehensible, whether she was an Olynthian or not, 
though the prejudice which Demosthenes helped to raise against his 
opponent might have been enhanced by that. circumstance; and it is 
strange that Aischines brings no witness to disprove the occurrence. 

These and many other points may naturally occur to the reader, but 
it is perhaps waste of time to dwell upon them too long. The difficulty 
of ascertaining the truth is increased by the absence of the depositions, 
and the uncertainty how far the speeches which have come down to 
us are correct reports of the speeches which were actually delivered; 
for even the orators themselves, when they published their own speech- 
es, may have added or omitted what suited their purpose. The dis- 
crepancies which we find in these very passages, between what Demos- 
thenes says, and what Aschines represents him to have said, may be 
accounted for possibly in this way. 

1 Literally, “in the training-rooms of other choirmasters—choregi.” 
Xopyyeiov, or χορήγιον, was the place which the choregus provided to 
train the youths who formed his chorus. He also maintained them 
during that time, and found the dresses and accoutrements. The words 
mean nothing more in effect than “in the theatres found by other 
men,” who hired Aischines to take third parts. In the Oration on the 
Crown, (ante, p. 97,) he says that A’schines hired himself out to Simy- 
lus and Socrates. Reiske renders it: ‘‘alliis choregos agentibus.” Shil- 
leto: ‘‘in the green-rooms of other choregi.” Παρατρέφεσθαι is, ‘‘to be 
maintained as a dependent.” 


180 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


flatterer, under the curse, a liar, a betrayer of his friends—all 
the most heinous crimes are included ;—from none of these 
charges will he defend himself, no plain and honest defense 
will he be able to plead: what I have heard he intends ‘to 
say amounts almost to madness, though perhaps a person who 
has no other plea to urge is obliged to employ what artifices 
he can. I am told he will say, that I have been a partner 
in all that I denounced, that I approved of all and co-opera- 
ted with him, but I have suddenly changed and become ac- 
cuser. This is no fair or proper justification of his conduct, 
but only an accusation of me: for if I had so acted, lam a 
good-for-nothing man, and yet the proceedings are none the 
better for that; quite otherwise. However, I consider it my 
duty to show to you, both that the assertion, if he makes it, 
will be false, and what the fair line of defense is. ne fair — 
and honest defense is, to show either that the things alleged — 

against him have not been done, or that, being done, they ben- 
efit the state. Neither of these points can he establish. For 
neither surely can he say, that it is to our advantage for the 
Phocians to be destroyed and Philip to hold Thermopyle and 
the Thebans to be strong and troops to be in Eubcea and form- 
ing designs on Megara and the peace to be unsworn ;! the con- 
trary to all which his reports to you announced as being to 
your advantage and about to take place: nor can he persuade 
you, who have yourselves seen and known all the circum- 
stances, that these results have not been accomplished. It 
remains then for me to prove that I have had no connec- 
tion with these men in any thing. Would you like me to pass 
over all the rest—how I spoke against them before you, how 
I quarreled on the journey, how I have opposed them all 
along—and produce these men themselves as witnesses, that 
my acts and theirs have been entirely different, and that they 
have received money to be your enemies while I refused to 
take it? Mark then. 

What man in the commonwealth should you say was the 
most odious blackguard, with the largest stock of impudence 
and insolence? Not one of you, I am certain, could even by 
mistake name any other than Philocrates. What man speaks 
the loudest, and can utter what he likes with the clearest 

ΤΠ e. to have remained so long unsworn, owing to the dilatoriness 
of the embassadors. 


s 





ON THE EMBASSY. _ 181 


voice? A®schines the defendant, Iam sure. Whom do these 
men call spiritless and cowardly with the mob, while I call 
him reserved? Myself: for never was I intrusive in any way ; 
never have I done violence to your inclinations. Well: in all 
the assemblies, whenever there has been a discussion upon 
these matters, you hear me always both accusing and convict- 
ing these men, and positively declaring that they have taken 
money and sold all the interests of the state. And none of 
them hearing my statements ever contradicted them, or opened 
his mouth or showed himself. What can be the reason that 
the most odious blackguards in the commonwealth and the 
loudest speakers are overpowered by me, who am the timidest 
of men, and speak no louder than any one else? It is that 

h is strong, and, on the other hand, the consciousness of 
having sold your interests is weak. This takes off from the 
audacity of these men, this warps their tongue, stops their 
_ mouths, chokes and keeps them silent. You know of course, 
on the late occasion in Pirzeus,! when you would not allow him 
to be your envoy, how he shouted out that he would impeach 
and indict me, with cries.of “Shame! shame!” Yet all that? 
is the prelude to numerous contests and arguments, whereas 
these are simple, and perhaps but two or three words, which a 
slave bought yesterday might have spoken :—‘ Athenians, it is 
atrocious: here is a man accusing me of what he has himself 
been concerned in; and saying that I have taken money, when 
he has taken it himself.”—Nothing of this kind did he say or 
utter; none of you heard him; but he threatened something 
different. Why? Because he was conscious of guilt, and 
not independent enough to speak those words :* his resolution 






This, it is supposed, refers to the story of Antiphon, which Demos- 
thenes speaks of more fully in the Oration on the Crown (ante, pp. 55, 
56). Aischines threatened to impeach Demosthenes for his own uncon- 
stitutional proceedings against Antiphon in that affair. 

2 “Sensus—Atqui hee que mihi tune minatus est, scilicet ἡ eicay- 
γελία καὶ ἣ γραφή, sunt longi temporis multeque oper; poteratque 
me, nisi culpx sibi conscius esset, continuo vel tribus verbis proster- 
nere.”—Schaefer. Ὁ 

Pabst: Doch eine solche Anklage wiirde der Anfang vieler und grosser 
Kéaémpfe und langer Reden seyn. 

; peter understand ταῦτα to mean “that declaration—that kind of 
~ta ae 

* Literally: “he was the slave of those words.” “In hee ei verba 
non Magis quidquam quam mancipio in dominum licebat, h.e. hee in 


~ 


182 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


never reached that point, but shrank back, for his conscience 
checked it. No one however prevented him from indulging in 
general abuse and calumny. 5 

The strongest point of all, a matter not of argument but of 
fact, I am about to mention:—Upon my offering to do what 
was just, namely, as I had been twice embassador, to render 
my account twice, AXschines the defendant came up to the 
auditors with divers witnesses, and warned them not to sum- 
mon me into court, on the ground that I had passed my audit 
and had no further liability. And the thing was beyond meas- 
ure ridiculous. What was the meaning of it? He having ren- 
dered his account of the former embassy, which no one ar- 
raigned, did not wish to attend a fresh audit for that which he 
is now, tried upon, which included all his misdeeds: but if I 
attended twice, the consequence would be that he too must 
come into court again; therefore he would not let them sum- 


mon me. Now, men of Athens, this circumstance proves both © 


points clearly to you, both that A¢schines has condemned him- 
self, so that none of you can conscientiously acquit him now, 
and that he will not utter a word of truth about me; for had 
he any thing to say, he would have come forward with it then 
and accused me, never have given notice not to summon me 

into court. In support of my statements, call the witnesses to 
them. 


[ Witnesses. | 


Should he speak any slander about me foreign to the em- 
bassy,, on many accounts you should refuse to hear him. 
I am not on my trial to-day; and after this no water is 


poured in for me. What. is it then but lack of honest argu-. 


ments? For who upon his trial would elect to accuse, if he 
had a good defense? Again, consider this, men of the jury. 


me jactare reformidabat ut δοῦλος ἀπαῤῥησίαστος cui 7 γλῶττα δέδεται: 
nam si in me jactaret, suo se gladio jugulaturus erat.”—Schaefer. ἡ 

Auger gives the sense of the passage well enough: ‘‘C’est qu’intime- 
ment convaincu de ses délits, il appréhendoit, il trembloit de rien dire 
qui y οὐδ rapport. Si la pensée par hasard le portoit de ce οδίό 1a, un 
remords importun le repoussoit aussi-tét.” ; 

Pabst: weil er sich bewusst war, dies begangen zu haben, und diese Worte 
aus sklavischer, Furcht vor thnen nicht auszusprechen wagte, so wendete 
sich sein Sinn nicht dazu, sondern bebte zuriick und wurde von seinem Ge- 
wissen tibermannt. 

+ Into the water-glass. See p. 59, note 1. 


οὐ. ὦ" 


ON THE EMBASSY. _ 183 


If I were tried, and A‘schines accusing, and Philip the judge, 
and I, having no means of showing my innocence, began 
maligning AMschines and trying to blacken his character, don’t 
you think Philip would on this very account be indignant, 
that any one before him should malign his benefactors?! Do 
not you then be worse than Philip, but compel him to make 
his defense upon the points in issue. 
[The Deposition. 3 

You see, I, because I was conscious of no wrong, thought 
proper to render my account, and submit to all that the laws 
required: Aschines did the reverse. How then can his ac- 
tions and mine have been the same? or how can he possibly 
maintain before you what he has never even alleged against 
me before? Surely he can not. He will, however; and 
verily I don’t wonder. For you surely know this—that since 
the creation of man, and since trials have been instituted, no 
one ever was found guilty confessing his crime: no; they*put 
on a bold face, deny the charge, tell lies, invent excuses, do 
any thing to escape punishment.? 

- You must not be duped by any thing of this sort to-day, 
but decide the case by your own knowledge, and pay no heed 
to my statements or the defendant’s, no, nor to the witnesses 
whom he will have ready to prove what he likes, with Philip 
for his paymaster; (you'll see how promptly they will give 
evidence for him :) neither care whether A‘schines has a loud 
and fine voice, or I a poor one. For it is not your business, 
if you are wise, to have a trial of orators or speeches to-day, 
but to regard the dire and shameful ruin of your affairs, and 
to cast back the infamy upon its authors, having inquired 
into these doings that are within your own knowledge. What 
doings? ‘These which you know, and need not be informed 
by me. If all which they promised you has resulted from the 
peace, and you confess yourselves to be so full of cowardice 

* The petitio principii is remarkable in this argument. 

5. This is the deposition of the witnesses called just above. While 
they are coming up, or standing for a minute or two, thé orator inter- 
poses a few more words to the jury. This is common. 

5. Compare Winter's Tale, Act III. Scene 2:— 

I ne’er heard yet, 
That any of these bolder vices wanted 


Less impudence to gainsay what they did, 
Than to perform it first. 


184 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


and baseness, that without enemies in the country, without 
being blockaded by sea, without the city being in any danger, 
while you were purchasing cheap corn, and in other respects 
no worse off than at present, when you knew and had been 
told by these men, that your allies would be ruined and the 
Thebans would become powerful and that Philip would take — 
the fortresses in Thrace and that sallying-places would be es- 
tablished against you in Eubcea and that all which has been 
done would happen, you-were content to make the peace 
notwithstanding—acquit Aischines, and do not in addition 
to so many disgraces incur the sin of perjury: for he does 
you no.,wrong; I am a fool and a madman to accuse him. 
But if just the reverse—if they spoke in the kindest manner 
of Philip, saying that he loved the commonwealth, he would — 
save the Phocians, he would humble the pride of Thebes, 
yet more, he would confer benefits on you beyond the value 
of ~“Amphipolis, if he obtained the peace, and would restore 
Eubcea and Oropus—if after saying and promising all this 
they have cheated and cajoled you, and all but stripped you 
of Attica, pronounce your verdict against him, and let it not 
be that, in addition to the other outrages put upon you, (for 
I know not what else to call them,) you, for the bribes taken © 
by these men, carry home the curse and the perjury.! 
Consider again, men of the jury: for what object could I 
have chosen to accuse these men, if they were innocent? 
You can find none. Is it pleasant to have many enemies ? 
It is not even safe. Was there any quarrel subsisting be- 
tween Auschines andme? None. What then? You feared 
for yourself, and through cowardice thought this was your 
security :—that I have heard he says.—Well, but without 
there being any danger or crime, A‘schines, as you allege !? 
* This is a fine sentence, pregnant with meaning. Don’t let it hap- 
pen, says the orator, that, instead of taking vengeance on these men 
for their venality, you take their sins upon your own heads; for if you 
acquit Aischines, the curse to which he is liable (ταῖς ἀραῖς ἔνοχος, p. 404, 
orig.) will justly be transferred to you, and by violating your oaths as 


jurors and giving a verdict contrary to the evidence you will have in- 
curred the crime of perjury. ᾿ 

* The supposed assertion of Aischines involved the assumption of 
crime having been committed, which was adverse to his case. If the 
embassadors had done nothing wrong, as Aschines would make out, 
then Demosthenes could have had nothing to fear, and the last assigned 
motive for accusation was absurd, 


ON THE EMBASSY, _ 185 


Should he repeat that, consider, men of the jury, whether for 
crimes, which I who em innocent feared would be my ruin 
through those persons—what ought they to suffer who are 
the guiltyparties?! But it is for no such reason. Wherefore | 
then do I accuse you? Vexatiously, forsooth, that I may get 
money from you! And pray, was it better for me to receive 
a large sum, as large as any of these men, from Philip who 
offered it, and have both him and these for my friends, (for 
they would, they would have been my friends, if I had been 
their accomplices : even now the feud between us is not hered- 
itary, but because I have not been a partner in their acts:) 
or to beg from them a portion of their receipts, and be at 
enmity both with Philip and them ?—and while I ransomed 
the prisoners at such an expense out of my own means, to ask 
these men for a disgraceful pittance which made them my 
enemies? Impossible. I reported what was true, and ab- 
stained from taking presents out of regard to justice and 
truth and my future life, believing that, if I was virtuous, I 
should be honored among you no less than certain other 
people,? and that I must not barter away my public spirit for 
any lucre: and these men 1 abhor, because I saw them in 
the embassy to be villainous and execrable, and I have been 
deprived too of my personal distinctions,® since through the 
corruption of these men your displeasure has fallen upon the 
whole embassy: and I accuse now and am come to the audit 
foreseeing the future, and wishing to have it determined by 
the verdict of this tribunal, that my actions have been the 
opposite of theirs. And I fear, I fear, (all my thoughts shall 
be declared to you,) hereafter you may drag me who am 
innocent along with them, but you will remain passive now.* 


1 | have kept the anacoluthon of the original; but it is not very ele- 
gant in this passage. 

2 This is a modest way of saying that he hoped to receive the same 
honors as other distinguished citizens. | 

3 Φιλοτιμία, like ἀρετή, signifies not Ἤν the meritorious quality or 
action of the person himself, but also the honorable distinction attend- 
ing it. 

emosthenes had lost not only the vote of thanks and invitation to 

dine in the City Hall (as Schaefer observes, see ante, p. 180), but suffered 
in his general credit and reputation, through the misconduct of the 
embassadors. 

* ᾿Αναπεπτωκότες, ‘fallen back.” Reiske: ‘‘remissi, supini.” Pabst: 
nachlissig und nachsichtig. 


186 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


For it seems to me, O Athenians, you are wholly paralyzed, 
waiting till calamity falls upon you; and while you see other 
people suffer, you take no precaution, nor give a thought to the 
commonwealth, now so long in many fearful ways declining. 
Don’t you think it dreadful and monstrous?—for though I~ 
had resolved to be silent, 1 am led on to speak :—You must 
know Pythocles! the son of Pythodorus. With him I was 
on very friendly terms, and up to this day nothing unpleasant 
has passed between us. He turns out of my way now when 
he meets me, ever since he has been with Philip; and if he is 
compelled to cross my path, he starts away in a moment, for 
fear some one should see him speaking to me: yet with 
Zéschines he walks all round the market, and holds consulta- 
tion. Itis really dreadful and shocking, O Athenians—while 
people who have chosen Philip’s service have this advantage, 
that his perception is in either case so keen, they believe each 
of them, as surely as if he were standing at their side, that 
nothing they do even here can escape him, and they regard 
as friends whom he thinks proper, and as enemies likewise— 
those who are devoted to you, who are ambitious of your 
esteem and have-never sacrificed it, find in you such a deaf- 
ness and blindness, that these miscreants are here contending 
on equal terms with me, and that too before a jury who know 
all the circumstances. Would you like to know and hear the 
reason? I will tell you; and pray be not offended at my 
speaking the truth. It is because Philip, I take it, having 
one body and one soul, loves with his whole heart the people 
‘that do him good, and hates those that do the contrary; 
whereas any one of you never thinks that a person serving 
the state serves him, or that. a person damaging the state 
damages him ; each individual has things of greater import- 
ance to himself by which you are frequently led astray— 
compassion, envy, resentment, granting favors, a thousand 
things besides—indeed, should one escape every thing else, 
there is no escaping persons who don’t like one to be such.? 


1 Mentioned in the Speech on the Crown (p. 320, orig.) as an adver- 
sary of Demosthenes. is stately manner of walking is noticed further 
on ~ το speech (p. 442, orig.). He was many years after condemned 
to death. 

? This sentence, which perplexed Taylor, and which Francis omits 
from his translation, is explained by Reiske, and not badly rendered by 
Auger, ‘‘ Quand on échapperoit 4 tout le reste, pourroit on échapper ~ 


wr ΩΝ 


ON THE EMBASSY. 187 


The fault in each of these instances gradually undermines and 
ends in being the total ruin of the commonwealth.! 

- Do not, O Athenians, commit any such error to-day; do 
not acquit the man who has so greatly wronged you. For 
really what will be said of you, if you do acquit him?—Cer- 
tain embassadors went from Athens to Philip; Philocrates, 
Aischines, Phrynon, Demosthenes. What then? One of them, 
besides that he made no profit by the embassy, redeemed the 
captives out of his own private means: another with the 
money for which he sold the country’s interests went about 
purchasing harlots and fish. Another sent his son to Philip, 
before he had entered him in the roll of citizens ;? the brutal 
Phrynon: while the first did nothing unworthy of the com- 
monwealth or himself. One, though choir-master and cap- 
tain, thought it right in addition to incur these voluntary ex- _ 
penses, to redeem the captives, and not permit any of his 
fellow-countrymen to be in distress for want: another, so far 
from delivering any already in captivity, helped to bring a 
whole district, and more than ten thousand infantry and near- 
ly a thousand cavalry of an allied nation, into the power of 
Philip. What followed? The Athenians got hold of thaom— 
having known all about it long before—well?—the men who 


a lenvie, qui ne peut souffrir un citoyen integre et zélé!”—The orator 
eine alludes to himself, as being the patriotic citizen whose vocation 

id not please a certain class of the people. And it is not impossible 
he might have been led to this remark by some signs of displeasure 
which he observed in some of the jurors. Pabst makes him speak ex- 
pressly of himself (wie ich bin); but it is better not to introduce this 
into the text. 

' T have followed the interpretation of ὑποῤῥέουσα indicated by F. A. 
Wolf in his note on the Leptines, p. 411. Shilleto, who quotes F. A. 
Wolf, and adopts his view, misapplies his learning, when he desires us 
to translate—“ The error in each of these cases gradually giving way 
from under you, results in a universal and momentary destruction to 
the state.” The transitive force of ὑποῤῥεῖν is derived from the notion 
of ‘‘slipping from under;” but to translate it so here is not advisable. 

Reiske, in his Index, agreeing with F. A. Wolf as to the meaning in 
the Leptines, here renders ὑποῤῥέουσα simply subrepens, in which he has 


‘been generally followed. Francis: “These particular and separate 


errors advancing by degrees, fall at Jast in one collected ruin on the 
republic.” Pabst: Aber solche bei allen einzelnen*Sachen dieser Art be- 
gangenen Fehitritie bringen, wenn sie allmahlig und unmerklich weiter 
schreiten, dem Staat endlich in seiner Gesammtheit Verderben. ᾿ 

3. At the age of eighteen an Athenian citizen was enrolled in the 
register of his township (δῆμος). 


188 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


had taken money and presents, who had disgraced themselves 
and the country and their own children, they acquitted, con- 
sidering them to be men of sense and the country to be in a 
flourishing state ;—but what of the man who accused them ?— 
him they judged to be an idiot, ignorant of the country, not 
knowing how to throw his own away.! 

And who, O Athenians, after seeing this example, will wish 
to prove himself an honest man? Who will be an embassador 
for nothing, if he is neither to take reward, nor with you to 
be held more trustworthy than persons who have taken it? 
Therefore you are not only trying these men to-day; no: you 
are legislating for all time to come, whether embassadors 
should take money to work disgracefully for the enemy, or do 
their best in your behalf without bribe or fee. 

Upon the other matters you require no witness: but as to 
Phrynon sending his son, call me the witnesses to that.? 


~ τ  [ Witnesses. ] 


fschines never prosecuted this man on the charge of send- 
ing his son to Philip for dishonor. But if one being in his 
youth better looking than another, not foreseeing what sus- 
picion might arise from such comeliness, hath been a little 
wild in after-life, Aischines must prosecute him for infamous 
crime. 

Now let me speak of the entertainment and the decree: 
I had nearly forgotten what was most material to say to you. 


1 Τὴν πόλιν ἀγνοεῖν is explained thus by Reiske: “non ndésse mores 
civium degeneres, inimicos suos ornantium, bene de se meritos abjici- 
entium.” By Schaefer otherwise: ‘‘ignorare quam prosper sint res 
civitatis.” ' 

Οὐκ ἔχειν ὅποι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ῥίπτῃ refers to the boasted liberality of Demos- 

. thenes, in ransoming the prisoners, &e. His enemies represented him 
as a fool, who threw away his money, and even didn’t know how to 
throw it away. Auger: ‘‘qui ne savoit ou jeter son argent.” 

2 It may seem strange to an English reader that Demosthenes should 
call witnesses to a fact so remote from the point at issue. But the 
Athenians appear to have admitted all kinds of evidence which tended 
to show the general character of the parties. Demosthenes seeks to’ 
create a prejudice against Auschines, as being connected with such an 
infamous person as Phrynon, and he turns this to still better account, 
when he comments upon his prosecution of Timarchus. This (says he) 
could only have been for the purpose of screening himself. Had his 
motive been the pure love of virtue, he would have proceeded against 
Phrynon also. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 189 


In drawing up the order of council concerning the first em- 
bassy, and again before the people at the assemblies i in which 
you were to debate the question of peace, when nothing either 
spoken or done wrong by these persons was known, I accord- 
ing to customary usage commended and invited them to the 
-city-hall. And what is more, I entertained Philip’s embas- 
sadors, and very splendidly too, O Athenians: for when I saw 
them in Macedonia glorying even in such things as proofs of 
wealth and splendor, it occurred to me that I should begin 
directly to surpass them -in these things, and display greater 
magnificence myself: however, the defendant now will bring 
the matter forward, and say, ‘Demosthenes himself com- 
mended us, himself feasted the embassadors”—not distinguish- 
ing the when. It was before the country had sustained an 
injury, before it was discovered that these men had sold them- 
selves; when the embassadors had just Arrived for the first 
time, and the people had to hear what they proposed, and it 
was not yet known that the defendant would support Philoc- 
rates, or that he would make such a motion. If therefore he 
should bring this forward, remember the dates; they are ear- 
lier than the offenses: since that time there has not been the 
slightest connection or communion between these men and me, 
Read the deposition. : 


[The Deposition. ] 


Perhaps his brothers Philochares and Aphobetus! will 
plead for him. To both of them there is much that you 
may with justice reply: (I must speak freely, O Athenians, 
without any reserve:)—Aphobetus .and Philochares! you 
being a painter of perfume-boxes and drums, your brothers 
under-clerks and common persons; (there is no reproach in 
these things, yet they hardly deserve a general’s rank); we 

dignified you with embassies, generalships, and the highest 
honors. Now supposing that none of you committed any 
crime, we should have nothing to be grateful for to you, but 
you for these things ought to be grateful to us; for we, 
passing by many persons more worthy of honor, exalted 
you. But if in the very exercise of your dignities one of you 
has committed crime, and crime too of such a nature, don’t 


+See Appendix II. 


Ἧ 
190 THE ORATIONS OF. DEMOSTHENES. 
you much more deserve execration than pardon? Much more, 
in my opinion. 

They will be violent perhaps, with their loud voices and 
impudence, and with the plea that ‘‘it is pardonable to assist 
a brother.” But don’t you give way : remember, while it is 
- their duty to regard Atschines, it is yours to regard the laws 
and the whole commonwealth, and (above all) the oaths that 
.you have yourselves sworn as jurors. If indeed they have 
requested any of you to save the defendant, see whether they 
mean, in case he is not shown to have injured the common- 
wealth, or even in case he is. If they mean in case of inno- 
cence, I am also for saving him; if unconditionally and how- 
ever guilty he has been, they have asked you to commit per- 
jury. For though the ballot is secret, it will not be hidden 
from the gods. Most wisely was it seen by him that enacted 
the law of secret véting, that none of these men! will know 
which of you has obliged him, but the gods and the divine 
spirit will know who has voted iniquitously: from whom it 
is better for each of you to secure good hopes for himself and 
his children by giving a righteous and proper judgment, than 
to confer a secret and uncertain obligation upon these men, 
and to acquit a person who has given evidence against him- 
self. For what stronger witness, A’schines, can I produce, to 
prove your misconduct as embassador, than you against your- 
self? You that thought it necessary to involve in such a 
dreadful calamity the man who' would have brought some of 
your deeds to light, certainly expected some heavy punish- 
ment yourself, should the people hear what you had done. 

This proceeding, if you are wise, will turn out to his own 
prejudice, not only on this account, that it is a flagrant indi- 
cation of what his acts as embassador have been, but because 
in conducting the accusation he used those arguments which 
stand good against him now: for surely the same principles, 
which you laid down when you prosecuted Timarchus, are 
available also for others against yourself. You then said to 
the jury—‘‘ Demosthenes will defend him, and will arraign 
my conduct as embassador: and then, if he misleads you by | 
- his speech, he will brag and go about saying—how? what do 


1 Τούτων means here not only Aschines and his colleagues, but all 
criminals brought to the bar of justice. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 191 


you think?! [I led the jurors right away from the question, 
and stole the case out of their hands.” Don’t yourself act 
thus. Confine your defense to the subject of your trial. When 
you were prosecuting him, then was the time for accusing and 
saying what you pleased. 

Again you recited before the jury, having no witness to 
bring in support of your charge against the accused— 


Rumor which many people noise abroad 
Not wholly dies: a goddess eke is she.? 


Well, Aéschines; and all these people say that you have re- 
ceived money from the embassy; so that against you too, I 
should think, Rumor which many people noise abroad not 
wholly dies. For inasmuch as more accuse you than him, see 
how the matter stands. ‘Timarchus even his neighbors did 
not all know; but of you embassadors there is no Greek or 
barbarian who does not say, that you have received money 
from the embassy. If rumor therefore is true, that of the 


1 These words πῶς; ti; which have puzzled the critics, are under- 
stood by most to be put in the mouth of Demosthenes. Perhaps the 
better way is to understand them as referring to what precedes, thus: 
“how will he brag! what will he say? why, as follows.” 

3 These lines are from Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 761. -Auschines, in the 
passage referred to (cont. Timarch. 18), quotes also Homer and Euripi- 
des on the subject of Fame or Rumor. Compare the celebrated lines 

οὗ Virgil, Aineid IV. 173. : 

Whether this goddess, the personification of common rumor or 
report, should in English be rendered Fame, as it more generally is, 
or Rumor, I have entertained some doubt: Fame is nearer in point of 
form to the Greek and Latin original; and it may be said that Rumor, 
derived from the Latin Rumor, can not so well be made feminine. But 
on the other hand, the meaning of our Fame is not so like the Fama 
of Virgil and Hesiod as Rumor is. And with respect to the gender, 

’ we have as much right to follow the French Rumeur as the Latin 

Rumor, or perhaps to exercise an arbitrary discretion upon such a 
matter. . Shakspeare, no doubt, makes his Rumor a male personage, 
in the Introduction to Henry IV. Part 2, and one of a character more 
like Virgil’s than Hesiod’s deity. The lines are quite equal to Virgil’s. 
I make no apology for quoting some of them :— 
Open your ears; for which of you will stop 
The vent of hearing, when loud Rumor speaks? 
I from the orient to the drooping west, 
Making the wind my post-horse, still unfold : 
The acts commenced on this ball of earth. 
Upon my tongues continual slanders ride, 

The which in every language I pronounce, 

- Stuffing the ears of men with false reports, &e. de. 


192 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 
~ 
multitude is against you all; and that such rumor is credible, 
and that a goddess eke is she, and that the poet who wrote 
this was a wise man, you have yourself laid down. 
And besides, he got up a number of Iambics, and repeated 
them ; for instance— 
IAMBICS FROM THE PH@NIX OF EURIPIDES. 


Who loves the fellowship of evil men, 
Of him I never ask, assured that whom 
He seeks for comrades he resembles most. 


‘¢The man' who frequented the cockpits and walked about 
with Pittalacus’”—these were his words and others like them 
—‘ don’t you know,” said he, “‘ what sort of a person to con- 
sider him?” Well, Aéschines: these iambics will suit me 
now against you; and I shall speak fitly and properly, if I 
recite to the jury—Who loves the fellowship of Philocrates, 
and that too on an embassy, of him I never ask, assured that 
he has received money like Philocrates who confesses it. 

When he calls other men speech-writers? and sophists, and 
attempts to vilify them, he will prove to be himself liable to 
these reproaches. For those iambics are from the Phenix 
of Euripides: and that drama was never acted by either 
Theodorus or Aristodemus, to whom the defendant used to 
take third parts, but Molon played in it, and other old per- 
formers whoever they were. The Antigone of Sophocles 
however Theodorus has often acted, and so has Aristodemus ; 
in which there are iambics beautifully written and in a strain 


1 Aischines (cont. Timarch. 8, 9) charges Timarchus with cock-fight- 
ing and gambling, and with a disgraceful intimacy with Pittalacus, a 
town-slave. 

Others, following Reiske, made τοὺς ὄρνις “ the bird-market,” which 
does equally well. A cock-fighter would naturally frequent the market 
where cocks were sold. Francis: “ aviaries.” 

2 “ Aoyoypdgove. Properly, persons who wrote speeches either fo- 
rensi¢c or epideictic, ὁ. 6. which turn on praise or censure, such as those 
of Isocrates. Such persons would probably introduce into their written 
speeches many far-fetched allusions and passages from the old poets, 
who were generally neglected in those stirring and active and there- 
fore unreading times. Hence the word would nearly get the meaning 
of our pedant. That it was used in an opprobrious sense (compare our 
pamphieteer) is stated by Thom. Mag. p. 580, and is attested by Plato, 
(Pheedr. p. 257,) which shows that λογογράφος and σοφιστής were used 
to convey the same idea.”—Shilleto. 

The passage here referred to by Demosthenes is from the speech 
against Timarehus, p. 13. - 


ON THE EMBASSY. 193 
. . 

useful to you, which, though he has himself often spoken and Ὁ 
knows them quite by heart, he omitted. You are of course 
aware, that in all tragic pieces it is a sort of special privilege 
for third-rate actors to come on as tyrants and sceptre-bear- 
ers. See then what the verses are in this drama, which the 
poet has put into the mouth of Creon Aischines, which he 
neither conned over to himself to serve him in the embassy, 
nor repeated to the jury. Read: ; 


JAMBICS FROM THE ANTIGONE OF SOPHOCLES. 


Ye can not tell the spirit of a man, 

His wisdom, nor his worth, till they be tried 
In public life and acts of policy. 

The statesman, who to serve the common we 1 
Adopts not what in counsel is the best, 

But closes up his mouth for fear of danger, 
Base have I ever deem’d, and deem him still. 
And whoso dearer than his country loves 

A private friend, as nothing I esteem. 

For I (bear witness, thou all-seeing Jove!) 
Should not keep silence, if I saw destruction 
Advancing toward my people ’stead of safety ; 
Nor e’er would I accept as friend of mine 

My country’s enemy: for well 1 know, 

’Tis she preserves us all; in her embark’d, 
While steadily she sails, we lack not friendship. 


None of these verses did /Eschines repeat to himself on 
the embassy: instead of the commonwealth, he deemed 
Philip’s friendship of the greatest importance and advantage 
to himself, bidding a long farewell to the wise Sophocles: 
when he saw destruction advancing nigh, the expedition 
against Phocis, he gave no warning or notice, but on the 
contrary helped to conceal and forward it, and those who 
wished to give information he prevented; not remembering 
that she it is who preserves us all, and in her his mother 
initiating’ and purifying, and making a profit from the 
houses of her employers, reared up all these children,” and 


_* This turn is Aristophanic. As to the father and mother’s occupa- 
tions, and as to Heros the physician, see ante, pp. 54, 94—96, and 
the notes. Shilleto observes: “Schaefer is, in my judgment, right in 
erasing from the Greek Hero-Calendar one unknown Calamites, and 
restoring to the contemporary chirurgeons the name of Heros. Kaa- 
αμίτης appears to have been a by-word for ἰατρὸς from the κάλαμοι 
used for surgical purposes.” 

31 refer τοσούτους, as Reiske does, tonumber. Francis: ‘‘ these her 


. Vou. 11.--. 


194 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 
that his father teaching the alphabet, as τίμα informed by 


older men, lived how he could next door to Heros the phy- 
sician, but lived at all events in this city ; and they themselves 
got money by being under-clerks and servants to all the pub- 
lic functionaries, and at last having been appointed clerks by 
you were maintained for two years in the Round-room,! and 
from this city was the defendant sent but just now as embas- 
sador. None of these things did he consider; no care he took 
that the commonwealth should sail steadily, but overturned 
and sank her, and did his utmost to throw her into the pow- 
er of her enemies. Are not you then a sophist, and a vile one 
too? Are not you a speech-writer, ay, and one hated by the 
gods? you that passed over what you had often played and 
knew perfectly by heart, while what you never acted in your 
life you searched out and quoted to injure one of your fellow- 
citizens ? ᾿ 
Come, consider now his remarks about Solon. He said 
there was a statue of Solon exemplifying the decorous style 
of the orators of that day, with his hand folded inside the 
mantle ;? this by way of reproach and rebuke to the forward- 
ness of Timarchus. But the Salaminians say the statue has _ 
not been erected fifty years, and it is nearly two hundred and 
forty years from Solon to the present time, so that the artist 
who shaped that figure was not only himself no contemporary ~ 
of Solon, but his grandfather was not either. However, he 
said this to the jury, and gave an imitation: but what was 
of far greater advantage to the state than Solon’s attitude, 
to see (namely) his heart and mind—of them he gave no 
imitation, quite the contrary. Solon? (after Salamis had re- 


illustrious sons.” Auger: “ de merveilleux personnages.” Pabst: diese 
stattlichen Sohne. 

‘ The room in the centre of the Prytaneum, where the Prytanes 
dined. See ante, p. 130, note 1. . 

Literally: “having his mantle wrapped round him, with his hand 
inside.” . 

3 Here we have the celebrated legislator of Athens introduced to our 
notice in the character of a poet and a warrior. Of his poetry a few 
fragments only remain, and are remarkable for elegance and simplicity 
rather than for any merit of a higher description. The story respecting 
the recovery of Salamis is told in Plutarch’s Life of Solon, as follows:— 
The Megarians had wrested the island of Salamis from the Athenians, 
who, after many unsuccessful attempts to retrieve their loss, beeame 
heartily sick of the war, and passed a decree making it punishable with 


one 





ON THE EMBASSY. 195 


yolted from the Athenians, and they had decreed to punish 
with death whoever advised its recovery,) at the risk of his 
own life composed and sang an elegy, and. preserved that 
country to Athens, and removed the disgrace which had fallen 
upon her. -A%schines, although the Persian king and all the 
Greeks had acknowledged Amphipolis to be yours, gave up and 
sold it, and supported Philocrates who moved the resolution. 
Worth his while (was it not?) to mention Solon! And not 


death for any one to advise its renewal. Solon, who was a native of 
Salamis, was greatly discontented; and by-and-by, having observed that 
the youth of Athens were beginning to change their minds but afraid 
to violate the law, counterfeited insanity, and, keeping himself at home, 
composed an elegy on the loss of the island. It contained a hundred 
verses, and is said to have been a poem of considerable merit. Having 
these verses by heart, he suddenly ran into the market-place with acap 
on his head,—(the cap was a sign of sickness, )}—and mounting the her- 
ald’s platform, sang them out in a loud voice to the people. His sup- 
posed madness and the exciting character of the verses gave it the ap- 
pearance ofinspiration. Pisistratus, then a young man, was among the 

earers, and urged them to obey the voice ofSolon. In themoment of 
their enthusiasm the people repealed the decree, and prepared for war. 
Solon recovered Salamis by a stratagem, which is variously related. Ac- 
cording to one account, he by a false message enticed a large body of 
Megarians to the Attic coast, and having put them to the sword, sailed 
instantly to Salamis and tookit. After some further struggles, the bel- 
ligerent parties referred their claims to the arbitration of Sparta. Solon 
pleaded his country’s cause before the arbitrators, and urged (among 
other arguments in favor of the Athenian title to Salamis) that the Sa- 
laminians buried their dead in the Athenian fashion, turning their faces 
to the west, and not to the east, as the Megarians did; and also that 
they had separate tombs for each body, whereas the Megarians put 
several bodies into one tomb. He urged also that Salamis was called 
Tonian in some of the Delphic oracles. A further story is told, that he 
inserted a line in the catalogue of ships in the second book of the Iliad, 
which is now read thus :— 

Αἴας δ᾽ ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος ἄγεν δυοκαίδεκα νῆας, 
Στῆσε δ᾽ ἄγων ἵν᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἵσταντο φάλαγγες. 


The second of these lines is said to have been Solon’s interpolation, to . 


prove that Salamis was, even so early as the Trojan war, subject to, or 
at least connected with Athens; and some critics have thought that the 
τε iousness of the line appears from other passages of Homer, where 
the Salaminians are made to occupy a station separate from the Athe- 
nians. (See Heyne’s learned note to Iliad, 11. 553.) The Megarians are 
said to have contended for a different reading in Homer, which estab- 
lished their own connection with Salamis. Judgment was given by the 
arbitrators in favor of Athens. 

The cap which Aischines went out with was, as Demosthenes hints 
(below, p. 196), an ‘affected imitation of Solon. 


6 "< 


196 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


only here acted he so, but on his arrival there he never 
uttered the name of the place which he came to negotiate 
about. And so he himself reported to you; for you must 
remember his saying—“I too had something to say about 


Amphipolis, but I omitted it, to give Demosthenes an oppor- 


tunity of taking up the subject.’””-—I came forward and said, 
that he had left nothing for me that he wished to say to 
Philip; for he would sooner give a part of his blood than 
a part of his speech to any one. The fact, I apprehend, was 
—having received money, he could say nothing on the other 


side of the question to Philip, who had paid him on purpose 


that he might not restore Amphipolis. Here—take and read 
these elegiacs of Solon, and let the jury see, that Solon ab- 
horred men like the defendant. 

Not to speak with the hand folded, Aéschines—not that— 
but to perform your embassage with the hand folded, is need- 
ful. You, after extending and holding it open yonder and 
disgracing your countrymen, talk pompously here, and, hay- 
ing got up and spouted some wretched phrases, imagine you 
can escape punishment for all these grievous crimes, if you 
put a cap on your head and walk about and abuse me. 

Read, if you please: 


THE ELEGIACS OF SOLON: 
Our city everlastingly shall stand; 
So Jupiter and all the Gods command: 
Athenian Pallas lends her guardian aid, 
She of the mighty Father, heavenly Maid. 
Yet the fair city breedeth for her bane 
A generation covetous and vain, 
Ill-minded statesmen, who shall yet be tried 
In many sorrows to rebuke their pride; 
Insatiable, in riot they devour 
The fleeting pleasures of the festal hour, 
Indulge their lustful appetence of gain, 
And sparing neither sacred nor profane, 
By spoil and rapine thrive, nor hold in awe 
Omniscient Themis and her holy law, 
Who sits in watchful silence, and the day 
Of vengeance bides, more dreadful for delay. 

_ Thus on a people creeps the dire disease, 
Till perish all their ancient liberties: 
Or civil strife or warfare is at hand, 
To waste the youthful promise of the land. 
A factious race the sword shall overthrow ; 
Who wrong their friends are pillaged by the foe. 


ees 


ἢ 
= 


“Γ᾽ ON THE EMBASSY. 197 


Over the country these misfortunes brood: 

The poor meanwhile, a hapless multitude, 

Are drage’d to foreign shores and long exile, 

To slavery sold, and bound in fetters vile. 

The common Pest of all comes home to each; 

No door can guard him from the Fury’s reach ; 

She leaps the lofty wall; hide where he will, 

In cell or chamber, she shall find him still. 

Fain am 1 thus, Athenians, to advise, * ὃ 
What evils under Anarchy arise, 

How Discipline the public weal maintains, 

Curbs wicked men with penance and with chains; - 
How she can tame the wild, the proud put low, 
And wither mischief ere to strength it grow ; 

How straighten crooked justice, and assuage 

The might of passion and unruly rage: 

Under her sway confusion, discord cease, 

And men abide in fellowship and peace.’ 


4 


1 These are not from the Salamis, but verses of a purely political 
character, addressed to the Athenians during some period of discord 
and trouble. The future legislator, preparing the way for that great 
work which has transmitted his name to all ages, endeavors to kindle 
the flame of patriotism in his countrymen, rebukes the leading states- 
men for their selfishness and vicious conduct, and exhorts all classes to 
maintain civil harmony and obedience to the laws. Whether this was 
the whole poem, or is but an extract, we can not determine. There 
are errors in the text, and some verses manifestly lost. Pabst in his 
version, which is in hexameter and pentameter, leaves the hiatuses as 
he finds them. I have taken a different course, and have not kept so 
close to the original as he. Francis has given a spirited version, which 
I subjoin :— 

- Nor Jove supreme, whose secret will is Fate, 
Nor the blest Gods have doom’d th’ Athenian State; 
For Pallas, with her Father’s glories crown’d, 
Spreads the protection of her Aigis round. 
But dire Corruption wide extends its sway ; 
Athenians hear its dictates, and obey. 
Oppressive demagogues our counsels guide, 

ough various mischiefs wait to quell their pride. 

Untaught with cheerful appetite to taste 
The calm delights that crown the temperate feast, 
A lust of gold their restless bosoms fires ; 
A lust of gold their guilty schemes inspires. 
Vain are all laws, or human or divine, 
To guard the public wealth, or sacred shrine, 
While private life is fill’d with mutual fraud, 
By Justice and*her sacred laws unawed. 
Silent she sits, the past, the present views, 
And in her own good time the guilty scene pursues. 


198 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


You hear, O Athenians, what Solon declares of such men, 
and of the gods who (he says) protect the commonwealth. 
For myself, I believe as I hope, that his statement is eternally 
true ; that the gods do indeed protect our commonwealth: 
and in some sort I believe, that all which has taken place 
upon this audit has been a manifestation to the common- 
wealth of diving benevolence. Only see:—A man who has 


grossly violated his duty as embassador, who has given up . 


places in which the gods had ought to be worshiped by you 
and your allies, disfranchised an accuser who obeyed his chal- 


lenge.! To what end? That he may obtain neither pity. 


nor pardon for his own offenses. Further, in accusing that 
person he chose to speak ill of me, and again before the 


Thus other states their mortal wound receive, 
And servile chains their free-born sons enslave; 
Sedition rages; wars, long-slumbering, rise, 
And the loved youth in prime of beauty dies ; 
For soon the foe lays waste that hapless state, 
Where joyless Discord dwells, and foul Debate. 
For the poor wretch a harder lot remains, 
Sold like a slave to pine in foreign chains. 
His proper woes the man of wealth await, 
Bound o’er his walls, and thunder at his gate ; 
Close on th’ unhappy fugitive they press, 
And find him in his chamber’s dark recess. 
Thus my good genius speaks, and bids advise 
The sons of Athens to be just and wise ; 

. To mark attentive what a stream of woes 
From civil discord and contention flows ; 
What beauteous order shines, where Justice reigns, 
And binds the sons of Violence in chains: 
Folly, of thousand forms, before her flies, 
And in the bud the flowering mischief dies. 
She guides the judge’s sentence, quells the proud, 
And midst sedition’s rage appalls the crowd; 
While clamorous Faction and Contention cease, 
And man is blest with Happiness and Peace. 


1 When the embassador presented himself to the Logiste to pass his 
audit, it was in effect a challenge to any of his fellow-citizens who 
thought proper to come forward and accuse him. Schaefer explains it 
differently: ‘‘Sensum pulchre intellexit Marklandus, citans p. 484. 
Orator dicit, Timarchum non sponte sua, non ut petulantem syeophan- 
tam, sed rogatum ab amicis invitatumque a bonis civibus ad accusan- 
dum Aschinem prodiisse.” Shilleto follows him, interpreting ὑπακούειν 
“to get up to speak when called upon.” I searcely think it can bear 
such a meaning, unless connected with other words, In the passage 
cited from p. 434, it is ὑπακοῦσαι καλούμενος. 


—— oe | 


ΟΝ THE EMBASSY. 199 


people he threatened to prefer indictments and the like. For 
what purpose? That when I accuse him, who thoroughly 
know his villainies and have closely watched them all, I may 
be received by you with the utmost indulgence. J urther- 
more, by pushing off his trial during all the former period he 
has been led on to a crisis, at which, out of regard to future 
consequences, if to nothing else, it is neither safe nor possible 
for you to let him escape punishment for his bribery.! You 
ought indeed, O Athenians, at all times to execrate and to 
punish men guilty of corruption and treason; but now it will 
be most especially seasonable and for the common benefit of 
all mankind. For a plague, O Athenians, has fallen upon 
Greece, a grievous and severe one, that requires some extraor- 
dinary good fortune and carefulness on your part. ‘The nota- _ 
bles intrusted with the administration of state affairs are be- 
traying their own liberty, unhappy men, and bringing upon 
themselves a voluntary servitude, which they call friendship 
and intimacy and connection with Philip, and other flattering 
names: the rest of the people and the authorities (whatever 
they are) in the several states, who ought to punish those men 
and put them instantly to death, so far from doing any thing 
of the kind, admire and envy them, and would like every one 
to be in their places. 

This sort of thing, this kind of ambition, men of Athens, 
until but the other day had destroyed the sovereignty and 
national dignity of the Thessalians, and is at this moment 
stealing away their liberty; for the citadels of some of them 
are garrisoned by Macedonians. It has entered Peloponnesus, 
and caused the massacres in Elis; and with such frenzy and 


? The skill of the orator in this passage is worthy of observation. 
There were three points greatly to the advantage of his opponent, as he 
could not fail to see: first, the successful proceeding against Timarchus; 
secondly, the invidious character of the present prosecution, being 
against a colleague with whom he had acted harmoniously in the be- 
ginning ; thirdly, the length of time which had elapsed since the com- 
mission of the supposed offense. Demosthenes, briefly adverting to 
these points, turns them skillfully to his own account, without any labo- 
rious argument, and without any appearance of doubt as to the effect 
which they might produce on the minds of his hearers. He then 
launches out into that splendid description of the state of Greece, and 
the baneful effects of subservience to Philip, (beginning νόσημα γὰρ ὦ 
ἄνδρες, ᾿Αθηναῖοι,) which has been praised by most critics, and especially 
by Pliny, IX. Epist. 26. 


200 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


‘madness did it inspire those wretched people, that, to” get do- 
minion over each other and gratify Philip, they would spill the 
blood of their kindred and fellow-countrymen. And it stops 
not even here. It entered into Arcadia, and has turned every 
thing there upside down; and now many of the Arcadians, 
(who ought like yourselves to be eminently proud of freedom, 
for the only indigenous people are you and they, ) hold Philip 
in admiration, and set him up in brass, and crown him; and 
to complete all, should he visit Peloponnesus, they have pass- 
ed resolutions to receive him in their-cities. The Argives have 
done the same. By Ceres, if one must speak in earnest, these 
matters require no little precaution ; as the plague, advancing 
in a circle, has entered, men of Athens, even here. While 
then you are yet in safety, be on your guard, and punish with 
infamy the persons who first introduced it; or else, see that 
my words be not deemed to have been witely spoken, when ἐὰν 
you have no longer any resource. ἡ 
See you not, O men of Athens, how notable and striking 
an example the poor Olynthians are; who owe their destruc- 
tion, unhappy men, to nothing so much as to conduct of this 
kind? You may discover it plainly by what has befallen 
them. When they had only“four hundred horse, and were 
not more than five thousand altogether in number, the Chal- 
cidians not yet being all united, although the Lacedemonians 
attacked them with a considerable army and fleet,—for of 
course you know that the Lacedemonians had the command 
(so to speak) both of sea and land at that period,—notwith- 
standing the attack of so mighty a force, they lost neither 
their city nor a single fortress, but even won many battles, 
and killed three of the enemy’s generals, and at last put an 
end to the war upon their own terms.!. But when certain 
men had begun to receive bribes, and the multitude, through 
stupidity or through ill fortune rather, regarded them as 
more trustworthy than their honest counselors, when Las- 
thenes roofed his house with timber given from Macedonia, 
and Euthycrates fed herds of kine without paying a price to 
any one, and one man came with sheep, another with horses, 
and the mass of the people, against whom these treasons were 
1 This, as well as several other statements of Demosthenes on the 


subject of Olynthus, is not inMéxact accordance with the truth of his- 
tory. See vol i. Appendix 1. 


2 ON THE EMBASSY. 201 


committed, instead of being incensed or calling for punishment 
of the traitors, looked on them with respect and admiration, 
honored and esteemed them for manliness,—when things pro- 
ceeded thus far and corruption got the ascendency, although 
they possessed a thousand horse and were more than ten thou- 
sand in number, and you sent to their assistance ten thousand 
mercenaries and fifty galleys and four thousand citizens be- 
sides, all of it could not save them; before a year of the war 
had expired, the betrayers had lost all the cities in Chalci- 
dice; Philip could no longer be at the call of the betrayers, 
and was puzzled what he should first take possession of. Five 
hundred horse, betrayed by their own leaders, did Philip cap- 
ture with all their arms, such a number as no mortal ever did 
before. And the perpetrators of all this were not ashamed to 
look at the sun, or at the earth (their country) on which they 


_ stood, or at her temples or sepulchres, or at the infamy that 
upon such doings was sure to follow. So mad and senseless, 


O Athenians, are people rendered by the taking of bribes! 


' You therefore, you the people, must be wise, and not permit 


such practices, but punish them by public sentence. It would 
indeed be monstrous, if, having passed so many severe resolu- 
tions against the betrayers of Olynthus, you should fail to pun- 
ish criminals in your own country. Read me the decree con- 
cerning the Olynthians. 


[The Decree. | 
These resolutions, men of the jury, you have in the opinion 


of all people, whether Greek or barbarian, righteously and 


nobly passed against traitors and miscreants. Since therefore 
the acceptance of bribes precedes such practices, and it is on 
that account that people are found to commit such acts, 
whomsoever you see accepting bribes, men of Athens, look 
upon him as a traitor. If one person betrays opportunities, 
another measures, another troops, each of you, I take it, ruins 
that of which he has the management: but all persons of this 
kind ought equally to be detested. You, O Athenians, are 
the only people in the world who upon such matters may 
take examples from home, and imitate in action the fore- 
fathers whom you justly praise. Though the battles, the 
campaigns, the adventures, by which they were renowned, 
there is no occasion for imitating, since for the present you 


202 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


are at peace, imitate at least their wisdom. This there is al- 
ways need for, and a wise judgment is not a whit more trou- 
blesome or irksome than a foolish one: each of you will sit 
here for as long a time, whether by a right decision and ver- 
dict upon the case he improves the condition of the common- 
wealth and acts worthily of your forefathers, or by an improp- 
er decision he damages the public interests and acts unworthi- 
ly of your forefathers. What then was their judgment upon 
such a case? Take and read this inscription, clerk. You 
ought to know, that the acts which you regard with apathy 
are such as your ancestors have passed capital sentence upon. 
Read. . 
[The Inscription. |} | 

You hear, men of Athens, the inscription declaring Arth- 
mius the son of Pythonax of Zelea to be an enemy and a foe 
to the people of Athens and their allies, himself and all his 
race. On what account? Because he brought the gold of the — 
barbarians among the Greeks. You may see then, as it ap- 
pears from this, that your forefathers were anxious to prevent 
even strangers being hired to injure Greece; while you make 
no provision even to prevent your fellow-citizens doing wrong 
to the state. 

Oh, but this inscription stands in some ordinary place! 
No. While the whole of yonder citadel is sacred and of con- 
siderable extent, it stands on the right by the great bronze 
statue of Pallas, which the republic offered up as the chief 
memorial of their war with the barbarians, the Greeks having — 
given the money. At that time then justice was so revered, 
so honorable was it to punish people who did such things, 
that the same station was appropriated to the prize-offering of 
the goddess and the sentence against offenders of that kind: 
now all is mockery, impunity, disgrace, unless you repress 
these extravagant liberties to-day. 

I think therefore, ye men of Athens, you will do right to 
imitate your ancestors, not in one point only, but in the 
whole series of their conduct. 'They—I am sure you have all 
heard the story — after Callias the son of Hipponicus had 
negotiated that peace? which is in the mouths of all men, 

1 The inscription on the pillar recording the decree against Arth- 


mius; as to which see vol. i. p. 125, note 1. 
2 See vol. i. p. 200, note 3. 


ON THE EMBASSY. 203 


providing that the king should not approach within a day’s 
ride of the sea-coast, nor sail with a vessel of war within the 
Chelidonian islands and Cyanean rocks, because it appeared 
that he had taken gifts on his embassy, they fined him fifty 
talents at his audit, and were near putting him to death. 
Yet no man can say, that the commonwealth has ever made a 
better peace either before or after: but it was not that they 
looked at. For that they considered was owing to their own 
valor and the reputation of the commonwealth; while the 
taking or not taking of money depended on the disposition of 
the embassador ; they expected therefore of any man who en- 
tered on public duties, that he should show a disposition for 
honesty and integrity. Your ancestors thus considered bribe- 
taking so inimical and injurious to the state, that they would 
not suffer it upon any occasion or in any person; but you, O 
Athenians, though you have seen that the same peace has de- 
molished the walls of your allies and is building the houses 
of your embassadors, that it has taken away the possessions 
of the commonwealth and has earned for these men what they 
never imagined even in a dream, have not spontaneously put 
these men to death, but require an accuser, and hear on their 
trial persons whose crimes are actually beheld by all. 

_ But one needs not confine one’s self to ancient events, nor by 
such examples incite you to vengeance, for in the time of you 
that are here present and still living many have been brought 
to justice; the rest of whom I will pass by, and mention only 
one or two, sentenced to death upon an embassy which has 
wrought far less mischief to the state than this. ‘Take and 
read me this decree. . 


[The Decree. ] ae 


According to this decree, men of Athens, you condemned 
to death those embassadors, of whom one was Epicrates,! a 


1 This (though Pabst thinks otherwise) must be the same Epicrates 
‘referred to in Athenzeus (vi. 229, 251), where it is said, that he received 
divers presents from the Persian king, and paid him the coarsest flat- 
tery; and even ventured to say (partly in joke, no doubt) that there 
ought to be an annual election, not of nine archons, but of nine em- 
bassadors to the king. The writer expresses his wonder that the 
Athenians should not have brought him to trial; which seems not to 
agree with this passage of Demosthenes; but he may have been igno- 
rant of the fact. 


204 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


man (as I hear from my elders) of good character, who was 
on many occasions serviceable to the state, one ‘of those that 
marched from Pirzus! and restored the democracy, and gen- 
erally a friend to the people. However, none of these things 
helped him; and justly: for one who undertakes to manage 
such important concerns should not be honest by halves, nor 
take advantage of your confidence to do greater mischief, but 
should never do you any wrong at all willfully. ; 

Well: if these men have left undone any part of what 
those have been sentenced to death for, kill me this very mo- 
ment. Just see. ‘Since thosermen,” it says,” ‘acted con- 
trary to their instructions on the embassy.:” and this is the 
first of the charges. And did not these act contrary to their 
instructions? Did not the decree say, “for the Athenians and 
allies of the Athenians,” and did not these men exclude the 
Phocians expressly from the treaty? Did not the decree or- 
der them to swear the magistrates in the states, and did not 
they swear the persons whom Philip sent to them? Did not ἡ 
the decree say, that they should nowhere meet Philip alone, 
and did not they incessantly hold private conferences with 
him? ‘And some of them were convicted of making false 
reports in the council”—ay, and these men before the people 
too, and by what evidence ?—for this is the grand point—By 
the facts themselves: for surely the very reverse of what they 
reported has taken place. ‘‘ And sending false intelligence by 
letter,” it says. So have these men. ‘ And calumniating the 
allies and taking bribes.” —Well ; instead ofscalumniating, say, 
having completely ruined: and this surely is far more dread- 
ful than calumniating. With respect to the having taken 
bribes, I can only say, if they denied it, proof would have been 
necessary ; since they confess it, they should have been led off 
to punishment surely. 

? When Thrasybulus and his band of exiles marched from Phyle, and ~ 
occupied the Pireeus, until by consent of the Lacedemonians the Thirty 
Tyrants were expelled, and popular government restored at Athens. 

* The decree of condemnation against Epicrates and his accomplices. * 
Passages from this are contrasted with the charges against Aischines. 

3. See Reiske’s Index ἀπάγειν and ἀπαγωγή. And the Archeological 
Dictionary, under title "Evdeéic. By the Athenian law, if a man con- 
fessed his crime, or was caught in the fact ( fagrante delicto), he might 
in some-cases have immediate punishment inflicted by the magistrate ; 


not as in our law, which requires proof of such facts to be given on 
the trial. 


ON THE EMBASSY. - 905 


How say ye then, O Athenians? Under these circum- 
stances, you being the descendants of these men, yourselves 
being some of them still living, will you endure that Epicrates, 
the benefactor of the people and the liberator from Pireeus, 
should be degraded and punished ?—that again lately 'Thrasy- 
bulus, the son of Thrasybulus the people’s friend, who march- 
ed from Phyle and restored the democracy, should have in- 
curred a penalty of ten talents ?—and that the descendant of 
Harmodius and Aristogiton' and men who have conferred on 
you the greatest benefits, whom, on account of their meritori- 
ous services, you have by law adopted to be partakers of the 
cup and libations in all your temples at the sacrifices, whom 
you celebrate and honor equally with your heroes and gods, 
should all have suffered punishment according to law; and 
that neither mercy nor pity, neither weeping children named 
after your benefactors, nor any thing else should have helped 
them?—and shall the son of Atrometus the pedagogue and 
Glaucothea (the assembler of Bacchanals for performances 
which another priestess has died for,?) shall he, when you 
have caught him, be let off, he, the issue of such parents, 
he that in no single instance has been useful to the state, 
neither himself, nor his father, nor any other of his family ? 
For what horse, what galley, what expedition, what chorus, 
what state service, what contribution, what present, what feat 
of valor; what thing of the kind has at any time come from 
these men to the republic? Even though he possessed all 
these merits, without the addition that he has been an honest 
and incorrupt embassador, he ought assuredly’ to suffer death. 
But if he has neither the one nor the other, will you not 
avenge yourselves on him? Will you not remember what he 


1 What person is here alluded to is not known. The reader will 

notice the peculiarity of calling a descendant of one of these men a 
descendant of both. Pabst cites other instances. Shilleto comments 
upon it as follows:— 
- “The names of these miscalled patriots and worthless men were so 
intimately associated in the minds of an Athenian audience, that they 
could hardly be disunited even in such a passage as the present. The 
reader will probably recollect that the heiress of a partner in a noted 
firm ΠΝ κοὴ in the name Miss A and B.” 

? Ulpian says this refers to a woman of the name of Nino, who was 
brought to trial for mixing a love-potion. As to Glaucothea, see ante, 
Ῥ. 94, note 2. 


206 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


said on his accusation of Timarchus,' that there was no good 
in a commonwealth which had not sinews to stretch against 
malefactors, or in a government where mercy and canvassing 
had greater power than the laws; and that you ought to have 
no pity either for the mother of Timarchus, an old woman, or 
for his children or any one else, but consider this, that, should 
you abandon the laws and the constitution, you would find 
none to have pity on yourselves. And shall that unhappy 
man remain in infamy, because he saw the defendant to be a 
criminal, and will you allow the defendant to go unscathed ? 
For what reason? If Aschines thought fit to demand such 
heavy satisfaction from trespassers against him and his party, 
what should you, sworn judges, demand from such heinous 
trespassers against the state, of whom the defendant is proved 
to be one? Oh, but our young men will be all the better for 
that trial! ‘Well; and this will improve our statesmen, on 
whom the most important chances of the commonwealth de- 
pend. They also need your attention. 

᾿ To convince you however, that he destroyed this man 
Timarchus, not (good heavens!) out of any desire to make 
your children virtuous, (for they are virtuous already, O 
Athenians: never may such misfortune befall the common- 
wealth, that her younger members should need Aphobetus 
and /tschines to reform them!) but because he moved in the 
council, that whoever should be convicted of carr 
or naval implements to Philip should be punishable with 
death. Τὸ prove this, let me ask—how long was Timarchus 
a public speaker? A considerable time. Well: during all 
that time Aéschines was in the city, and never took umbrage, 
or thought it a shocking matter that such a person should 
open his mouth, until he went to Macedonia and became 
a hireling. Here, take and read me the decree of ‘Timarchus 
itself : 





Ἄ 


[The Decree. | . 


You see, the person who proposed on your behalf, that no 
one, on pain of death, should carry arms to Philip in time of 
war, has been ruined and disgraced; and this man, who de- 
livered up to Philip the arms of your allies, was his accuser, 


' These statements are not in the extant speech of Aischines. 


arms - 


ON THE EMBASSY. 207 


and declaimed upon prostitution, (O heaven and earth !) while 
by him were standing his two brothers-in-law,! at the sight 
of whom you would cry out with astonishment, the odious 
Nicias, who hired himself to Chabrias to go to Egypt, and 
the accursed Cyrebion, who plays his, part in the procession 
revels without his mask. But this is nothing — he did it 
with his brother Aphobetus before him! Verily, upon that 
day all the haranguing about prostitution was a flowing up 
the stream.’ 

To show you what dishonor our commonwealth has been 
brought to by this man’s wickedness and falsehood, I will 
pass by every thing else, and mention a thing which you all 
know. Formerly, men of Athens, what you had decreed was 
looked for by the people of Gréece; now we go about in- 
quiring what the others have resolved, listening what news 
there is of the Arcadians, what of the Amphictyons, where 
Philip is about to march, whether he is alive or dead. Is it 
not thus we employ ourselves? I for my part am afraid, not 
if Philip is alive, but if the abhorring and punishing of 
criminals is dead in the commonwealth. Philip alarms me 
not, if all is sound with you; but if you allow impunity to 
men who are willing to be his hirelings, if certain of the 
people in your confidence will plead for these men, and, after 
denying all along that they are Philip’s agents, will get up 
for them now—this alarms me. How comes it, Eubulus, 


ΠῚ Aischines, in allusion to this passage, (De fals. Leg. 48,) speaks of 
Philon, and not Nicias. As to Philon, see Demosthenes, De Coron. p. 
829; this volume, p. 112. Cyrebion is a nickname, derived from κυρή- 
Bia, bran, denoting a worthless, good-for-nothing person, applied to 
Epicrates, brother-in-law of Aischines, not the same Epicrates as the 
one mentioned above, p. 208. Aischines describes him as an easy, 
good-natured sort of man. 
? That is, was unnatural and absurd, coming from the mouth of such 

a person; perhaps further intimating that the whole trial was a per- 
version of justice. The expression was proverbial: the words are found 
in Euripides, Medea, 411 :— 

"Avo ποταμῶν ἱερῶν 

χωροῦσι παγαὶ, 
καὶ δίκα καὶ πάντα πάλιν στρέφεται. 


Francis translates: “ But all remarks that day upon impudicity ran 
upward like rivers against their fountain-heads.” Pabst: Freilich 
flossen auch an jenem Tage die Reden δον Unzucht wie Strom-aufwarts 
aus seinem Munde. 


208 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


that on the trial of Hegesilaus,! who is your cousin, and on 
that of Thrasybulus lately, the uncle of Niceratus, on the 
first voting? you would not even hearken to their call, and — 
on the question of punishment you got up, yet never spoke 
a word on their behalf, but begged the jury to excuse you? 
And do you refuse then to get up for relatives and con- 
nections, but will stand up for /schines, who, when Aristo- 
phon was prosecuting Philonicus and through him assailing 
your conduct, joined him in accusing you, and appeared as one 
of your enemies? And when you having terrified the Athe- 
nians, and told them they must immediately go down to 
Pirzeus and pay a property tax and make the theatric fund 
a military one, or vote for the measures which this man sup- 
ported and the odious Philocrates moved, it came about that 
the peace was made on disgraceful instead of honorable 
terms, and these men by their subsequent misdeeds have 
ruined every thing? —then is it that you are reconciled? 
And before the people you cursed Philip, and swore with im- 
precations on your children, that you would like him to be 
destroyed, and now will you help the defendant? How can 
he be destroyed, when you come to the rescue of those who 
take his bribes? Yes! How on earth could you prosecute 
Meerocles, because he got the mine-tenantst to give him 
twenty drachms each—and indict Cephisophon for embezzle- 
ment of sacred moneys,® because three days after the time he 


1 Hegesilaus, according to Ulpian, supported Plutarch of Eretria at 
Athens, and led troops to his assistance in Eubea. 

2 On the question of “ guilty or not guilty.” In many cases, where 
the Athenian law did not fix the penalty, the jury had to give a sec- 
ond verdict, to decide what sentence should be passed on the convict. 

3 In the original there is a nominativus pendens, σὺ---δεδιξάμενος---- 
φήσας, after which one would, in the usual course of grammar, have 
expected ἐποίησας, instead of συνέβη γενέσθαι. But Shilleto well ob- 
serves that, ‘‘probably Demosthenes, at the outset of the sentence, in- Ὁ 
tended to signify that Eubulus had caused the people, by the alterna- 
tive which he suggested, to pass the disgraceful measure; yet he pru- 
dently thought proper to disguise this as he proceeded under the vague ~ 
language, it so resulted, especially as he could then with more weight 
contrast the anti-Macedonic feeling which Eubulus had or pretended 
to have evinced, with his becoming reconciled to and advocating the 
Philippizing party.” 

* Merocles seems to have been guilty of some extortion in getting 
money from the lessees of the Laurian mines; as to which see vol. i, 
Appendix II. : . : 

8. Cephisophon may have been a treasurer of some temple, ταμίας 


ON THE EMBASSY. 909 


paid seven minas into the bank; while persons who have 
received money, who confess it, who are caught in the fact, 
and proved to have done it on purpose to ruin your allies, 
these, instead of bringing to trial, you- desire us to acquit? 
That the charges in this case are fearful, and require a deal of 
prudence and precaution, whereas what you prosecuted those 
men for were laughing matters, will appear from the following 
considerations :—There were persons in Elis who plundered 
the public? Very probably. Well: were any of those per- 
sons concerned in overthrowing the democracy there lately ? 
Not one. Again: while Olynthus existed, there were persons 
of the same kind? I should think so. Did Olynthus fall 
through them? No. At Megara, again, think ye not there 
was a thief or two who pilfered the public moneys? Un- 
doubtedly ; and it has come to light. Which of them caused 
the events which have occurred there? Notone. What sort 
of people then are they who commit these heavy crimes? 
The men who deem themselves of importance enough to be 
called friends and acquaintances of Philip,—men who covet 
command and are invested with civic dignity, and who con- 
sider they ought to be greater than the common people. 
Was not Perilaus tried lately at Megara! before the Three 


ἱερῶν χρημάτων, and had the management of its revenues, or he may 
have been a mere collector. He would be required by law to pay cer- 
tain moneys in his custody into the bank within a given time; and be- 
ing a defaulter, though for a few days only, was liable to a fine or 
other penalty. ; 

1 Philip’s attempt on Megara, which appears to have been made in, 
or just before, the year B.c. 348, is thus described by Thirlwall, History 
of Greece, vi. 15:— 

“Tt seems to have been while he wasstill occupied with the affairs of 
Thessaly, or at least before he withdrew from the country, that he made 
an attempt in another quarter, which, if it had succeeded, would have 
brought him nearer by a great step to one of his principal objects. 
Megara was at this time, as it had probably never ceased to be, divided 
between rival factions, which however seem not to have been so turbu- 
lent as to prevent it from enjoying a high degree of prosperity, and there 
are indications that its form of government was not unhappily tempered. 
The old animosity against Athens had perhaps now in a great measure 
subsided: Philip indeed had his adherents; but there was.a strong 

arty which opposed them, and which looked to Athens for protection. 
he contending interests, however, seem not to have been exactly those 
of democracy and aristocracy or oligarchy. Philip’s leading partisans 
appear to have been some of the most powerful citizens, who hoped with 
his aid to rise to sovereign power, which they would have been content 


210 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


Hundred, because he had gone to Philip; and did not Pteo- 
dorus, a man for wealth, birth, and reputation the first of the 
Megarians, come forward and beg him off, and again send 
him out to Philip; and afterward the one came with his 
mercenary troops, while the other was cooking up! matters 
in the city? That is one example. There is nothing, nothing 
in the world, more to be guarded against than allowing any 
one to be exalted above the people. Don’t let me have men 
saved or destroyed at the pleasure of this or that individual ; 
but whoever is saved by his actions, or the contrary, let him 
be entitled to the proper verdict at your hands. ‘That is con- 
stitutional. Besides, many men have on occasions become 
powerful with you: Callistratus, again, Aristophon, Dio- 
phantus, others before them: but where did they each exer- 
cise their sway? In the popular assembly. In courts of 
justice no man up to the present day has ever had an au- 
thority greater than yourselves or the laws or your oaths. 
Then don’t suffer this man to have it now. To show you 
that it will be more reasonable to take such precaution than 


to hold under him. Ptceodorus, the foremost man in Megara, in birth, 
wealth, and reputation, was, according to Demosthenes, at the head of 
a conspiracy for the purpose of placing the city in Philip’s hands, and 
had opened a correspondence with him, in which he employed another 
Megarian, Perilaus, as his agent. Perilaus was brought to trial for his 
unauthorized dealings with a foreign court, but was acquitted through 
the influence of Ptceodorus, who sent him again to obtain a body of 
Macedonian troops, while he himself staid to prepare for their recep- 
tion at Megara. The plot appears to have been baffled by some unusu- 
ally vigorous measures of the Athenians. It is difficult to determine, 
whether an expedition which they made about this time to their 
frontier on the side of Drymus and Panactus was connected with these 
movements at Megara; and equally uncertain, though perhaps more 
probable, that it was on this occasion Phocion’was sent, at the request 
of their Megarian partisans, to guard the city. Though he could not 
secure it from treachery within, he took the most effectual precautions 
against a surprise from without: he fortified Nicea, and again annex- 
ed it to the city by two long walls. However this may be, the at- 
tempt of Ptceodorus failed, and Philip’s hopes in this quarter were for 
the time frustrated.” . 

1 In the original the literal expression is, “ cheese-making. ‘‘ The same 
metaphor is used by Aristophanes, and very likely it was common. So 
we are in the habit of saying familiarly, “to hatch a plot,” “to concoct,” 
“to dress up,” and the like. Pabst: so grosse Verwirrung anrichtete. 
Auger: “intriguitp our lui.” Francis: “had totally changed the civil 
constitution of his country ;” which is wide of the meaning. 


ῸΝ THE EMBASSY. 211 


to put confidence in these men, I will read you an oracle of 
the gods, who always protect the commonwealth, far better 
than her statesmen. ead the verses: 


[The Oracle. | 


You hear, O Athenians, what the gods admonish you. If 
now they have given you this response during a time of war, 
they mean that you should beware of your generals; for: the 
generals are conductors of war: but if after the conclusion 
of peace, they mean your chief statesmen; for they have the 
lead, their counsels you follow, by them are you in danger of 
being deceived. 

And you are told by the oracle to hold the commonwealth 
together, so that all may have one mind, and not cause grati- 
fication to the enemy. Think ye now, O Athenians, that the 
preserving, or the punishing, of a man who has done all this 
mischief would cause gratification to Philip? I think the 
preserving. The oracle however says, you should do your 
best to prevent the enemy rejoicing. So it exhorts all with 
one mind to punish those who have in any way been subser- 
vient to the enemy: Jupiter, Dione, all the gods. They that 
intend you evil are outside, their supporters are inside; the 
business of the former is to give bribes, of the latter to receive, 
and get off those who have received them. 

Besides, even by human reasoning one may see, that the 
most mischievous and dangerous of all things is, to suffer a 
leading statesman to become attached to those who have not 
the same objects with the people. Consider by what means 
Philip has become master of every thing, and by what means 
he has achieved the greatest of his works. By purchasing suc- 
cess from those who would sell it; by corrupting and excit- 
ing the ambition of leading statesmen: by such means. Both 
these however it is in your poyer, if you please, to render in- 
effective to-day: if to one oll of men you will not listen, 
when they plead for people of this kind, but show that they 
have no authority with you (for nowe they say they have au- 
thority): and if you will punish him that has sold himself, and 
this shall be seen by all. 

With any man you might well be wroth, O Athenians, who 
had done such deeds, and sacrificed allies and friends and op- 
portunities, which make or mar the fortunes of every people, 


212 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. “ 


but with none more strongly or more justly than the defer. 
dant. A,.man who took his place with the mistrusters of | 
Philip — who first and singly discovered him to be the com- 
mon enemy of all the Greeks, and then deserted and turned 
traitor, and has suddenly become a supporter of Philip—can 
it be doubted that such a man deserves a thousand deaths? 
The truth of these statements he himself will not be able to 
gainsay. Who is it that, brought Ischander to you in the 
beginning, whom he represented to have come here from the 
country’s friends in Arcadia? Who cried out, that Philip was 
packing! Greece and Peloponnesus, while you were sleeping? 
Who was it that made those fine long orations before the 
assembly, and read the decree of Miltiades and Themistocles, 
and the young men’s oath in the temple of Aglauros?? Was 
it not this man? Who persuaded you to send embassies 
almost to the Red Sea, urging that Greece was plotted against 
by Philip, and that it became you to foresee it and not 
abandon the interests of the Greeks? Was not the mover of 
the decree Eubulus, and the envoy to Peloponnesus the de- 
fendant Aischines? What he may have talked and harangued 
about when he got there, is best known to himself; but what 
he reported to you I am sure you all remember. Several 
times in his speech he called Philip a barbarian and a pest,? 
and told you the Arcadians were delighted that the Athenian 
commonwealth was now attending to her affairs and rousing 
herself. But what most of all had made him indignant, he 
said, — coming home he met Atrestidas on his way from 
Philip’s court, and there were about thirty women and chil- 
dren walking with him; and he was astonished, and asked 
one of the travelers who the man was, and who the crowd 


'? συσκευάζεσθαι. Reiske: ‘convasare, compilare, in manticam in- 
fercire, tanquam fures solent furta raptim auferre festinantes. Senten- 
tia est: alia Peloponnesi oppida ex aliis sibi devincire et in servitutem 

ertrahere.” Auger: “ envahissoit.” Francis: “pillaging.” Perhaps 
it rather means “ packing against you,” as in the oration on the Cher- 
sonese, p. 91,—ovoxevdletat πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς. , 

? Athenian youths, before ἊΝ were enrolled in the register of cit- 
izens, underwent a scrutiny with regard to their birth and other mat- 
ters. If approved, they received a shield and lance, and took a solemn 
oath in the temple of Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, by which they - 
bound themselves to defend their country, to obey her laws, and re- 
spect all her civil and religious institutions. , 

3. So Pabst and Francis render ἀλάστορα. Auger: “ fiéau.” 


ΟΝ THE EMBASSY. 218 


that followed him; but when he heard that these were Olyn- 
thian captives, whom Atrestidas was bringing away as a pres- 
ent from Philip, he thought it shocking, and wept, and be- 
wailed the miserable condition of Greece, that she should re- 
gard such calamitous events with indifference. And he ad- 
vised you to send persons to Arcadia to denounce the agents 
. of Philip; for he heard, he said, from his friends, that if the 
commonwealth would turn their attention to it and send an 
embassy, they would be punished. Such was then his lan- 
guage, honorable indeed, O Athenians, and worthy of the 
state. But after he had gone to Macedonia, and beheld this 
Philip, the enemy of himself and the Greeks, was it like or 
similar? Very far from it. He said you were not to re- 
member your ancestors, not to talk of trophies or succor any 
one; and he was surprised at the men who advised you to 
consult with the Greeks about peace with Philip, as if any 
one else had to be persuaded on a question that concerned you 
alone; and that Philip himself was (O Hercules!) a thorough 
Greek,! an eloquent speaker, a warm friend of Athens, and 
that there were some men in the city so unreasonable and per- 
verse, as not to be ashamed of abusing him and calling him a 
barbarian. | 
Is it possible that the same man, after having made the 
former speeches, could have ventured to make these, without 
having been corrupted? But further; is there a man who, 
after having then execrated Atrestidas on account of the wo- 
men and children of the Olynthians, could have endured now 
to co-operate with Philocrates, who brought free-born Olyn- 
thian women hither for dishonor, and is so notorious for his 
abominable life, that I have no need to say any thing scan- 
dalous or offensive about him, but let me only say that Philoc- 
rates brought’ women, you and the by-standers know all the 
rest, and feel pity, I am sure, for those poor unhappy creatures, 
whom A‘schines pitied not, nor wept for Greece on their ac- 
count, that among an allied people they should be outraged by 
the embassadors. 
But he will shed tears for himself, such an embassador as 


* Auger: “le meilleur ami des Grees.” And so Francis: “best af- 
fected to Greece.” But it rather has reference, I think, to the charac- 
ter and manners of Philip, and perhaps also to his parentage. Shilleto: 
“‘a most genuine Greek.” 


214 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


he has been: perhaps he will bring forward his children and 
mount them up on the bar. But remember, ye men of the 
jury—against his children—that you had many friends and 
allies, whose children are wanderers, roaming about in beg- 
gary, having suffered cruel injuries through this man ; who are 
far more deserving of your compassion than the sons of such 
a malefactor and traitor; and that these men, by adding to 
the treaty the words “and to his posterity,” have deprived 
your children even of their hopes. Against his own tears 
harden yourselves by reflecting, that you have in your power 
a man who bade you send accusers into Arcadia against the 
agents of Philip. Now then you need not send an embassy 
to Peloponnesus, or go a long journey, or incur traveling ex- 
penses, but only advance each of you up to the bar herep 
and give your righteous and just verdict for your country 
against a man, who, (O heaven and earth!) after having de- 
claimed, as I told you in the outset, about Marathon, Salamis, 
battles, and trophies, all of a sudden, when he had set foot 
in Macedonia, used the very opposite language—that you 
should not remember your ancestors, not talk of trophies, 
not succor any one, not deliberate in conjunction with the 
Greeks, but should almost dismantle your city walls. Surely 
more disgraceful language has never at any period of time 
been spoken among you. For what Greek or barbarian is there 
so stupid, so uninformed, so bitter an enemy of our state, who, 
if the question were asked—‘ Tell me, of this present land 
and country of Greece is there a part which would have had 
the name, or been occupied by the Greeks who now possess it, 
if the heroes of Marathon and Salamis, our ancestors, had not 
enacted those feats of valor on their behalf?’—there is not 
one, I am certain, who would not answer, “ΝΟ; it must 
all have been taken by the barbarians!” Persons that even 
an enemy would not rob of their praise and honor, are you 
their descendants, I say, forbidden to remember by Aéschines, 
for the sake of his own pelf? And observe, other advantages 
are not shared in by the dead, but praise for glorious actions 
is the peculiar property of those who have died in achieving 
it; for then even envy opposes them no longer; and the 
defendant, for depriving them of this, deserves now to be 
deprived of his rank, and you will do well to inflict this 
punishment upon him on behalf of your ancestors. But by 


Ἂ 


So ἐς 


ΜΙ ΨΥΨ, 


ες 


ON THE EMBASSY. 215 


such language, you miscreant, while of the deeds of our 
ancestors you made spoil and havoc with your tongue, you 
ruined all our affairs. And out of all this you are a land- 
owner and become a considerable personage. For here again: 
Before he had wronged the state so grievously, he acknowl- 
edged that he had been a clerk and was under obligation to 
you for electing him, and he behaved himself with decency ; 
but since he has wrought such infinite mischief, he has drawn 
up his eyebrows, and if any one says, “ the ex-clerk AXschines,” 
he is at once his enemy, and says he has been slandered ; and 
he traverses the market with his robe down to his ankles, . 
walking as stately as Pythocles, puffing out his cheeks, one of 
the friends and acquaintances of Philip for you,—that’s what 
he is now,—one of those that would be rid of the people, and 
regard the present establishment as a raging sea:! he that 
formerly worshiped the dining-hall 13 

Let me now recapitulate to you, in what manner Philip 
outmanceuyred you by getting these abominable men to assist 
him. It is well worth your while to examine and look into 
the whole artifice. At first when he wanted peace, his do- 
minions being pillaged by corsairs, and his ports having been 
closed so that he could enjoy none of their advantages, he sent 
those men who made such friendly declarations in his name, 
sons, Aristodemus, Ctesiphon ; but after we embas- 
sadors had been with him, he engaged the defendant’s services 
directly, to second and support the beastly Philocrates, and to 
overpower us whose intentions were honest ; and he composed 
a letter to you, through which he mainly expected to obtain 
peace. Yet even this did not enable him to do any thing 
important against you without destroying the Phocians ; and 
that was not easy ; for his affairs had been brought as it were 
by accident to such a critical point, that either it was impos- 


1 Literally : “storm and madness.” Francis: “confusion and mad- 
ness.” Pabst: ein wildes Getiimmel und sinnlose Raserei. See ante, 


ΟΡ. 158. Compare also Psalm Ixv. 7: ‘‘ Who stilleth the raging of the 


sea; and the noise of his waves, and the madness of the people.” And 
Reakspeers, Coriolanus, Act III. Scene 1:— 
Will you nn 
“Before ths tag return? whose rage doth rend 
Like interrupted waters, and o’erbear 
What they are used to bear. 
* See ante, p. 180. 





-- 


216 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. : 
sible for him to accomplish any of his objects, or he must 
commit falsehood and perjury, and have all men, Greeks and 
barbarians, witnesses of his baseness. For should he accept 
the Phocians as allies, and take the oaths to them in conjunc- 
tion with you, it became necessary at once to break his oaths. 
to the Thessalians and Thebans, the latter of whom he had 
sworn to assist in subjugating Boeotia, the former in restoring 
the Pylean congress. Should he refuse to accept them, (as in 
fact he did refuse,) he thought you would not suffer him to 
pass, but would send forces to Thermopyle, as, but for be- 
ing overreached, you would have done, and in that case he 
reckoned it would be impossible to pass. This indeed there 
was no need for him to be informed by others; he had his 
own testimony to the fact: for the first time when he van- 
quished the Phocians, and overthrew their mercenary troops 
and their chieftain and general Onomarchus, when no people 
in the world, Greek or barbarian, succored the Phocians but 
you, so far from passing the strait or accomplishing any of 
his objects by the passage, he could not even approach it. 
He was certain therefore, I take it, that now when Thessaly 
was quarreling with him,—the Pherzans for example refused 
to join his march,—when the Thebans were getting the worst 
and had lost a battle, and a trophy had been erected over 
them, it was impossible to pass, if you sent forces,*or to 
attempt it with impunity, unless he had recourse to some 
artifice. ‘‘ How then shall I escape open falsehood, and effect . 
all my objects without the imputation of perjury? How? In 
this way—if I can find some Athenian citizens to deceive 
the Athenians; for that disgrace will not devolve upon me.” 
Therefore his embassadors gave you notice, that Philip would 
not accept the Phocians for allies; but these men explained 
it to the people thus—that it was not proper for Philip openly 
to accept the Phocians for allies, on account of the Thebans 
and Thessalians; but if he got things into his hands and 
obtained the peace, he would then do exactly what we should 
now desire him to agree to. By such promises and lures he 
obtained peace from you, excluding the Phocians ; but he had 
next to prevent your sending succor to Thermopyle, for the 
chance of which even then your fifty galleys were lying at 
anchor, so that, if Philip advanced, you might oppose him. 
ἐς Well? what contrivance shall I have again about this ?” 


’ ON THE EMBASSY. 217 


To deprive you of your opportunities, and bring matters sud- 
denly upon you,! so that, even if you wished, you should not 
be able to march from home. It was managed by these men 
accordingly, it appears. I, as you have heard several times, 
was unable to depart earlier, and though I hired a vessel, 
I was prevented from setting sail. But it was necessary also 
that the Phocians should put confidence in Philip, and volun- 
tarily surrender themselves, so that no delay might intervene, 
and no hostile decree come from you. ‘“ Well then; it shall 
be reported by the Athenian embassadors, that the Phocians 
are to be saved, so that even those who mistrust me will 
deliver themselves up, relying on the embassadors: the Athe- 
nians themselves I will send for, that they, believing all their 
objects to be secured, may pass no adverse vote; and these 
men shall carry such reports and assurances from me, that un- 
der no circumstances will they be induced to stir.” 

In this manner and by such contrivances, through men 
doomed themselves to destruction, was every thing brought to 
ruin; for immediately, instead of seeing Thespize and Plateza 
re-established, you heard that Orchomenus and Coronea were 
enslaved; instead of Thebes being humbled and her pride 
and insolence abated, the fortifications of your allies the 
Phocians were being razed to the ground, the persons razing 
them were the Thebans, who by Aéschines in his speech had 
been scattered into villages. Instead of Eubcea being given 
to you as a compensation for Amphipolis, Philip is even es- 
tablishing places in Eubcea to attack you from, and is con- 
tinually forming designs upon Gerestus and Megara. Instead 


1 So it is well explained by Reiske in his Index, under ἐφιστώναι,---- 
“‘repente admovere, immittere, ut copias, quibus eum opprimas.” ’Aya- 
ὄντας refers not to any particular persons, asthe Athenian embassadors, 
ut generally to Philip and all his party—‘“ that they should bring,” 
&e.; as Pabst has it: Man wird machen mussen, dass [hr zum Handeln 
keine Zeit mehr findet, und die Sache so leiten mussen dass er plotzlich 
Euch uber den Hals kommt ; in which version however the last clause 
deviates a little from the original. Schaefer properly says the sentence 
is resolvable into ἀγαγεῖν ἄφνω τὰ πράγματα καὶ ἐπιστῆσαι. Shilleto is 
wrong in supposing that Φίλιππον could be understood after ἐπιστῆσαι. 
He translates the passage—“ that they (the Athenian envoys) should 
rob you of your times and opportunities of action, and all on a sudden 
bring on affairs, and place Philip at their head.” Francis had fallen 
into a similar error, rendering it, “and proper persons must be ap- 
pointed to conduct and suddenly bring it to such a conclusion,” &e. 


Vor. II.—K 


218 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


of Oropus being restored to us, we are marching out with 
arms to fight for Drymus and the country by Panactus,! 
which we never did while the Phocians were in safety. In- 
stead of the ancient rites in the temple being restored, and 
his treasures being recovered for the god, the genuine Am- 
phictyons are exiled and expelled, and their country has been 
laid desolate ; they that never were Amphictyons in the olden 
time, Macedonians and barbarians, are now thrusting them- 
selves into the council; whoever-makes mention of the holy 
treasures is thrown down the precipice, and Athens has been 
deprived of her preaudience at Delphi. The whole business 
has been a sort of enigma to the state. Philip has been dis- 
appointed in nothing, and has accomplished every one of his 
purposes; you, after expecting all that you could wish, have 
seen the reverse come to pass, and, while you appear to be 
at peace, have suffered greater calamities than if you were at 
war; and these men have their wages for it, and up to the 
present day have not been brought to justice. : een 

That they have been bribed outright for all this, and have 
received the price of it, has in many ways, I imagine, beer 
apparent to you for some time; and I fear I am doing the 
reverse of what I intend—I have been annoying you all this 


1 Panactus is on the confines of Attica and Beotia, and so is Drymus, 
according to Suidas. What gave rise to this particular expedition of 
which Demosthenes speaks, we have no certain information; but there 
ean hardly be a doubt, mentioned as it is in connection with Oropus, 
that it related to a quarrel between Thebes and Athens, and not, as 
Winiewski supposed, to Philip’s designs on Megara. Thirlwall, in a 
note on the passage already quoted (ante, p. 210), writes as follows:— 

“The language of Demosthenes would rather incline one to suppose 
that the expedition was sent to resist some aggressions of the Thebans 
on the debatable frontier. Both Winiewski, (p. 146,) and Voemel, (in 
Orat. de Halonneso, p. 46,)—who also believes that these forces were 
sent to oppose the passage of Philip's troops to Megara,—conceive that 
this Drymus lay on the confines, not of Attica and Beotia, like Pan- 
actus, but of Phocis and Doris. Their only reason for this opinion 
seems to be the accent. Δρύμος is mentioned by Herodotus, viii. 33, as 
a Phocian town on the Cephisus. Whether a town of that name ex- 
isted there in the time of Demosthenes is doubtful. The place seems 
then to have been called Δρυμαία. Paus. x. 3.2. But Harpocration has 
Δρυμὸς, πόλις μεταξὺ τῆς Βοιωτίας καὶ τῆς, Αττικῆς. Even independently 
of this authority, it seems hard to believe that Demosthenes would have 
coupled the name of a place in Phocis with that of one on the Attic 
frontier, as Winiewski and Voemel suppose him to have done.” 

* See Appendix I. 


᾽ 


ΟΝ THE EMBASSY. 219 


time in striving to make out a complete demonstration of 
what you knew yourselves. However, do let me add one 
thing more: Is there any of the embassadors sent by Philip 
to whom you, men of the jury, would erect a brazen statue in 
the market-place? Nay: would you give dinner in the city- 
hall, or any other of those rewards which you honor your 
benefactors with? I should think not. Why? You are 
certainly neither ungrateful nor unjust nor bad men. It is, 
you would say, and with truth and justice, because they did 


every thing for Philip and not a thing for you. Think ye 


then that your sentiments are such, and Philip’s are different, 
—that he confers upon these men presents of such number 
and value, because on their embassy they acted well and 
faithfully for you? Impossible. You see how he received 
Hegesippus and his co-embassadors. I pass by the rest; but 
he banished our poet Xenoclides for entertaining them, his 
fellow-countrymen. Such is the way he behaves to those who 
honestly speak their opinions on your behalf, while to those 
who have sold themselves he behaves as he does to these men. 
Are witnesses required for this? Are any stronger proofs 
wanted for this? Can any one get this away from you? 

_ A person however came up to me just before the opening 
of the court,! and told me the strangest thing,2—that he was 
prepared to accuse Chares,? and expected, by taking that 
course and talking in that style, to impose on you. Now 
I will not strongly insist upon this fact, that Chares (howso- 
ever brought to trial) has been found to have acted faithfully 
and loyally, as far as lay in his power, for your interests, 
though he has incurred many failures through persons who 
from corrupt motives ruin every thing; but I will make a 
large concession. Let me grant that the defendant will speak 
nothing about him but the truth: even then, I say, it is a 
perfect mockery for the defendant to accuse him; for I charge 
not Aischines with any of the transactions in the war, (for 
them the generals are accountable,) nor with the state’s having 
concluded peace: but thus far I acquit him entirely. What 


_ 1 [have followed Schaefer’s interpretation of πρὸ τοῦ δικαστηρίου. 
Pabst makes it refer to place. 

* Pabst incorrectly renders these words: und sagte mir als eine 
unerhorte Neuigkeit. 

3. See Appendix II. 


220 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEN ES. 


then do I say, and from what do my charges take their rise? 
From his speaking, when the state was concluding peace, on 
the side of Philocrates, and not on theirs who moved for the 
good of the country; and from his having taken bribes; 
from his afterward on the second embassy wasting the times, 
and performing none of your instructions ; from his tricking 
- the state, and, after giving us to expect that Philip would do 
all we desired, having utterly ruined our affairs; from his 
afterward, when others ‘warned you to beware of a man who 
had done so many wrongs,’ appearing as that man’s advocate. 
These are my charges; keep these in remembrance: for a 
just and equitable peace, and men who had betrayed nothing 
and not afterward told lies, I would even have commended, 
and advised you to honof them with a crown. But if any 
general has injured you, it has nothing to do with the present 
inquiry. ‘For what general has lost Halus, or who has 
destroyed the Phocians? who Doriscus? who Cersobleptes ? 
who the Sacred Mountain? who Thermopyle? who has 
given to Philip a road all the way to Attica through the 
territory of friends and allies? who has alienated Coronea, 
Orchomenus, Eubcoea? who nearly Megara lately? who has 
made the Thebans powerful? Of all these important mat- 
ters none was lost through the generals; none has Philip had 
yielded to him at the peace with your consent: they have 
been lost through these men and their venality. If there- 
fore he shirks these points, if, to lead you astray, he will talk 
of any thing sooner than them: meet him as I suggest— 
“‘ We are not sitting in judgment upon a general; you are not 
tried upon those charges. Don’t tell us who else has caused 
the destruction of the Phocians, but show that you are not 
the cause. Why, if Demosthenes did any wrong, do you 
mention it now, but did not accuse him when he rendered 
his account? For this very reason you have deserved to 
perish. Don’t tell us that peace is a fine thing or an advan- 
tageous thing, for no one charges you with the state’s having 
concluded peace; but that the peace is not a shameful and 
ignominious one—that we have not been cheated in many 
ways and all was not lost after it—this you may tell us. 

1 Philip; in whose favor Aischines spoke when the Macedonian 


embassadors came to Athens, and required the Athenians to acknowl- 
edge his title as member of the Amphictyonie Council. 


τ ON THE EMBASSY. 221 


For all these consequences are proved to have been brought 
upon us by yow and how is it that up to this very day you 
praise the author of such things?” If you keep watch upon 
him thus, he will have nothing to say, but will raise his 
yoice here and have exercised himself in spouting all to no 
purpose.} 

_ About his voice too it may be necessary to say something ; 
for I hear that upon this also he very confidently relies, as if 
he can overpower you by his acting. I think however, you 
would be committing a gross absurdity, if, when he played 
the miseries of Thyestes and the men at Troy, you drove and 
hissed him off the boards, and nearly stoned him to death, so 
that at last he desisted from his playing of third-rate parts, 
_ yet now that, not upon the stage, but in public and most 
important affairs of state, he has wrought infinity of evil, 
you should pay regard to him as a fine speaker. Heaven 
forbid! Do not you be guilty of any folly, but consider: if 
you aré making trial of a herald, you should see that he has 
a good voice, but if of an embassador and undertaker of public 
duties, that he isehonest, that he demeans himself with spirit 
as your representative, like a fellow-citizen toward you ;? as 
I (for example) had no respect for Philip, but respected the 
prisoners, delivered them, and never flinched; whereas the 
defendant crouched before him, and sang the pzans, but you 
he disregarded. Further, when you see eloquence or a fine 
voice or any other such accomplishment in a man of prob- 
ity and honorable ambition, you should all rejoice at it and 
encourage its display; for it is a common advantage to you 
all: but when you see the like in a corrupt and base man, 
who yields to every temptation of gain, you should discourage 
and hear him with enmity and aversion ; as knavery, getting 
from you the reputation of power, is an engine against the 
state. You see what mighty troubles have fallen upon the 
state from what the defendant has got renown by. And 


1 Auger, not badly: “Inutilement alors fera-t-il éclater cette belle 
voix qu'il aura bien exercée.” Schaefer: ‘‘Incassum hic tollet vocem 
ad hoe ipsum prius exercitam.” 

Demosthenes by his frequent sneers at the fine voice of his adversary 
betrays his fear of that which he affects to undervalue. ἡ 

2 Auger: “doit avoir de la fierté quand il agit pour vous, de la 
douceur quand il vit avec vous.” 


222 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 


other powers are tolerably independent; but that of speak- 
ing is crippled, if you the hearers are unfavorable. Listen 
then to this man as to a venal knave, who will not speak a 
syllable of truth. 

Observe now, that not only in other respects, but in relation 
to your dealings with Philip, it is in every way expedient for 
the defendant to be convicted. For, on the one hand, should 
he ever arrive at the necessity of doing justice to Athens, he 
will alter his plan;—now he has determined to cheat the 
many and court the few; but if he hear that these men are 
destroyed, he will choose hereafter to serve you the many 
and masters of all. On the other hand, should he continue in 
the same position of power and pride, the persons who are 
ready to do any thing for him you will have removed from 
the country, if you remove these. How think ye?—men that 
acted so, believing they should be called to account—what will 
they do if they have your license for their acts? "ὦ Eu- 

thycrates, what Lasthenes, what traitor will they not surpass? 
And which of all the rest will not be a worse member of the 
commonwealth, seeing that those who have sold your interests 
obtain riches, credit, a capital in Philip’s friendship, while 
those who behave themselves like honest men and have spent 
money of their own get annoyance, enmity, ill-will from a cer- 
tain class of people? Never let it come to this! Neither for 
your honor, nor for your religion, nor for your safety, nor in 
any other point of view, is it desirable to acquit the defendant. 
‘You must avenge yourselves, and make him an example to all, 
both to your fellow-citizens and to the rest of the Greeks. 


* 


APPENDIX I. 


THE SACRED WAR. 


. . 

Justin commences the chapter, in which the subject of this war 
is a with the following passage : ἢ 

4 jz civitates, cum imperare singule cupiunt, imperium 
omnes perdiderunt.” And he attributes the destruction of Greek 
liberty to the ambition 6f the Thebans, and the impolitic measures 
which they took to secure their own predominance. It was indeed 
_ the weakness to which they had been reduced by the long continu- 
ance of a war provoked by themselves, together with the distrac- 
tions of Thessaly, and the necessity which there seemed to be for 
some controlling power, which caused Philip of Macedon to be put 
at the head of the Amphictyonic League, gave him a victorious 
inroad into southern Greece, and made him the arbiter of her des- 
tinies, ᾿ 

Phocis,? the principal seat of this war, is a country bounded on 
the east by Boeotia, on the south by the Corinthian bay, on the west 
by the Ozolian Locrians and a part of Atolia. To the north-west is 
the little triangular district called Doris, anciently occupied by the 
Dryopes, but wrested from them by the more warlike tribe of 
Dorians, who afterwards became so powerful a part of the Hellenic 
body, and issued from this very district to effect the conquest of 
Peloponnesus. North and north-east are the Epicnemidian Locrians 
and the Opuntian Locrians. The rugged ridges of Mount Cita 
stretch across the northern frontiers of Doris, Phocis, and Epic- 
nemidian Locris, and separate them from Thessaly. This chain of 
mountains, forming the principal barrier of southern Greece, js ter- 
minated by the sea at the extremity of the Malian bay. Here was 
the pass of Thermopyle, which extended more than a mile in 


? Lib. viii. ¢. 1. | 

? The ninth book of Strabo, chapter 3, contains a description of Pho- 
cis. The tenth book of Pausanias is on the same subject, the greater 
part being devoted to Delphi. 


224 APPENDIX IL 


length between the cliffs of Gta' and a marshy tract close to the 
shore of the bay, and opened by a narrow pass into the territory of 
Epicnemidian Locris. In early times it belonged to the Phocians, 
who carried a wall across the western end of the pass, to check the 
incursions of the Thessalians. The Phocian territory then extended 
as far as the Eubcean strait, and there was a Phocian town on the 
coast called Daphnus. A Locrian tribe afterwards got possession of 
this district as far as the sea-coast, and Phocis was separated from 
them by the mountains of Cnemis, from which that tribe took its 
name.? ; 
The river Cephissus, rising in the Dorian hills near the town of 
Lilza, flows through the northern part of Phocis, and empties itself 
into the Copaic Lake in Beeotia.? On a slight eminence between 
the valley of this river and Mount Cnemis stood Elatea, the second 
city of Phocis; and some miles eastward a road by the mountains 
led to the city of Abze, wKere there was an ancient oracular temple 
of Apollo destroyed by Xerxes, the ruins of which were long pre- 
served by the Greeks as a memorial.* ‘a 
' The far-famed mountain of Parnassus rises a little above the centre 
of Phocis, its highest summit being nearly 8,000 feet above the level - 
of the sea. Ona slope of the mountain, about seven or eight miles 
below the summit, and itself. 2,000 feet above the level of the sea, 
stood the ancient Pytho, afterwards Delphi, the capital city of 
Phocis, and seat of the famous oracle of Apollo. Homer calls it the 
rocky Pytho.§ Seven miles and a half to the south, at the head of 
the Crisseean bay, was Cirrha, anciently called Crissa. A mountain 
called Cirphis overhung the town, and the river Plistus, rising in the 
Parnassian hills, flowed through it into the bay. This afterwards, 
as we shall see, became the port of Delphi.® Ps jah 
Under the eastern declivity of Parnassus, two or three miles from 
the Boeotian frontier, was Daulis, whose people are said by Pausa- 


1 At that point the mountain took the name of Callidromus. Strabo, 
ix, 428. 

2 Strabo, ix. 416, 424, 425. Daphnus for some time divided the ter- 
ritory of the Epicnemidian Locrians from that of the Opuntian Locrians ; 
then it became a Locrian town, but was at length destroyed. There 
was an ancient monument here to Schedius, the Homeric leader of the 
Phocians. 

3 Lilea, near to its source, is mentioned as a Phocian town by Homer; 
Tliad, ii. 523. ] 

* Pausanias, x. 84, 85. Sophocles, Gidipus Rex, 899. 

" Πυθῶνά τε πετρήεσσαν. Iliad, ii. 519. Ξ 

δ Pausanias, x. 1, 37. But Strabo, ix. 418, represents Orissa and Cir- 
rha to have been different towns. Grote has adopted this view, though 
he rejects Strabo’s account of the two wars, one in which Cirrha was 
destroyed by the Crisszeans, the other in which Crissa was destroyed by 
the Amphictyons. (History of Greece, iv. 82.) 


᾿ THE SACRED WAR. 225. 


nias to have been the most warlike of the Phocians.! The town of 
Anticyra stood at the head of a gulf bearing the same name, to the 
east of the Crisszan gulf, and is said to have been the same town 
which Homer in the catalogue of warriors calls Cyparissus.? 

Other Phocian towns were Charadra and Amphiclea (called Am- 
phiczea by Herodotus) on the borders of Doris; Hyampolis on the 
confines of Opuntian Locris ; Ledon (the birth-place of Philomelus) 
and Parapotamii, situated in the vale of the Cephisus, the most fer- 
tile part of Phocis: Neon, to the north-west of Mount Parnassus ; 
Anemorea, the most central town ; Panopeus and Ambrysus, on the 
Beeotian frontier, the last of which became of importance in the war 
of Thebes and Athens against Philip.? 

Altogether Phocis comprised from twenty to thirty small cities or 
communities, which were federally united. A general congress was 
held at a place on the road from Daulis to Delphi, where τὰκ ἀμ 
a large national building called Phocicum, to which deputies were 
sent by each of the communities.* Delphi, however, notwithstand- 
ing its local position, had from an early period separated itself from 
the Phocian confederacy, and the inhabitants did not even like to be 
called Phocians. The government was in the hands of a few noble 
families, who traced their descent from Deucalion, and from whom 
were chosen a council of five, to manage the affairs of the temple. 
The members of this council held their offices for life, and were 
called “The Sacred ones.’’® 

' The Delphian oracle was the most celebrated of all in the Grecian 


? Pausanias, x. 4. It was here that the metamorphosis of Philomela 
took place according to the fable, whence the nightingale is called 
Daulias ales. Ovid, Epist. Sappho, 154. Thucydides, ii. 29.” Strabo, 
ix. 423, 

* Homer, Iliad, ii. 519, and Heyne’s notes on the passage. Pausanias, 
x. 86. This, like the Thessalian Anticyra, was celebrated for its helle- 
bore. Strabo, ix. 418. 

3 Pausanias, x. 33, &e. 

* Pausanias, x. 5, 1. 

δ᾽ Pausanias, iv. 34,11. Thirlwall thinks that the Delphians were of 
Dorian extraction, and that this may account for their generally favor- 
ing the cause of the Spartans and their Dorian allies. (History of 
Greece, i. 877.) It is probable enough that as Delphi, from a mere vil- 
lage, grew by degrees into a large and flourishing city, enriched and 
embellished by the tribute of visitors from all parts, the Delphians 
chose to consider it as belonging to the whole Hellenic nation, rather 
than to any local community, and on such grounds asserted their inde- 
pendence; in which they found themselves supported by some of the 
stronger states of Greece, 

5 Plutarch, Gr. Quest. 9. In Euripides, Ion, 416, they are called 
Δελφῶν ἀριστεῖς, οὕς ἐκλῆρωσεν πάλος. Herodotus, viii. 86, speaks of 
τοῦ προφήτεω. Was he the chief member of the council ? 

K 2 


296 | APPENDIX L ; 


world, and held from the earliest times in the highest veneration. It 
was consulted on the most important occasions, both for political pur- 
poses, as on questions of war and peace, the establishment of laws, 
the institution of religious ceremonies, the founding of colonies, and 
the like, and also for advice in the concerns of private life.' Its 
origin is necessarily obscure. It is said that a vapor, issuing from 
the well of Cassotis, intoxicated those that approached it, and threw 
them into delirium. The discovery was made by some shepherds, 
whose flocks straying near the spot had been seized with convulsions. 
It was then found that human beings were similarly affected, and 
that, while the fit was on them, they received a miraculous power of 
prophetic vision and speech. This led to the idea of securing the ben- 
efit of the divine agency, which produced such miraculous effects, by 
establishing a permanent oracle on the spot. A temple was built 
accordingly : the chasm from which the vapor ascended was exactly 
in the centre: a tripod was placed over it; on this sat the priestess 
and inhaled the sacred smoke, under whose influence she poured 
forth the supernatural sounds inspired by Apollo.? er: 


1 Colonies were rarely founded without the sanction of Apollo. Cal- 
limachus says, in his hymn :— ἢ 


Φοῖβος γὰρ ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ 
Κτιζομέναις, αὐτὸς δὲ θεμείλια φοῖβος ὑφαΐνει. 


Instances of consulting the oracle before making war, or taking other 
decisive measures, abound in Herodotus, Thucydides, and other ancient 
historians. The cases of Lycurgus and Croesus are familiar, The Cor- 
cyreeans offer to refer their dispute about Epidamnus to the arbitration 
of the Delphian oracle. (Thucydides, i. 28.) Apollo commands the 
Lacedemonians to remove the sepulchre of Pausanias,and erect statues 
to him in the temple of Pallas. (Thucydides, i. 134.) Many examples 
occur of private men consulting the god. To consult him however for 
a wicked purpose was a dangerous experiment. The general be- 
lief on that subject is illustrated by the story of the Spartan Glaucus, 
who inquired whether it would be safe to refuse restoration of a deposit, 
and was punished by extirpation of his race. Herodotus, vi. 86. Ju- 
venal, Sat. xiii. 199. 


Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia vates, 
Haud impunitum quondam fore, quod dubitaret 
Depositum retinere, et fraudem jure tueri 
Jurando: quierebat enim que numinis esset 
Mens, et an hoc illi facinus suaderet Apollo. 
Reddidit ergo metu, non moribus, et tamen omnem 
Vocem adyti dignam templo yveramque probavit, 
Extinctus tota pariter cum gente domoque, 

Et quamvis longé deductis gente propinquis. 


? Pausanias, x. 24,7. Strabo, ix. 419. Diodorus, xvi. 26. As to the 
ancient legend of Apollo, his choice of the oracular seat, his killing of 


THE SACRED WAR. 224 


’ The priestess, or Pythia, as she was called, was a native of Delphi, 
and chosen from a humble family. She was anciently a girl; but 
one having been seduced by a young Thessalian, it was determined 
by the Delphians that, for the future, no priestess should be ap- 
pointed under the age of fifty, though she was always to be dressed 
in the garb of a maiden. As the importance of the oracle increased, 
it became necessary to appoint two and even three women to per- 
form the prophetic functions. For these they were duly prepared 
by a three days’ fast, by bathing in the holy spring of Castaly, and 
other religious rites. The due observance of such rites was seen to 
by the Delphian managers, to whom the business of the oracle was 
confided. It has been supposed, that the priestess frequently acted 
under their dictation in delivering the responses ; in later times, when 
powerful states made a tool of the oracle, this was very frequently 
the case; but to suppose that it was an ordinary occurrence in the 
early times, would be inconsistent with the received traditions of 
history, as well as with probability. In the great multitude of 
instances in which the god was consulted, the Delphians had no 
interest in practicing deception; while they had an interest, which . 
in the early ages must generally have been paramount to all other 
motives, in maintaining the reputation of the oracle for truth and 
wisdom. The priestess was usually, from either physical or mental 
causes, or both, excited to a species of frenzy; and sometimes even 
died in convulsions after her prophetic labors. We can hardly 
believe that her madness was habitually feigned, and it is not com- 
patible with a system of craft on the part of the Pythia or her 
employers. 


the serpent that guarded it, the origin of the names Pytho and Delphi, 
&e.; see the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, and also Pausanias, x. 6, 3. 
Compare Strabo, ix. 422. 

? Plutarch, de Defectu Oracul. 51. The general respect in which the 
Delphian oracle was held by the Grecian world inclines one to believe 
in some superhuman agency, whether of a divine or of an evil spirit. 
Many of the responses were (no doubt) expressed with designed ambi- 
guity ; but the well attested truthfulness of others can not be set down 
to chance. Strabo agrees with Herodotus as to the character of the 
oracle. He calls it ἀψευδέστατον τῶν πάντον, (ix. 419, 422.) Cicero in 
his first book de Divinatione (¢. 19) urges in favor of the oracle, that it 
never could have been so celebrated but for its veracity. Admitting its 
decline in later times, he says, “ Ut igitur nunc minori gloria est, quia 
minus oraculorum veritas excellit, sic tum, nisi summa veritate, in tanta 
gloria non fuisset.” He suggests as a possible cause of its decline, that 
the inspiring vapor may have disappeared: “ Potest vis illa terre, que 
mentem Pythiz divino afflatu concitabat, evanuisse vetustate, ut quos- 
dam exaruisse amnes aut in alium cursum contortos et deflexos vide- 
mus.” The decline of the oracle after the Christian era, which Milton 
has so beautifully touched upon in his Christmas hymn, favors the no- 


= 


298 APPENDIX I. 


Certain days in every month were appointed for consulting the ora- 
cle, to which people came from every state of Greece. The Delphians 
regulated the order of consultation, which was generally determined 
by lot; but sometimes, as a mark of honor or favor, they granted _ 
precedency to particular states, as for example, to Croesus, to Sparta, 
to Athens, and afterwards to.Philip of Macedon. Sometimes also 
they granted exemption from payment of the usual fees." 

Delphi stood pretty nearly in the centre of Greece, a position 
highly favorable for the oracle.2? The temple was built-on rising 
ground in the highest part of the city, the front (after its reconstruc- 
tion, B.c. 548) being of Parian marble. The sacred precinct: was 
adorned with a multitude of beautiful statues and sculptures, pre- 
sented by the different states of Greece.* Gifts of all kinds, ingots 
of gold and silver, vases, bowls, statues, shields, and other orna- 
ments, were sent by kings.and people, as well as by private individ- 
uals, from Greece, Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, the Atgzean isles, and Asia 
Minor; particular cells or compartments being appropriated for 
their reception. Even in Homer’s time Delphi was celebrated for 
its riches. : 

These were continually augmented till the period of the second 
Persian invasion, when Xerxes, having received accurate intelli- 
gence of the accumulated treasures, marched to Delphi for the ex- . 


tion of demoniacal agency. Lucan expresses the feelings of the most 
pious heathens, when he says :— : 


Non ullo seecula dono 
Nostra carent majore Detim, quam Delphica sedes 
Quod siluit. 


1 Euripides, Jon, 421. Aischylus, Eumenid. 32. Demosthenes, 8 
Philipp. 119. De Fals. Leg. 446. Herodotus, i. 54, and Schweighzu- 
ser’s note. Plutarch in Vit. Pericl. 21, Vit. Alexand. 14. Alexander, 
when the priestess demurred about the time of consultation, dragged 
her by force into the temple ; upon which she exclaimed, “ My son, thou 
art invincible :” and he said there was no further need to question the 
god. . , a 

3 Hence called γῆς ὀμφαλός. Strabo, ix.419. The allusion to this by 
the poets are frequent. Ex. gr. Euripides, Orest. 591. : 

Ὁρᾷς ; ᾿Απόλλων, ὃς μεσομφάλους ἕδρας 

ναίων βροτοῖσι στόμα νέμει σαφέστατον. ᾿ | 
> Pausanias, x. 8,9. The following chapters contain a long enumera- 

tion of what he had seen. Herodotus, v. 62. 

4 Herodotus, i. 14, 50, 51. Strabo, ix. 421. 
® Tliad, ix. 404. 

Οὐδ᾽ ὅσα Adivog οὐδὸς ἀφητορος ἐντὸς ἐέργει 

Φοίβου ᾿Απόλλωνος ἸΤυθοῖ ἔνι πετρηέσσῃ, 


Sophocles calls it πολυχρύσου Πυθῶνος. Cidipus Tyr. 151. 


THE SACRED WAR. 229 


press purpose of pillage.', After his defeat Apollo shared with the 
other gods in the spoil of the invader.? : a 

The importance of Delphi was yet further increased by the insti- 
tution of the Pythian games, and by its having been at a still earlier 
period chosen as one of the seats of the Amphictyonic council. The 
nature and functions of this council are so intimately. connected 
with the subject before us, that I must stop to explain them. 

It is related by ancient historians, that Amphictyon, the son of 
Deucalion, founded the institution which bears his name, and the im- 
portance of which was in course of time so greatly enlarged as to have 
been called a general council or diet of all Greece.* Modern writ- 
ers consider Amphictyon to be a fictitious personage, invented by 
mythologists, and deriving his name from the very council which he 
is supposed to have founded, and which really signifies (according 
to the etymology of the word)* an association of neighboring peo- 
ple for some common purpose, whether of mutual defense, inter- 
course, or sacrifice. The habits of the ancient Greeks inclined them 
to form associations of this kind, espegially thosee of a religious 
character; and that many such existed, and were called Amphicty- 
ones, we are distinctly informed; for example, one in the island 
Calauria, one at Onchestus in Boeotia, and the more celebrated one 
of Delos. But that which held its meetings at Delphi and Ther- 
mopylz acquired so much greater a celebrity than all the rest, as to 
be specially called the Amphictyonic assembly.‘ 

Twelve different people or tribes united to form this association ; 
Beoeotians, Dorians, Ionians, Thessalians, Perrhzebians, Magnetes, 
(itzeans, Phthiots, Malians, Locrians, Phocians, Dolopians.* Such, 
gathered from the somewhat varying accounts of different authors, 
is considered to be the most probable enumeration of its members. Ὁ 


? Herodotus, vii. 35. 

* Herodotus, viii. 121; ix. 81. Delphi, like other temples, was 
greatly enriched by the spoils of war, as appears from a multitude of 
cases mentioned by ancient authors. Compare Herodotus, vii. 132; 
viii. 27. Thucydides, ii. 84; iv. 134. Xenophon, Hellen, iii. 6. 8, s. 1. 
Diodorus, xii. 29 ; xiv. 93, where it is mentioned that the Romans sent 
to Delphi a tithe of the spoils of Veii. 

* So Cicero calls it, De Inventione, ii. 28. “Accusantur apud Am- 
phictyonas, id est, apud commune Greciz concilium.” ΤῺ the Amphicty- 
onic decree cited in Demosthenes de Coron. 198, it is called τὸ κοινὸν τών 
᾿Ελλήνων συνέδριον. 

* ᾿Αμφικτίονες. See Pindar, Isthm. iv. 18. How the vowel came to 
be changed, we can not tell. 

® Pausanias, x. 8. Strabo, ix. 429. Herodotus, vii. 200. Thirlwall, 
Gr. Hist. i. 818. Grote, ii. 8321. Archeological Dictionary, Title -Am- 
phictyones, 

5 Thirlwall, (i. 877,) thinks that the Dolopians were finally supplant- 
ed by the Delphians, who appear in another list. 


290 APPENDIX 1, 


They met twice a year; in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at 
the temple of Ceregin Thermopyle, near to the town of Anthela. 
~ Hach tribeSent deputies to the congress, called Pylagore and Hier- 
omnemones. The former attended and spoke in the debates, and 
voted for their respective tribes, each of whom had two votes. The 
latter were persons of a sacerdotal character, whose functions were 
principally executive, and related to the sacrifices and religious 
observances, though they seem also to have attended the debates 
and assisted the Pylagoree, but without the right of voting. From 
Athens there were sent three Pylagoree, annually elected by the 
people, and one Hieromnemon, chosen by lot. It appears both 
from Adschines and Demosthenes, that besides the ordinary con- 
gress of deputies, which sat in the temple or sacred building, there 
was occasionally convened a sort of popular Amphictyonic assem- 
bly, composed not only of the Pylagoree and Hieromnemons, but 
also of the inhabitants of the place, and such strangers as had come 
to worship or consult the Deity.? Weg 

The list of tribes indiegtes that it was anciently a local rather 
than a national confederacy. Peloponnesus was altogether exclud- 
ed; for the Dorians, at the institution of the council, were simply 
the Dorians under Mount Cita, not the conquering race who at a 
later period comprised the most warlike states of Greece. These 
states afterwards became Amphictyonic, by virtue of their Dorian 
origin, as Athens did by virtue of its Ionic. Arcadia, Hlis, and 
Achaia, however, at no time belonged to the confederacy; neither 
did Axtolia, or Acarnania. 

Another thing to be remarked is the preponderance of Greeks 
north of Thermopyle, and the power thereby given to the Thessa- 
lians; a circumstance which became of great moment in the struggle. 
with Philip of Macedon. Thessaly,* in its widest sense included 
the whole district bounded on the north by Olympus and the Cam- 
bunian range of mountains, on the east by the Atgeean sea, on the 
south and west by Mounts Gita and Pindus. Thus considered, it 


‘ Aristophanes, Nubes, 624. The office of Hieromnemon was deemed 
a very honorable one (See Demosthenes cont. Timoer. 747), and the bet- 
ter opinion is, that it was held for a longer period than one year, and 
perhaps for life. See the Archeol. Dict. title Amphictyones. 

* Aischines, cont. Ctesiph. 71. De Fals. Leg. 48. Demosthenes, de 
Coron. 278. Who are the σύνεδροι, mentioned in the Amphictyonic de- 
crees in Demosthenes, is uncertain; but perhaps it means the Hierom- 
nemons, who sat as assessors with the Pylagore, to suggest and advise, 
(see P. 276), and are said even in a loose way (p. 277) ψηφίσασθαι. By 
the decree it was resolved, ἐπελθεῖν τοὺς πυλαγόρους καὶ τοὺς συνέδρους, 
and by the showing of Demosthenes, the Hieromnemons did walk over 
the district in question. ; es 

* The description of Thessaly oceupies the fifth chapter of the ninth 
book of Strabo. . 


THE SACRED WAR. 231 


comprehends half of the Amphictyonic tribes; but the Thessalians, . 
strictly so called, occupied only a portion of this district, the ®e- 
mainder being held by other races, more or less subject or sub- 
ordinate to them. The Perrhebians dwelt between the river 
Peneus and Mount Olympus. The Magnetes on the coast of the 
Aigean, under Mounts Ossa and Pelion: their country was called 
Magnesia. The Achzan Phthiots occupied the plain beneath 
Mount Othrys, stretching from thence in a south-easterly direction 
as far as the Pagaseean bay, upon which was the town of Halus. 
The Malians were between Phthiotis and Thermopyle, giving name 
to the Malian bay ; in their country were the cities of Anticyra and 
Trachis; and afterwards Heraclea was founded by the Lacedemo- 
‘nians.' West of the Malians were the Cteeans, occupying the north- 
ern slopes of Mount Cita: they included the Anianes, whom 
Pausanias enumerates as one of the Amphictyonic people. Dolopia 
was to the north-east of Mount Othrys, and stretched beyond Pin- 
dus as far as the river Achelous. 

The people strictly called Thessali inhabited chiefly the central 
plain between Mounts Pindus, Olympus, Ossa, Pelion, and Othrys. 
Their chief cities were Larissa, Pharsalus, Crannon, and Phere. 
Originally they came from Thesprotia in Epirus, and after subduing 
a Pelasgic or AXolian race, whom they found in occupation, they 
established themselves in their new country as a sort of dominant 
aristocracy. The conquered people were reduced to the condition 
of serfs, and were called Peneste;? being bound to cultivate the 
land, and follow their masters to battle when required. The Thes- 
salians gradually extended their power over the circumjacent tribes; 
and, could they have been united and under a firm government, 
would have become formidable to the southern states of Greece: 
but they had no organized system of government, and the feuds 
between .the great families prevented any union taking place, ex- 
cept on particular occasions, and for short periods. The ancient 
quadruple division of Thessaly, which Philip revived for his own 
purposes, was probably established at a time when the Thessalians 
had arrived at a considerable height of power. The four districts 
were called Thessaliotis, Histizeotis, Pelasgiotis, and Phthiotis; of 
which the first comprised the central plain, the second the territory 
of the Perrhzbians and the north-western parts, the third the east- 


* Thucydides, ii. 92. They hoped that it would give them the com- 
mand of Thermopyle, and the means of making a descent upon the 
northern coast of Eubca. ᾿ 
- 2 The word is either derived from πενία, poverty ; or, according to 
another account, is a corruption of μένεσται, from uévalebecause they 
were permanently attached to the soil, and could not, like slaves, be 
sold or sent away. Dionysius, Antiq. Rom, ii, 9. Athenzus, vi. 264. 


232 APPENDIX I. 


ern coast, and the fourth the country of the Achzan Phthiots al- 
ready described.* | i ἯῚ 

Another thing to be noticed is, that Amphictyonic membership 
belonged not to cities, but to tribes or races, each of whom had the 
same number of votes, however great, or however small; so that, 
after the great expansion of the Ionic and Doric races, the right of 
representation in the Amphictyonic congress was shared by Athens 
and Sparta with the numerous communities which had sprung out 
of those races respectively. It is supposed that the different cities 
of one tribe took their turns of sending representatives, according 
to some arrangement of which we have no particular information. 
It is probable that a leading and powerful state would gradually as- 
sume to itself the rights of the whole tribe; yet still its constitutional 
power in the congress would be limited to the original number of 
votes; and Athens or Sparta could only acquire a preponderating 
weight among the Amphictyons through the influence which they 
exerted over the other constituent tribes. To such influence is 
partly to be ascribed the increasing importance of the Amphictyonic 
body, and its growth from a mere local association into. the sem- 
blance of an Hellenic diet. The sanctity of the Delphian temple gave 
an additional lustre to its meetings.? 

The oath anciently taken by the members of the league was to 
the following effect:—‘“ That they would not destroy any city of 
the Amphictyonic tribes; that they would not cut of their springs 
of water either in peace or war; that they would turn their arms 
against any people who did such things, and destroy their cities; 
that, if any one committed sacrilege against the god, or formed, or — 
was privy to, any design to injure the temple, they would exert 
aay ete with hand, foot, tongue, and all their might, to punish~ 

τη.) ; 

History furnishes us with a few examples in which the Amphic- 
tyons at an early period interposed in the affairs of Greece, to vin- 
dicate national rights or public justice, or to maintain the honor of - 
Apollo. Thus, when the conductors of a procession to Delphi were 
insulted by some Megarians, the Amphictyons passed sentence on 
the offenders. When the Dolopians Scyrus, who had long been 
addicted to piracy, seized and imprisoned some Thessalian mer- 
chants who put.into their port, and the merchants escaping preferred 
their complaint to the Amphictyons, they condemned the islanders 


1 Strabo, ix. 480. Diodorus, iv. 67. Herodotus, vii. 129, 176. Thu- 
eydides, i. 2; ii. 22; iv. 78. Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 6.1. Grote’s His- 
tory of Greece, ii. 86. 

3 The meetipg at Delphi, as well as that at Thermopyle, was called 
ἡ Πυλαία, the Pylean meeting, a circumstance tending to show the 
greater antiquity of the latter. See Grote, ii, 328, 

* Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 48. ; 

* Plutarch, Gr. Quest. 59, 


THE SACRED WAR 233 


to pay a fine. The guilty people, rather than pay the fine, chose. 
to surrender the island to Cimon, who took advantage of the occa- 
sion to anhex it to the dominion of Athens.! At the close of the 
Persian war, the Amphictyons offered a reward for Ephialtes who 
betrayed the pass over the mountains to Xerxes.2 They erected 
a monument to Leonidas.* After the burning of the Delphian tem- 
ple, 8.0. ὅ48, we find them intrusted with the task of rebuilding it, 
and the Alemzonids taking the contract from them for three hun- 
dred talents.* They claimed the right, supposed to be derived from 
their earliest institution, of sittmg in judgment upon disputes be- 
tween Amphictyonic cities; a right which it must have been diffi- 
cult to exercise, except over the less powerful of their members. 
Traces of such a jurisdiction however are to be found. 

The most memorable instance of Amphictyonic action in the early 
times is that known by the name of the first Sacred war, which ter- 
minated in the destruction of the city of Crissa, and afforded a pre- 
cedent for the punishment of the Phocians and Locrians two or 
three centuries after. The Crisszeans were charged with taking 
extortionate tolls from the visitors who came to Delphi by sea from 
the western parts of Greece, or from Italy and Sicily, and who came 
across the Corinthian gulf into the Crisszean harbor. They were 
charged (according to another account) with having encroached upon 
the land of Apollo, and with having committed outrages upon some 
Phocian and Argive women returning from the temple. Perhaps 
all these charges were mixed together.” War was declared by the 
Amphictyons, at the instigation (according to Plutarch)? of Solon 
the Athenian. Clisthenes, king of Sicyon, was chosen to conduct 
the war, in which the Athenians took an active part, under the 
command either of Solon himself or of Alemzeon, and the Thessalians 
under EKurylochus. The Crisszeans were besieged, but they made 
an obstinate resistance, and the war, like that of Troy, is said to 
have Jasted ten years. It was declared by the oracle, that Crissa 
would never be taken, until the waves washed the territories of 


1 Plutarch in Vit. Cimon. 8. Thucydides, i. 98. 

2 Herodotus, vii. 213. 

3 Herodotus, 228. 

* Herodotus, ii. 180; v. 62; Strabo, ix. 421; Pausanias, x. 5. The 
temple built by the Amphictyons was said to be the third. 

® Strabo, ix. 420. Demosthenes de Coron. 271. The suit there re- 
ferred to was probably an Amphictyonic suit. Compare the same ora- 
tion, p. 277. 

® They are stated with vague generality by Aischines, Cont. Ctes. 68. 
It is probable, that the Delphians, who owed their prosperity to the 
donations of visitors, were jealous of any thing which diverted that 
source of profit into another channel. 

7 In the life of Solon. He professes to follow Aristotle’s treatise on 
the victors at the Pythian games. 


* 
234 ' APPENDIX 1 


Delphi. Solon advised, that the way to fulfill the oracle was to con- 
secrate to Apollo all the land of the Crisseeans. This was done; 
the besiegers solemnly vowed that the Crissean land should be 
given to Apollo, and should for ever lie waste: soon after this the 
city was taken by stratagem. Solon diverted the stream of the 
Plistus, and after poisoning the waters with the roots of hellebore, 
suffered them to return to their former channel; the besieged drank 
them with avidity and misérably perished. Thus Crissa fell, in the 
year B.c. 585. The victors performed their vow, and after razing 
the city to the ground, turned the whole of its domain into a wil- 
derness. The harbor was given to the Delphians, who now: became 
masters of the whole plain from Parnassus to the sea.! 

To commemorate this victory, the Amphictyons, enriched by the 
spoil of the conquered city, established the Pythian games, which 
thenceforth were celebrated quadriennially in the third year of 
every Olympic period. There had been anciently, established by 
the Delphians themselves, an octennial musical festival, in one of 
which it was said the poet Thamyris had obtained the prize. This 
was enlarged into amore comprehensive one, including not only 
competition in music and poetry, exhibitions of art in painting and 
sculpture, but also gymnastic contests, with foot, horse, and chariot 
races, after the model of the Olympic. These were not indeed es- 
tablished all at once, but with additions in successive periods: the 
chariot race was introduced in the second Pythiad, when Clisthenes 
of Sicyon was the victor: a part of the Crisszean plain was con- 


verted into the race-course. At the same time the prizes (which ~ 


were at first awarded as in the old musical contests) were abolished, 
and the victor’s meed was thenceforth a simple wreath of laurel; 
no less efficacious than the Olympian olive to excite the emulation 
of competitors, striving for glory before the eyes of assembled 


Greece. The games were under the immediate superintendence of - 


the Amphictyonic deputies.? 


1 Pausanias, x. 87. Strabo, ix. 418. Alschines, Cont. Ctes. 69. 
Athenzeus, xiil. 560. _Polyzenus, vi. 13. 5 . 

2 Pausanias, x. 7,388. Strabo, ix. 421. Archeological Dictionary, 
title Pythia. The course is called the Crisseean Plain by Sophocles, 
Electra, 729. . 

πᾶν δ᾽ ἐπίμπλατο 
Ναυαγίων Κρισᾶιον ἱππικῶν πέδον. 


The Pythian games were open to all the Greeks, not only to the mem- 


bers of the Amphictyonic association: an Aitolian is mentioned in the 
same passage as one of the competitors, v. 704. 

Whether the games were celebrated in the spring or the autumn, has 
been a contested point. Boeckh is for the spring: Clinton and Grote 
are for the autumn. See Grote’s History of Greece, iv. 86. ὲ 

The surprise of the Persian on hearing that the Greek athletes con- 
tended for an olive garland is well described by Herodotus, Vili, 26. - 


- 


THE SACRED WAR. 235 


Of the history of the Phocians little is known till just before the 
second Persian invasion. We learn that they had much difficulty in 
maintaining their independence against the Thessalians, who, after 
subduing most of the tribes north of Mount (ta, endeavored to 

ush their conquests southward. To check their incursions, the 

hocians had anciently, at a time when Thermopyle belonged to 
them, closed up its western entrance with a wall, which, when prop- 
erly guarded, was deemed a complete barrier against an enemy 
» advancing from the Malian side. ‘The pass had two gates or open- 
ings; one where the wall was built, which opened into the road from 
Anthela to Trachis, giving room for a single wagon only to enter; 
another, equally narrow, which opened about a mile to the east just 
above the town of Alpeni. The space between the two gates was 
considerably wider, and contained hot springs, salt or sulphurous, 
which gave to the pass the name of Thermopyle, or Hot Crates.) 
The Phocians, besides blocking up the entrance, endeavored to 
make the road impassable by turning into it the water of the mineral 
springs. These precautions however were rendered of no avail by 
the discovery of a new road; which, commencing near Trachis, and 
taking a westerly course up the gorge of the river Asopus, ascend- 
ed the mountain by a track called Anopza, then turned eastward 
and descended to Alpeni. The Trachinians having revealed this road 
to the Thessalians, the pass ceased to be an invincible barrier, and the 
wall soon afterwards was neglected or abandoned. It was probably 
owifig to this, that the Phocians lost the territory, which was after- 
wards acquired by the Hpicnemidian Locrians. Certain it is, that 
they became exposed to invasion from the north, and were reduced 
to rely on their own valor for their safety.2 We have no particulars 
of the wars carried on between them and the Thessalians, until not 
many years before the Persian invasion, when a Thessalian army 
crossed the Locrian frontier, and were defeated by a stratagem at 
Hyampolis. The Phocians, dreading their superiority in cavalry, put 
into the ground a quantity of pots covered with loose earth; the 
horses charging over these were lamed, and their riders overthrown 
and slaughtered. To avenge this disaster, the Thessalians entered 
Phocis with an immense force collected from all their confederate 
cities. The Phocians terrified by their numbers, and further dis- 
heartened by the loss of a detachment whom they had sent to recon- 
noitre the enemy, made a huge funeral pile, and bringing together 
all their women and children, their gold, silver, and other valuables, 
and the images of their gods, gave them in charge to thirty of their 
countrymen, with orders, in case they should be defeated, to kill the 


* Thermopyle was the name given by the Greeks in general; Pyle, 
by the neighbors and surrounding people. Herodotus, vii. 201. Strabo, 
ix. 428. 

2 Herodotus, vii. 176, 199, 200, 215, 216. 


236 APPENDIX 1. 


women and children, and burn their bodies together with all the 
property on the funeral pile, then to kill themselves or rush upon the 
swords of the enemy. Having given such order, they marched go 
meet the Thessalians, and fought with such desperation, that they 
gained a great victory and delivered their country. From this Pho-. 
cian desperation became a proverb. 
Herodotus and Pausanias, from whom we pick up these scrap 
of history, mention also a successful night-attack made upon the 
Thessalian camp by a select. body of Phocians, having first whitened 
their faces and shields with chalk, to distinguish them from the 
enemy. According to Herodotus, the Phécians had first been 
driven to the fastnessess of Parnassus. Pausanias relates, that the 
_ Phocians in their alarm consulted the Delphian oracle, which returned 
a mysterious answer, that Apollo would cause a mortal to encounter 
an immortal, that he would give victory to both, but more complete ~ 
victory to the mortal. This was understood to be fulfilled after the 
final battle, in which the Thessalians chose for their watchword 
Itonian Pallas, the Phocians their Eponymous hero, Phocus. To 
show their gratitude, the Phocians sent to Delphi statues of Apollo 
and their own commanders, including the prophet Tellias of Elis, 
under whose counsel they had acted. : 
After the battle of Thermopyle the Thessalians had their revenge. 
They were at first opposed to Xerxes, notwithstanding that the 
~ Aleuadee had invited him into Greece; and, while he was preparing to 
cross the Hellespont, they sent envoys to Peloponnesus, urging*that 
troops should be brought to guard the passes of Olympus, and prof- 
fering their assistance. Themistocles and Euzenetus sailed with this 
force to Halus, from whence they marched across Thessaly, and 
joined by the Thessalian cavalry occupied the defiles of Tempe: 
being informed however, that their position could easily be turned by 
the enemy, they re-embarked their troops and sailed home. The 
‘Thessalians then, finding that they could have no support from the 
southern Greeks, tendered their submission to Xerxes, in which they 
were followed by the Perrhebians, Magnetes, and other northern 
tribes, and also. by the Dorians, Locrians, and Boeotians excepting 
Thespize and Platzea. The Greeks determined on defending Ther- 
mopyle, which Leonidas with an advanced body was sent to occupy, 
whilst the fleet sailed to Artemisium, on the north of the Hubcean 
channel, from which point they could freely communicate with Le- 
onidas, and prevent the Persians landing troops in his rear.? 
Leonidas, arriving at Thermopyle, invited the Phocians and the 
Opuntian Locrians to join him. They both complied; the Phocians 
joining him with a thousand men, the Opuntian Locrians with their © 


1 Herodotus, viii. 27, 28. Pausanias, x 1. 
3 Herodotus, vii. 6, 172, 178, 174, 175. 


THE SACRED WAR. 237 


whole force.! He set to work immediately to repair the ancient 
wall; but hearing now for the first time, that there was another 
road over the mountains, he sent the Phocians, at their own request, 
to defend it, while with the remainder of his forces he kept his sta- 
tion in the pass. Most of the Greeks were struck with terror at the 
- approaching multitudes of the enemy, and desired to retreat to the 
isthmus; it was with some difficulty, and chiefly owing to the 
remonstrances of the Phocians and Locrians, anxious for the safety 
of their own countries, that they were induced to remain at Ther- 
mopyle. Xerxes, having marched through Macedonia and Thes- 
saly, arrived in the Malian territory, and encamped at Trachis, two 
miles from the pass. After two days fighting, in which the Persians 
suffered prodigious loss, Xerxes learned from the Trachinians the 
existence of the mountain road, and dispatched Hydarnes with a 
body of Persians (who were called the Immortals) to march by 
night over the cliff and fall upon the rear of Leonidas. The Per- 
sians, under the guidance of Ephialtes the Trachinian, marched all 
night, and at daybreak had mounted to the highest part of the 
rocky road, and were heard by the Phocians, who grasped their 
arms and prepared for battle; but soon, overwhelmed by the 
arrows of so numerous a host, they fled to the brow of the cliff, 
where they awaited the enemy with the intention of selling their 
lives dearly. Hydarnes, not caring to attack the Phocians, pursued 
his march and descended the mountain. The Greeks, hearing of 
his advance, had just time to retire from their perilous situation, 
where Leonidas and his devoted band preferred to remain and sac- 
rifice themselves for the honor of their country.? 

Xerxes, advancing from Thermopyle, was reinforced by an 
addition of Greek auxiliaries, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and 
Beeotians, who now joined him with all their troops, excepting (as 
before) the people of Thespize and Plateea.? The Locrians would 
probably have joined him at Thermopyle, for they had engaged to 
seize the pass for him, but had been prevented by the arrival of 
Leonidas. The Phocians, notwithstanding the advance of so 
numerous an army, still refused submission. A message of a singu- 
lar kind was sent to them by the Thessalians, stating that they (the 
Thessalians) had great influence with Xerxes, and that it depended 
on them whether the Phocians should be reduced to slavery or 
otherwise; that they were willing to forget past injuries, and, if the 
Phocians would give them fifty talents, they would undertake to 


? Πανστρατιῇ. (Herodotus, vii. 203.) This means their whole force 
of heavy armed troops. The Opuntian Locrians, as well as the Pho- 
cians, were armed in this fashion, Pausanias, i. 28. 

? Herodotus, vii. 201, 207, 208, 211, 2183—23. 

3 Herodotus, viii. 66. 

4 Diodorus, xi. 4. 


298 APPENDIX ‘I. 


avert the tempest that was about to fall upon them. The Phocians 
spurned this proposal. Herodotus says, they sided with the Greeks 
purely out of hatred to the Thessalians; that, if the Thessalians 
had been on the other side, the Phocians would have been with 
the Mede. There seems however scarcely any ground for at- 
tributing their conduct to such a motive. The answer which . 
the Phocians returned was, that they would give no money, 
that they were at liberty to Medise as well as the Thessalians, 
if they chose; but they would not consent to betray the cause 
of Greéce,! 3° Ἢ ; 

The Thessalians, on receiving this answer, conducted the barba- 
rian army into Phocis, entering it from the north by a narrow strip 
of Doris which separates it from Mount Cita, and commenced 
ravaging the rich valley of the Cephisus. The Phocian people 
every where fled before them. Some took refuge in the heights of 
Parnassus, on a ridge of rocks called the Tithorea, above the city of 
Neon. The greater part found shelter at Amphissa in Ozolian Lo- 
cris. Meanwhile thePersians laid waste the whole country, plun- 
dering and destroying all in their way, and setting fire to the cities 
and the temples. Fifteen of the principal cities, including Drymus, 
Charadra, Tethronium, Amphiczea, Neon, Elatea, Hyampolis, Para- 
potamii, Abze with its oracular temple, and Panopeus, were burned 
to the ground.? " 

A division of the army was sent to Delphi, with special orders to 
seize the treasures of the temple. The Delphians in alarm inquired 
of the oracle, whether they should bury their treasures, or carry 
them away into another land; Apollo assured them, that he was 
able to defend his own without their assistance. They then left 
their city, seeking refuge on the mountains, in the Corycian cave, or 
at Amphissa; their wives and children they sent over to Achaia. 
Sixty men only remained, with the chief-priest® Aceratus. The 
barbarians advanced, but hardly had they reached the temple of 
Pallas, which stood in front of the Phoebean sanctuary, when their 
progress was arrested by dreadful prodigies; a burst of thunder, the 
rolling of two immense crags from Parnassus, which struck down 
several of their host, and a war-cry issuing from the shrine of Pallas. 
Smitten with sudden panic, they turned and fled; the Delphians 
at that moment rushed upon them and completed the rout, assisted 
(as the surviving Persians themselves reported) by two superhuman 
figures in panoply, who never ceased pursuing and slaughtering 
them till they reached Boeotia. The Delphians declared these to be 
their own native heroes, Phylacus and Autonous, who had portions 
of ground consecrated to them in ,the neighborhood of the temple. 


1 Herodotus, viii. 29, 30. 
3 Herodotus, viii. 81, 32, 88, 35. 
3. See ante, page 225, note 4. 


THE SACRED WAR. 239 


Thus did Apollo fulfill his promise, and vindicate the sanctity of the 
oracle. ! 

After this, it appears, a part of the Phocian people, those probably 
whose cities had been spared, submitted with reluctance to Xerxes; 
the rest maintained themselves in the mountains, from which they 
made incursions from time to time against the Persian army. A 
thousand Phocians however were sent to join Mardonius. They 
came so tardily, that Mardonius, to mark his displeasure, or to in- 
timidate them for the future, or perhaps at first with a more serious 
intention, ordered their troop to be drawn up in a plain, and sur- 
rounded them with his numerous cavalry. The Phocians, supposing 
they were doomed to destruction, formed in a square, and with 
firm countenance awaited the attack. The horsemen rode up with 
lifted javelins, making a feint to charge, but as suddenly they 
wheeled round and retreated. Mardonius applauded the Phocians 
for the courage which they had shown, and assured them, if they 
behaved themselves well in the ensuing campaign, they would be 
rewarded by the king. At Platza they were stationed with the 
Thebans and other Greek allies of Xerxes, and in the battle were 
opposed to the Athenians; but all, except the Thebans, fled without 
striking a blow, and Pausanias indeed. states, that the Phocians 
deserted in battle to the Greeks.? | 

Of the spoils of the battle of Salamis the choicest part was sent to 
Delphi, and devoted to the construction of a colossal statue. The 
united Greeks inquired of the god, whether he was content with 
their offerings; and he replied, that he was satisfied with those of 
the other Greeks, but looked for a special gift from the Mginetans, 
to whom the palm of valor had been awarded; they sent him ac- 
cordingly three golden stars fixed on a brazen mast.* At the close 
of the war a tithe of the spoil was given to Apollo, and out of it was 
made a golden tripod, placed by the Delphians on a three-headed 
brazen serpent, which endured to the time of Pausanias. Shares 
- were assigned also to the Olympian Jupiter and Isthmian Neptune.* 
A circumstance is related by Plutarch in the life of Aristides, which 

roves the peculiar veneration in which the Delphian sanctuary was 
eld by the Greeks. Soon after the battle of Platzea the oracle 
directed that an altar should be raised on the Plateean ground to 
J upiter the Deliverer; but, as the fires in the country had been 
polluted by the barbarians, 1t commanded them to be extinguished, 


. + Herodotus, viii. 36—89 ; who represents that the two crags were 
shown to him in the sacred grove of Pallas Pronea. Compare Pausa- 
nias, x. 23. ἢ 5 

3 Herodotus, ix. 17, 81, 61. Pausanias, x. 2. 

* Herodotus, viii. 121, 122. 

* Herodotus, ix. 81. Pausanias, x. 13. Diodorus, xi. 38. Thueydi- 
des, ili, 57, . 


240 APPENDIX 1. 


and no sacrifice to be offered, till fire was brought from the hearth 
of Apollo. To comply with this injunction, Euchidas, a Plateean, - 
ran in one day from Platza to Delphi and back, carrying with him 
the sacred fire, and at the moment of his return dropped down 
dead with exhaustion. He was rewarded for his act of piety with 
a monument in the temple of Diana.* 

' A congress of the Amphictyons was held somewhere about this 
time, at which divers resolutions were passed touching the events 
of the war; among others, to offer a reward for Ephialtes, and 
decree a monument to Leonidas, as I have already mentioned. It 
was moved by the Lacedzmonians, that the Greeks who had joined 
Xerxes should be expelled from the Amphictyonic council; but this 
proposal was rejected by the deputies, under the advice of Themis- 
tocles, who feared that, if the Thessalians, Thebans, and so many 
other members were removed from the council, it would fall entirely 
under the influence of Sparta.? 

In the long period which elapsed between the Persian and the 
second Sacred War the Phocians interfered but little in the general 
affairs of Greece; they were forced from time to time into alliances 
with the more powerful states, Athens, Sparta, or Thebes, in whose 
wars they played but a subordinate part. To recover their power 
at Delphi; was a thing which they still aimed at, but were never 
able fully to accomplish, owing to the interference of Sparta. In 
the year 457 8.0. they invaded the country of the Dorians; and took 
one or two of their cities; but the Lacedzemonians marching against 
them with a large Peloponnesian force defeated them in battle, and 
compelled them to restore their conquest.* After the victory of 
CEnophyta, won in the following year by the Athenians under My- 
ronides over the Bceotians, not only the whole of Boeotia, but Pho- 
cis also and Opuntian Locris, fell into the power of the Athenians, 
and furnished them with auxiliary troops in an expedition which 
they made against Pharsalus in Thessaly.4* 

Just at this period Athens had acquired a vast accession Of 
strength as a land as well asa naval power, and the Phocians by 
their connection with her were enabled, it seems, to become masters 
of Delphi; for, in the year 448 8.6. it became necessary for the La- 
cedzemonians to send an army into Phocis, to commence a sort of 
sacred war, in which they got possession of the temple and delivered 
it up to the Delphians; but no sooner had they retired, than the 
Athenians marched into the country and restored the temple to the - 
Phocians.’ This state of things however was of short duration; for 


1 Plutarch, in Vit. Aristid. 20. 

2 Plutarch, in Vit. Themistoel. 20. 

3 Thucydides, i. 107. Diodorus, xi. 79. ; 
* Thucydides, i. 108, 111. Diodorus, xi. 81, 82, 83. 

® Thucydides, i. 112. . 





THE SACRED WAR. 241 


in the next year the Athenians suffered the calamitous defeat at 
Coronea, by which they lost Boeotia and the whole of their power 
in the northern parts of Greece; and in two years after the thirty 
years truce was concluded between them and the Lacedzemonians. ἢ 
Nine years later we find the Lacedzmonians consulting the Del- 
phian oracle, as to the prospect of success in a war with Athens, - 
and the god replying, that, if they carried it-on with all their might, 
they would get the victory, and he would himself assist them: 
which may seem to indicate that Spartan influence was then re- 
established at Delphi.2 The Corinthian speaker in the congress of 
allies at Sparta suggests, that for the purpose of equipping a fleet 
they could borrow money from Delphi and Olympia? At the 
breaking out of the war, the Phocians are in alliance with the Pelo- 
ponnesians, and together with the Bceotians and Locrians furnish.a 
contingent of cavalry.* Their old enemies the Thessalians are not 
classed among the regular allies of Athens, though the great mass 
of the people were friendly to her, and succors of Thessalian horse 
were occasionally sent to the Athenians; but many of the nobles in 
Thessaly favored the Lacedezemonians, and they furnished assistance 
to Brasidas upon his march to Thrace. 

At the truce for a year concluded between the Spartans and 
Athenians, in the ninth year of the Peloponnesian war, the first 
articles of their convention were the following: ® 


2. 


1 Thucydides, i. 118, 115. Diodorus, xii. 6, 7. 

? Thucydides, i. 118. > 

* Thucydides, i. 121. 

* Thucydides, ii. 9. Diodorus, xii. 42. But the Ozolian Locrians 
were allied with Athens. Thucydides, iii, 95, 101. 

" Thucydides, ii. 22; iv. 78; v. 18. Compare Demosthenes, Περὲ 
Συντάξεως, 173. The division of parties among the Thessalians ma 
account for their so often changing sides even in battle. Thucydides, 1. 
107. Diodorus, xv. 11; xviii. 12. 

ὁ Thucydides, iv. 118, where Haack correctly observes, that the first 
clause refers solely to the Lacedzmonians and their allies, by whom the 
privilege of access to Delphi was a concession made to Athens. The 
Athenians were by the war excluded generally from the continent of 
Greece, and unable either to consult the oracle, or attend the Pythian 
games. This they sorely felt, and therefore in the peace that followed, 
we find them expressly stipulating for liberty to all to attend the pub- 
lic games. - The grand display made by the Athenians, especially Alci- 
biades, at the Olympic festival, which was celebrated in the eleventh 
year of the war, is particularly noticed by Plutarch in his life of that 
extraordinary man. Compare Thucydides, vi. 16. Grote’s History of 
Greoce; vii. 74, note: 

Whether any particular offenders are alluded to by the τοὺς ἀδικοῦν- 
"τας in the clause of the truce, has been a subject of question. It is not 
Sa ay ate Athenians may have charged their adversaries with 

ou. IL.—L , 


- 


242 APPENDIX 1. 


“With respect to the temple and oracle of the Pythian Apollo, 
we are content that all people who please may use them safely and 
fearlessly, according to the national customs. The Lacedzmonians 
and their allies who are present consent to this, and declare that 
they will send heralds and persuade the Beeotians and Phocians, if 
. they can. With respect to the treasures of the god, we will take 
measures for the discovery of all offenders, both we and you, right- 
eously and honestly, according to the customs of our countries, and 
the rest who agree, according to the customs of their countries re- 
spectively.” \ 

At the peace of Nicias, concluded in the ensuing year, the first 
articles were as follows:! 

‘‘ With respect to the national temples, it is agreed that all people 
who please may sacrifice, and visit them, and consult the oracle, and 
attend the festivals, according to the customs of their country, tray- 
eling fearlessly both by sea and land. The temple and sanctuary 
of the Delphian Apollo, and Delphi, shall be subject to their own 
laws, their own taxation,-and their own judicature, in regard both 
to persons and land belonging to them, according to their ancient 
customs.” 

From the above clauses we may perceive the great, ierportance 
attached by the leading states of Greece to Delphi and its oracle, to 
the Pythian and other national festivals, and their anxiety to sccure 
free access"to them for all the Greeks. 

We may notice also, that at this period every thing is done by 
Athens or Lacedzemon; the rest are all absorbed into the alliance of 
one or other of those cities; no national congress decides any thing; 
the Amphictyons are never even mentioned, 

Diodorus relates that in the year 8.0. 418, during the interval of 
the general peace, a war broke out between the Phocians and 
Locrians, and that a battle was fought in which more than a thousand 
of the Locrians were slain;? this is not mentioned by Thucydides, 
but the fact is not therefore to be doubted. That there was a feud 
between the Phocians and the Opuntian as well as Ozolian Locrians, 
which led at a later period to important consequences, is abundantly 
clear. Jealousies between neighbors in Greece, about some disputed 


taking some of the sacred property, and that this clause was inserted to 
quiet them. 

1 Thucydides, v. 18. It is scarcely possible to translate Pree ἌΣ 
the word ἱερὸν, which signifies not only the sacred edifice, but all the 
precinct and ground consecrated to the god, including often an exten- 
sive, walk or grove. Ναὸς is the building only. See Valckanaer and 
Schweighzuser ad Herod. vi. 19. The Delphians had their boundaries 
fixed, when they were definitely separated from the Phocians. (Strabo, 
ix. 498) 

? Diodorus, xii. 80. He does not say which Locrians, 


THE SACRED WAR. 243 


territory, or for other causes, were only too common: thus the 
Phocians hated not only the Locrians, but the Bceotians; while 
towards the Athenians they had friendly feelings, and were drawn 
into the Peloponnesian alliance by compulsion.! During the blockade 
of Athens, when the allies debated whether mercy should be shown 
to the vanquished, and many, especially the Corinthians and Thebans, 
pressed for their destruction, the Phocians voted on the merciful 
side of the question, which was carried, the Lacedzemonians having 
strongly pronounced themselves in its favor.? 

In the year B.c. 359, a new combination was formed among the 
states of Greece. Athens, Thebes, Corinth, and Argos were at the 
head of aleague against Lacedemon; contrived originally by the 
satrap Tithraustes, who sent money to Greece, in order to excite a 
war and withdraw Agesilaus from Asia. Certain leading men in 
Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, accepted the Persian gold, and pro- 
ceeded at once to perform the required service, in which they found 
not much difficulty; for even at Thebes and Corinth the ancient 
feeling of attachment to Sparta had for some timé past been ex- 
changed for one of distrust and jealousy. The immediate cause 
of war was a proceeding of the Theban statesmen, Androclidas, 
Ismenias, and Galaxidorus, who, wishing to throw the odium of 
breaking peace upon the Lacedzemonians, contrived to raise a quarrel 

_between the Phocians and Opuntian* Locrians, which they expected 
would lead to Spartan interference. They persuaded the Locrians 
to commit a trespass upon some land which was the subject of 
dispute between them and their neighbors. To punish this, the 
Phocians invaded Locris, and carried off a large quantity of plunder. 
Androclidas and his party then urged their contrymen to assist the 
Locrians; and accordingly the Thebans marched into Phocis, and 
ravaged the country. The Phocians sent to Sparta for succor, 
which was readily granted; and Lysander was sent to Phocis, with 
orders to assemble the forces of all the allies in that neighborhood, 
namely, the Phocians; (itzeans, Heracleots, Malians, and Ainianians, 
᾿ and lead them to Haliartus in Boeotia, where the king Pausanias, 
who was to follow with the Peloponnesian troops and take the chief 
command, appointed to meet him on.a given day. Lysander as- 
sembled the allies and marched into Boeotia, where he rendered an 


? Thucydides, iii. 95, 101. Xenophon, Hellen. iii. 6, 5, s. 3. 

2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 361. He mentions this as a current 
report at Athens. Nor is it at all inconsistent with the account of Xen- 
ophon, Hellen. ii. ¢. 2, s. 19, 20, though he does not state that the ques- 
tion was formally put to the vote. 

8 Xenophon, ellen. iii ce. 5,88. 1,2. Plutarch, in Vit. Lysand. 27 ; 
in Vit. Artaxerx. 20. 

* Pausanias, iii. 9, says it was the Amphissian Locrians; but prob- 
ably he confounds this with subsequent events. 


ὌΝ . 


244 APPENDIX L 


important service by detaching Orchomenus from the Theban con- 
federacy, but afterwards, making a rash attack upon Haliartus before 
the arrival of Pausanias, he was defeated and slain. The Phocian 
and other allies dispersed. Pausanias arrived soon after; but the 
Thebans being reinforced by an Athenian army under Thrasybulus, 
he entered into a convention and returned home; for which act he 
was banished from Sparta, and died in exile.! | 

Soon after this a congress was held at Corinth, to consider what 
measures should be taken against Sparta, and it was determined to 
send embassies to the different states of Greece, to excite them 
against her. A message came to them from’ Medius, chief of the 
Alcuade of Larissa, requesting their aid against Lycophron, the 
despot of Pherze, who was supported by the Lacedemonians. Two 
thousand of the allies under the command of the Theban Ismenias’ 
were sent into Thessaly; with whose assistance Medius took the _ 
city of Pharsalus, then held by a Lacedzemonian garrison; after 
which Ismenias with a force of Boeotians and Argives surprised the 
Trachinian Heraclea,? and, after putting to the sword the Lace- 
deemonians whom he found in that. city, delivered it up to the 
᾿ ancient inhabitants, whom he brought back from exile, strengthen- 
ing them with a garrison of Argives. He then persuaded the AMni- 
anians and Athamanians to change sides, and collecting an army of 
about .six thousand men, prepared to take revenge on the Phocians. 
They, under the conduct of Lacisthenes a Laconian, marched into 
Locris to meet him, but were defeated with a loss of nearly a thou- 
sand men: Ismenias himself lost half that number; and the Phocians 
returned home without further molestation.* Sth 

The aspect of things was changed upon the return of Agesilaus 
from Asia. That general, having crossed the Hellespont, marched 


* Xenophon, Hellen. iii. c. 5, ss. 3—7, 17—25. The Thebans, expect- 
ing the Spartan invasion, send to Athens for succor. The speech of the 
Theban embassador, and the reply made, occur if sections 8—16. Com- 
pare Diodorus, xiv. 81. 

* This city, though a pet colony of Lacedzemon, had never prospered. 
The Thessalians and mountaineers of Gita, who considered it was forti- 
fied against them, continually annoyed and made war upon the new 
settlers, till they reduced it to a very scanty population. The misgov- 
ernment of the Lacedemonian officers conteitanal to its ruin. In the 
twelfth year of the Peloponnesian war, it was in such a state of weak- 


ness, that the Bmotians took possession of it, for fear the Athenians — 


might do the same, and they dismissed the Lacedemonian governor, 
This however gave great offense at Sparta. (See Thucydides, iii. 92, 
93, 100; v. 51,52.) In the year B.c. 399, the Lacedeemonians had taken — 
strong measures to re-establish their power at Heraclea, and driven 
from their homes large numbers of the mountaineers who were opposed 
to them. (Diodorus, xiv. 38.) 5 

3 Diodorus, xiv. 82. 


THE SACRED WAR. ‘gags 


through Thrace and Macedonia into Thessaly. There he encountered 
a large body of Thessalian horse, chiefly those of Larissa, Crannon, 
Scotussa, and Pharsalus, who, being in close alliance with the 
Beeotians, gathered round him to dispute his passage. Unsupported 
by infantry, they would not venture to join in close combat with 
the heavy-armed veterans of the Spartan, but hovered on his rear, 
and distressed him by frequent charges, till at length Agesilaus by 
a successful manceuvre attacked and put them to the rout. He then 
pursued his march through Phthiotis, and passed the strait of Ther- 
mopyle.' Joined hy the troops of Phocis and Orchomenus, and by 
a reinforcement from Peloponnesus, he met the united army of his 
opponents, consisting of Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, 
Ainianians, Eubceans, and Locrians, at Coronea. The victory won 
in this field was purchased with hard fighting. Agesilaus severely 
wounded withdrew to Delphi, where he offered up a tithe of his 
Spoils (being no less than a hundred talents) to Apollo: meanwhile 
his lieutenant Gylis made an irruption into Locris, and plundered 
the country without opposition till towards the evening, when the 
Locrians, occupying some high ground by which the enemy had to 
return, fell upon their rear, and assailing them with missiles from the 
heights, slew both Gylis himself and many of his officers and soldiers, 
The army of Agesilaus was soon afterwards disbanded, and he sailed 
to Sparta.? 

The scene of war was afterwards removed to Peloponnesus, and 
the Lacedzemonians, being occupied nearer home, had not leisure*to 
invade Boeotia or Attica.? The war continued eight years, from B.o, 
395 to B.c. 387, and was terminated by the peace of Antalcidas.* 
‘By this it was stipulated that the Greek states should be indepen- 
dent; an arrangement which virtually secured the leadership to 
Sparta; for she was constituted guardian of the peace, and remained 
at the head of a great alliance, keeping also her governors, or Har- 
moste, in a great number of cities, while Athens had no subjects 
left her but the small islands of Lemnos, Imbrus, and Sycrus; and 
Thebes was entirely deprived of her sovereignty over the Boeotian 
cities. At first the Thebans demurred to accept the peace with that 
‘condition, and insisted on taking the oath in the name of all the 
Beeotians; but the threat of a war, in which they would be isolated 
from all their allies, compelled them to accept the terms dictated 
by Sparta and the Persian king. The Spartans were especially 
rejoiccd at the humiliation of Thebes, their views with respect to 


* Xenophon, Hellen. iv. 6. 3, ss. 1—9. Diodorus, xiv. 83. Plutarch, 
in Vit. Agesil. 16. 

® Xenophon, Hellen. iv. 6. 8, 58. 15-28; 0. iv. s. 1. Diodorus, xiv. 
84. Plutarch, in Vit. Agesil. 19. 

8 Xenophon, Hellen. iy. ¢, 7, 8. 2. 

4 Diodorus, xiv. 86. 


246 APPENDIX I. 


that city having been entirely changed since the end of the Pelopon- 
nesian war.! 

The Spartans were the first to violate the conditions of that very 
peace which they so earnestly promoted, by their attack upon Man- 
tinea, whose walls they demolished, and whose citizens they dis- 
persed into villages.? But their most signal violation of the treaty, 
as well as of international faith and law, was the seizure of the Cad- 
mea in the year B.c. 382, which brought a speedy retribution upon 
themselves, and led to a total change in the position and prospects 
of the other Greek states.? Of the events which followed I can 
make but cursory mention. The Thebans three years afterwards 
expel the Spartan garrison, and Sparta declares war, which however 

she does not prosecute with her accustomed activity. The Athenians, 
‘with the instinctive impulse which prompted them so often to assist 


the weak against the strong (an impulse both of policy and gener- 


osity), support their neighbors in the apparently unequal contest; 
until, after a seven years’ war, the Thebans not only succeed in re- 
pulsing the invader, but become strong enough to reconquer the 
Beeotian towns, two of which, Thespize and Platzea, they raze to the 
ground, and expel the inhabitants. Immediately after this, the 
Athenians make peace on liberal terms with Sparta, and Thebes is 
left to fight single-handed. The battle of Leucta proved, contrary to 
the previous opinion of the Greeks, that Thebes was a match, or more 
than a match, for her rival in military prowess, and transferred to 
her that pre-eminence as a land power which had so long exclusively 
belonged to Sparta. The breaking np of the old Peloponnesian al- 
liance, the Theban invasion of Laconia, the foundation of Messene 
and Megalopolis, were the rapid and most important consequences of 
this victory.* 

This period was marked not only by the display of an extraordi- 
nary martial spirit and energy on the part of the Thebans, but by a 
great improvement in military tactics and organization, due to the 
genius of Epaminondas. His chief aim in battle seems to have been 
that which has been pursued with success by generals in modern 
times; namely, to concentrate his efforts upon some vital'and deci- 
sive point, and at that point to make his attack with a numerous 
force of the choicest troops; a system which often gives the advan- 


1 Xenophon, Hellen. y. ¢. 1, ss. 81—36. Sixteen years after, the 
Thebans preferred fighting Sparta and her allies alone to accepting such 
terms ; but then Epaminondas was their counselor. . * 

? Xenophon, Hellen. v. c. 2, ss. 1—7. Diodorus, xv. 12. 

3. Xenophon, Hellen. v. ὁ. 4, 5.1. Diodorus, xv. 1, 20. 

4 See my observations in the argument to the oration for the Megalo- 
politans, i. 204. Compare Xenophon, Hellen. vi. ἃ. 8, 4. ‘Diodorus, 


xv. 56, 59, 62. Pausanias, vi. 12; viii, 27; ix. 18, 14. Dinarchus, 6. 


Dem. 99. 


THE SACRED WAR. 247 


tage of superior numbers to an army less numerous on the whole 
than the adversary. The institution of the Sacred Band—a select 
body of three hundred men of the best families, intimately connected 
by ties of friendship, animated by the same spirit, and trained to act 
together as one man in battle—had a good effect in exciting emula- 
tion and setting an example to the rest of the army. This band was 
maintained in the Cadmea at the public cost. The whole body of 
citizens composing the army were by constant exercises inured to 
the discipline of war; and their fine appearance and martial bearing, 
both in the camp and in the field, excited general admiration. The 
leadership of Greece, thus transferred from Sparta to Thebes, may 
be considered to have been held by her for about ten years, from 
a: battle of Leuctra to that of Mantinea, after which she de- 
clined.' : 

Meanwhile Athens had profited by the rupture between Sparta 
and Thebes, and by the dissatisfaction which the harsh measures of 
Sparta had excited in Greece, to put herself at the head of a new 
confederacy, inéluding a great number of her old allies. Chios and 
Byzantium, Rhodes and Mitylene, were the first to join her; others 
soon followed: the alliance was formed upon an equitable basis; each 
member of it was to be independent, and have an equal vote in the 
congress, which was held at Athens. The Athenians applied them- 
selves vigorously to the augmentation of their navy, and the batile 
of Naxos, 8.0. 376, made her again mistress of the sea. The Lace- 
dzemonians, making peace with Athens, B.c. 371, were content to 
withdraw their governors from the towns which they had so long 
kept in subjection, and to grant to the Greek states in reality that 
independence of which the peace of Antalcidas had given them but 
the name.? 

‘The further humiliation of Sparta, consequent upon the battle of 
Leuctra, revived in the minds of the Athenians their ancient jeal- 
ousies of Thebes, and alarmed them also, for fear the balance of 
power should incline too much in her favor. This again brought 
them into connection with Lacedzmon, and they conceived at one 
time the idea that they might step into her place as protectors of the 


? Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, 8. 12; vii. 6. 5, ss. 12, 23,24. Diodorus, 
xy. 55, 85, 88. Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid. 18,19. He states that Gor- 
gidas, who first: established the Sacred Band, distributed them among 
the different ranks ; but Pelopidas, who proved their valor at Tegyra, 
where they fought together, ever afterwards kept them united, and 
charged at their head in the most difficult and dangerous enterprises. 
This battle of Tegyra, he says, taught the Spartans, that it was not the . 
Eurotas that made men brave, but bravery was the produce of all 
countries. 

* Diodorus, xy. 28, 29, 84. Xenophon, Hellen. v. 6. 4, ss. 61—66 ; 
vi. ec. 8, 8. 18. g 


248 APPENDIX 1. 


Peloponnesian allies; a scheme not destined to’ be realized. The 
junction of these two states however greatly contributed to check 
the ambitious efforts of the Thebans, who, after the battle of Man- 
tinea, and the irreparable loss of their great general and statesman, 
Epaminondas, found that they had only depressed their enemies 
without being able to maintain their own position as the chiefs of a 
great Hellenic confederacy. Athens, with her naval strength, her 
insular alliance, and increasing commercial resources, was after the 
battle of Mantinea unquestionably: the first city in Greece.? | 

The Phocians, during the first eight years of the war with Thebes, 
remained faithful to the Spartan alliance. They accompanied the 
Lacedzemonian armies in the campaigns of Agesilaus and Cleombro- 
tus, and fought for them at Leuctra. In the year following the 
battle of Tegyra, that is, B.c. 374, the Thebans, having reduced the 
Boeotian towns, carried their arms into Phocis; a measure which 
(according to Xenophon) caused offence to Athens, on account of 
her ancient connection with that country. Cleombrotus arrived with 
succors, and for the time the Thebans retreated; but*after the battle 
of Leuctra they were in a condition to persuade or compel almost 
all their neighbors, except the Athenians, to join them. Xenophon 
says, the Phocians became their subjects; Diodorus, their friends. 
These different terms may perhaps represent the same thing; or it 
may be, the mild and liberal policy of Epaminondas had prevailed 
upon the Phocians to fall into his views. At all events they, with 
the Euboeans, Locrians, Acarnanians, Heracleots, Malians, and Thes- 
salians, formed a part of the army with which that general for the 
first time invaded Laconia, B.c- 369. Yet on his last expedition, 
before the battle of Mantinea, B.c. 362, the Phocians refused to fol- 
low him, alleging that by the terms of their treaty they were bound 
to defend the Thebans, if attacked, but πδὺ to join them in offensive 
war.” 

The Thessalians had made but little advance, either in power or in 


general estimation, among the Greeks, owing chiefly to their,irregular . 


government and want of union. Unfaithful to their foreignralliances, 
they were not more steady among themselves. A licentious aristoc- 
racy, devoted to the pleasures of the table and riotous amusements, 
took no thought to improve the condition of their own dependents 
much less to promote the welfare of their own common country. 


1 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 6. 4, ss. 19, 20; 6, 5, ss. 2, 8, 38—49. De. 
mosthenes, Olynth. iii. 36. 

* Xenophon, Hellen. νἱ. 6. 1, 8. 1; ¢ 2,81; ¢ 8,5. 1; 6. 5,5. 28; 
vii. 6. 5, 8. 4. Diodorus, xv. 81, 53, 58, 85. __ 

* Isocrates, Epist. ad Philipp. ii, 410. Athenzeus, vi. p. 260. De- 
mosthenes, Olynth. i. 15, says they were ἄπιστα φύσει καὶ ἀεὶ πᾶσιν dv- 
θρώποις. Again, De Coron. 240, οἱ κατάπτυστοι Θετταλοὶ καὶ ἀναίσθητοι 
Θηβαῖοι. The Aleuade were the most intelligent and refine’ They 


THE SACRED WA.R 249 


Commanding their various hordes of retainers,! they broke out 
from time to time into dissension and war with each other. <A few 
great families, such as the Aleuadee of Larissa, the Scopadze of Phar- 
salus and Crannon, obtained by their wealth and influence a political 
_ power, which extended itself more or less over the adjacent people. 
Occasionally some eminent man among these families was, either 
with their consent, or by some other means, invested with a sort of 
despotic authority under the title of: Zagus. Thus, we have seen, 
Medius was the chief of the Aleuadze at Larissa.? In early times, 
as we gather from the speech (to be noticed presently) of Polydamas, 
a Tagus was appointed for thé whole of united Thessaly, who, having 
a large army and national revenue at his disposal, became a very 
formidable potentate. The jealousy of the nobles, and their love of 
rude independence, prevented any such authority being permanently 
established. At Phere we find that a tyranny, that is, an unconsti- 
tutional sovereignty assumed without the consent of the people, pre- 
vailed for a considerable time. At the close of the Peloponnesian 
war that city was governed by Lycophron, who formed the design 
of reducing all Thessaly under his dominion, and defeated with great 
slaughter the Larisse#ans and other Thessalians who opposed him.* 
This is the same Lycophron who was the ally of Sparta, and against 
whom the Boeotians and their allies sent succors to Medius, as before 
mentioned. Xenophon relates, that Aristippus of Larissa, being a 


take the lead in putting down the tyranny at Phere Diodorus, xvi. 
14. Plato, in the beginning of the Meno, speaks of them as haying been 
instructed by the Sophist Gorgias. He was also entertained by Jason. 
See Pausanias, vi. 17; and compare Isocrates, Περὶ ’Avtiddcews, 166; 
Cicero, Orator. 52. The Pharsalians were the most luxurious and idle 
- people in Thessaly, according to Theopompus, apud Athenzeum, xii, 527. 

? The Penestz. See ante, p. 231. They sometimes revolted, like the 
Helots of Laconia. See Xenophon, Hellen. ii. 6. ὃ, 8. 86. Memorab. i. 
6. 2,8. 24. ; ' 

2 Diodorus, xiv. 82. He makes a distinction between the constitu- 
tional authority of Medius δυναστεύοντος τῆς Λαοίσσης, and that of 
Lycrophon τὸν φερῶν τόραννον. Herodotus calls the Aleuade Θεσσα- 
Ainge βασιλῆες. (vii. 6.) Orestes, whom the Athenians endeavored to 
restore, is called Βασιλεύς. (Thucydides, i. 111.) ‘The term is used vaguely 
to denote the quasi-regal power exercised by the members of these noble 
families, either jointly or singly, in those parts of Thessaly which ac- 
knowledged their sway. Compare Pindar, Pyth. x. 8. Theocritus, 
Idyll. xvi. 34. The Aleuade had complete ascendency in Thessaly, 
after the second Persian invasion. Leotychidas the Spartan was sent 
to eae them for the assistance they had rendered to Xerxes, but was 
bribed by them to withdraw his troops, when he had the opportunity 
of conquering the whole country. (Herodotus, vi. 72. Pausanias, iii. 1.) 
The ae Tag&s signified Marshal or Director, and was perhaps a mil 

title. 

* Xenophon, Hellen. ii. ὁ. 3, s. 4, with Schneider’s note. 

: L 2 
2 


250 APPENDIX I. ‘ 
friend of Cyrus, obtained from him the loan of four thousand soldiers 
with pay for six months, to assist him against an opposing faction in 
his own city, and that Cyrus requested him not to make up his 
quarrel without first consulting him. A portion of these soldiers, 
under the command of Meno, were sent back to Cyrus, and marched 
with him against his brother Artaxerxes.!' Whether the disturbances 
which Aristippus desired to quell were, as Schneider thinks, con- 
nected with the designs of Lycophron, or arose merely out of the 
domestic quarrels of Larissa, we can not determine. 

Lycophron was succeeded by his son Jason, a man whose history 
deserves particular attention. Inheriting his father’s ambition, but 
with greater vigor and capacity, he was enabled to accomplish the 
scheme, which Lycophron had formed, of uniting all Thessaly under 
his dominion. Connecting himself with Amyntas, king of Mace- 
donia, and Alcetas, king of Epirus, he conceived the idea, (at least 
after the battle of Leuctra,) of seizing the vacant leadership of 
Greece, with he considered that the Lacedzemonians had irretriey- 
ably lost, the Thebans were not competent to hold, and no other 
power was prepared to strive for. The character of his designs, and 
the circumstances which favored them, are so vividly set forth in 
the statement of Polydamas at Sparta, related by Xenophon, that I 
can not do better than give it in the words of that historian.* 

In the year 8.6. 374, about two years before the battle of Leuctra, 
Polydamas of Pharsalus presented himself to the authorities at Sparta, 
and requested an audience. He was a man of high reputation 
throughout all Thessaly, and so esteemed by the Pharsalians for his 
honor and integrity, that in a time of civil broil they put their cita- 
del into his keeping, and intrusted him with the receipt of their 
revenues, out of which he was to expend a fixed sum upon the 


public worship and the general administration. This duty he 


faithfully discharged, maintaining a garrison in the citadel, defraying 
all the expenses of government, and accounting every year for what 


moneys he received, If there was a deficiency, he made it up out _ 


of his own private purse, and repaid himself when there was a sur- 
plus. He was in general given to hospitality and magnificence in 
the Thessalian fashion. Introduced to the Lacedemonian assembly, 
he addressed them thus :— 4 τ 


“Men of Lacedwmon, I have been your state-friend and ben 


factor, as my ancestors have been from time immemorial; and I 


deem it proper to apply to you if I am in any difficulty, and to give 
you notice if any scheme adverse to your interests is formed in Thes- 
saly. You must have heard the name of Jason ; for he is a man of 


1 Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 6. 1, 8. 10; 6. 2, 8s. 1, 6. Meno’s character, 


as described by Xenophon, is a pretty good specimen of{hessalian per+ 
fidy. See Lib. ii. ¢. 6, ss. 21—29. ; 
Xenophon, Hellen. vi, 6.1. Compare Diodorus, xv. 57, 60. 


ΕῚ ΕΣ 


4 


THE SACRED WAR. 251 


great power and celebrity. This Jason made a truce with me, 
obtained an interview, and spoke as follows :—‘ Polydamas,’ he said, 
‘that I could force your city of Pharsalus to submission, you may 
infer from what I am about to say. I have most of the Thessalian 
cities, and those of the greatest importance, allied to me; I brought 
them into subjection, notwithstanding that you fought on their side 
against me. You know, of course, that I have soldiers in my pay 
to the number of six thousand, whom, I imagine, no city could 
easily resist. A force equally numerous may be turned out else- 
where; but the state armies have some men advanced in age, others 
not yet in their prime; and very few in any city undergo bodily 
training; whereas no one is in my pay who is not able to toil 
equally with myself.’ Jason (I must tell you the truth) has great 
personal strength, is generally fond of labor, and makes a trial of 
his followers every day. For he leads them with arms in hand both 
in their exercises and on their marches; and whomsoever he sees 
fond of the toils and perils of war, he rewards with double, treble, 
and quadruple pay, besides other presents, and also with medical 
attendance in sickness, and with a distinguished funeral; so that all 
his soldiers are sure that merit in war procures for them a life of the 
greatest honor and abundance. He showed me also (what I knew 
before), that the Maracians’ and Dolopians were subject to him, and 
Alcetas, the governor of Epirus. ‘ Therefore,’ said he, ‘why should 
I have any doubt of being able to subdue you easily? A person 
unacquainted with me might say—Why then do you delay, and not 
march directly against the Pharsalians? Because I deem it infinitely 
better to gain you for willing than for unwilling allies. For, were 
you forced into subjection, you would be plotting all the mischief 
you could against me, and I should desire you to be as weak as pos- 
sible; whereas, if you are persuaded to join me, it is plain we 
should do our utmost to strengthen each other. I perceive, Poly- 
damas, that your country looks on you with respect. If now you 
will bring it into friendly relations with me, I promise you, that I 
will make you the greatest man in Greece next to myself. What it 
is that I offer you the second place in, I beg you to hear; and don’t 
believe any thing I say, unless on reflection you judge it to be true. 
Well; this is evident, that by the accession of Pharsalus and the 
cities dependent on you, I should easily become Tagus of all the 
Thessalians: it is certain also, that, when Thessaly is under a Tagus, 
her cavalry amount to six thousand men, and her heavy-armed 
infantry are more than ten thousand. Looking at their strength and 
spirit, I think, if they were well taken care of, there is not a nation 
to which the Thessalians would endure to be subject. Vast as is 
the breadth of Thessaly, all the surrounding tribes are her subjects, 


? An Aitolian people, adjacent to the Dolopians. See Schneider's’ 
note. : - τῶν ΝΣ pian ἃ 


‘ 


252 APPENDIX 1. 


when a Tagus is appointed here; and nearly all the people in these 
parts are armed with the javelin, so that probably we should have 
an overpowering force of Peltaste. Further, the Boeotians and 
all now at-war with Lacedzmon are my allies; and they are con- 
tent to follow me, if I will only deliver them from the Lacedzmo- 
nians. Even the Athenians, I know, would do any thing to obtain ° 
my alliance; but I am not inclined to be connected with them, for 
I think I could get the empire of the sea.still more easily than that 
of the land. Consider if this again be a reasonable calculation. 
Having possession of Macedonia, from which the Athenians import 
their timber, surely we shall be able to build more ships than they 
will; and for manning them, which do you think would have more 
facilities—the Athenians, or we, with so many valuable retainers ? 
For the maintenance. of seamen which would be the better pro- 
vided, we, who have such an abundance of corn that we export it 
elsewhere, or the Athenians, who have not sufficient for themselves 
without buying it? And in all probability, I take it, we should have 
a more abundant supply of money, when we should not be depend- 
ent on little islands, but enjoy the produce of continental countries; 
for it is certain that all the people round pay tribute, when Thessaly 
is under a Tagus. You know of course that the Persian king, who 
is the richest of men, derives his revenue not from islands, but from 
the continent. Him I believe I could conquer still more easily than 
Greece; for I know that all people there but one are more addicted 
to servitude than to fighting; and I know what a force marching up 
with Cyrus, and what a force with Agesilaus, reduced the king to 
extremities.’ To this I replied, that every thing which he had said 
was worthy of consideration ; but as we were the friends of Lace- 
deemon, it was impossible, I thought, to go over to their enemies, 
without having any ground of complaint. He commended me, and 
said that my friendship was the more to be desired for my fidelity; 
and he gave me leave to come and declare to you the truth, that he 
intended to attack the Pharsalians, if we complied not with his 
request. He bade me apply to you for assistance: ‘and if they give 
it you,’ said he, ‘ that is, if you can persuade them to send sufficient 
succors to carry on war with me, let us then abide the issue of the 
war, whatever it may be; but if their aid be not in your opinion 
sufficient, your country may have cause to complain of you—that 
country in which you.are honored and enjoy the highest prosperity.’ 
Upon this matter, therefore, 1 am come to you, and I tell you all 
that I see myself in that country, and all that I have heard from 
him. And, men of Lacedzemon, the state of things I conceive to be 
this :—If you will send a force that, not only in my judgment, but 
in that of the Thessalians in general, is adequate to maintain a war 
with Jason, the cities’ will revolt from him; for they are all watch- 
ing with alarm the progress of his power. If you suppose, however, 
that your emancipated Helots and a man of private station will be 


ὑπ 





THE SACRED WAR. 253 


sufficient, I advise you to keep quiet. For be assured, that the war 
will be against a formidable array of strength, and against a man 
who is so prudent a general, that whatever he attempts, whether in 
the way of stratagem, or surprise, or open attack, he hardly ever 
fails. He can make the same use of the night as of the day, and on 
occasions of haste he can work while he is taking his meals. He 
thinks it time to rest, when he has returned to the place from which 
he started and transacted his business. And his followers ke has 
inured to the same habits. When the soldiers have, by their exer- 
tions achieved a good piece of success, he knows how to excite 
their imaginations; so that his men are taught this, that relaxation 
is procured by toil. Moreover, in regard to sensual pleasures, he is 
the most temperate man I know; so that nothing of this kind keeps 
him from the regular performance of his duty. Consider then, and 
tell me, as-is but fair, what you will be able and what you intend 
to do.” 

For the particulars of this remarkable speech we can rely on the 
account of Xenophon, who had good opportunities of learning them 
at Sparta. It is interesting in one point of view especially, as show- 
ing that the divisions of the Greek states had even at this time 
excited in the breast of one ambitious man the hope of conquering 
them all. The grounds upon which Jason founded his hopes were 
‘pretty nearly the same as those which formed the basis of Philip’s 
calculations, when he strove for the mastery of Greece. The cir- 
cumstances were indeed much more favorable to Philip than to 
Jason. We can scarcely help charging the latter with exaggeration 
in his estimates, and perhaps with some degree of ignorance and 

resumption, if we suppose him to have spoken his real opinions to 

olydamas. He seems to have overrated the quality of his own 
infantry, as compared with those of the Greek states; certainly he 
_ overrated his chances of obtaining maritime ascendency. The facility 
with which Alexander was afterwards overpowered by the Thebans 
shows in some degree the precarious character of the force on which 
Jason depended. Philip held a constitutional monarchy, inherited 
from his ancestors, and had brought his army to a high state of dis- 
cipline, the efficiency of which he had tried in many bloody encoun- 
ters with his warlike neighbors, before he ventured to attack the 
southern Greeks : even then he proceeded with the utmost caution. 
He never in his life established a navy which was able to cope with 
the Athenian; and when he attacked the Greeks, they were far 
weaker and more divided than at the time of the battle of Leuctra. 
It is next to certain, that Jason would havs failed in the attempt in 
which Philip succeeded. The characters of the two men, however, 
were very similar." | 


~ 1 See the observations of Isocrates, Philipp. .106. Cicero compares 
Jason, as a crafty politician, with Themistocles, (De Officiis, i. 30.) 


254 APPENDIX I. 


The Lacedemonians took two days to consider their reply to 
Polydamas, and on the third day, seeing how many of their troops 
were employed in the war with Thebes and Athens, they informed 
him that for the present they were unable to send out any adequate 
succors, and advised him to return and do the best that he could 
for himself and his city. He thanked them for their straight-forward 
answer, and left them. On his return, he begged Jason not to com- 
pel him to give up the citadel, which had been intrusted to his 
keeping; but gave his own sons as hostages, and promised that he 
would bring his country over to Jason’s alliance, and help to make 
him Tagus. Both these things were accomplished. The Pharsalians 
entered into a treaty with Jason, and he was appointed Tagus of all 
Thessaly. He then arranged the contingents which every city was 
to furnish of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry; and it was found 
that the cavalry of the Thessalians and their allies numbered more 
than eight thousand, their heavy-armed infantry as many as twenty 
thousand, besides an immense force of Peltastee. 

In the ‘following year, B. 0. 373, Jason came with Aleetas of Epirus 
to Athens, to intercede with the people on behalf of Timotheus, who 
was brought to trial for his delay in carrying succors to Coreyra. 
Timotheus was at that time so poor, that to entertain his illustrious 
visitors, who lodged in his house in the Pirzeus, he was obliged to 
borrow some articles of dress and furniture, two silver cups, and a 
mina in money. Their intercession prevailed, but he was removed 
from his command. ! 

After the battle of Leuctra the Thebans sent to Jason for assist- 
ance, wishing to complete the rout of the defeated army, and fearing 
the arrival of reinforcements from Peloponnesus. Jason, intending to 
march through Phocis, gave orders to prepare’a fleet, as if he was 
going by sea; then with a small body of troops, before the Phocians 
had time to assemble, he passed rapidly through their territory and 
jomed the Boeotian army. The Thebans wished him to fall upon the 
rear of the Peloponnesians, who were still encamped in Beeotia, 
while they attacked them in front; but Jason advised, that it was 
better to let them quit the country than to risk the chance of another 
battle, in which the desperation of the enemy might give pak, the 


Aristotle mentions a saying of his, “ that it is lawful to do some evil, in 
order to effect great good.” (Rhetorie, i i, 12, 31.) Compare the anec- 
dotes of Polyeenus, Strateg, vi. 1. 

* Demosthenes, cont. Timoth. 1187, 1190, 1191. Xenophon, Hellen. 
vi. 6. 2,8. 18, Cornelius Nepos, in Vit. Timoth. 75, Alcetas assisted 
in the transportation of Athenian troops to Corcyra. Xenophon, ibid. 
s. 11. Jason was on friendly terms with the Thebans and Athenians, 
but not in active alliance with them. His intimdey with Timotheus 
made him of course acquainted with Isocrates. There is an extant 
epistle of Isocrates to the sons of Jason, in which = declines an invita- 
tion to Phere, 


THE SACRED WAR. 255 


victory. He then went to the adversary’s camp, (for notwithstand- 
ing his alliance with Thebes, he still kept up his hereditary connec- 
tion with Sparta,) and he represented to the Lacedemonians, how 
dangerous it might be for them to stay in Beeotia in the presence of 
a victorious army, with allies not hearty in their cause, and who - 
were thinking even of treating with the enemy. His counsels pre- 
vailed, and the Lacedzemonians, after concluding an armistice, re- 
treated. Jason gained his object, which was, to attach both parties 
to himself, and let neither obtain any decisive advantage. He then 
returned by Phocis, attacking Hyampolis on his road, and doing 
- considerable damage to its town and territory ; after which, passing 
by Heraclea, he razed the walls, to prevent it being used as a fortress 
against him when he marched southward. 

In the following year Jason took steps which opened the eyes of 
Greece yet more clearly to his designs. The Pythian festival was 
’ coming on. He ordered preparations to be made on a great scale for 
the sacrifice; each city in his dominion was required to furnish a cer- 
tain number of oxen, sheep, goats, and swine; the total of which, 
without any city being heavily charged, amounted to a thousand 
oxen, and ten thousand of the smaller animals: and he offered the 
reward of a golden crown to the city which produced the finest ox. 
He gave notice to the Thessalians to prepare themselves for a military 
expedition by the time of the festival: it was supposed that he 
intended to hold the games under his own presidency, and there were 
misgivings as to his designs on the Delphian treasures. The Del- 
phians asked the oracle, what was to be done if he laid his hands 
upon them; and Apollo replied, thatthe would see toit. Whatever 
his schemes may have been, they were brought to a sudden termina- 
tion. One day, after he had held a review of his cavalry at Pheree, 
he sat in his chair of state to give audience to his subjects, when 
seven youths, under the pretense of asking his judgment upon some 
private quarrel, advanced close up to him, and, before his guards 
had time to interpose, savagely attacked and murdered him. One 
of them was slain in the act of striking; a second was taken and 
instantly put to death; the other five jumped on horses that were 
ready for them, and effected their escape. In every Greek city, 
through which they passed, honors were conferred upon the assas- 
sins; a proof how great had been the terror excited by the enter- 
prises of this man,? 

Jason was succeeded by his brothers Polydorus and Polyphron; 
the former of whom came to a sudden death, not without suspicion 
of foul play. Polyphron, on whom suspicion fell, confirmed the bad 


' Xenophon, Hellen. vi. ¢. 4, ss. 20—27. The account which Diodo- 
rus gives of these proceedings is somewhat different, and not so prob- 
able. See Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, v. 78. 

* Xenophon, Hellen. vi. ¢. 4, ss. 28—32, Diodorus, xv. 60. 


256 APPENDIX I. 


opinion of his subjects by various tyrannical acts, He put to death 
Polydamas and eight other of the principal citizens of Pharsalus; and 
drove many from Larissa into exile. After governing Thessaly for 
one year, he was murdered by his nephew Alexander, who surpassed 
him in vice and cruelty, and in a short time drove the Thessalians 
to solicit foreign aid. This brought back Thessaly to a state of dis- 
union and weakness. Alexander, notwithstanding the combination 
against him, maintained his power in Pheree and the adjacent towns, 
and reigned altogether about eleven years, siding alternately with 
Thebes and Athens, and doing no little mischief to both.1_ 

The Aleuads of ‘Larissa made the first effort for the deliverance 
of their country, by inviting to their assistance Alexander king of 
Macedon. The young king, who had just succeeded his father 
Amyntas, came promptly at their request, and while the tyrant of 
Pherze was preparing to carry the war into Macedonia, took by sur- 
prise the cities of Larissa and Crannon, and put garrisons in both.? 
* But he was soon recalled to his own kingdom, probably by the in- © 
trigues of his mother Eurydice and Ptolemy of Alorus; and the 
Thessalians, again pressed by the tyrant, invoked the aid of Thebes. 
Pelopidas was sent with an army, and with orders to settle the af- 
fairs of Thessaly in the best manner for Theban interests. Having 
advanced to Larissa, which was surrendered to him, he had an in- 
terview with Alexander of Pherze, and reproached him so severely 
for his conduct, that Alexander, in alarm for his safety, retired to 
Pherze, leaving the Theban general to settle matters as he chose 
with his allies in Thessaly. Pelopidas made such arrangements for 
the future government of Thessaly a8 were generally acceptable to 
his allies, and in accordance with his instructions from home. He 
proceeded also to Macedonia, where he strengthened his country’s. 
cause by an alliance which he concluded with king Alexander, re- 
ceiving from him (according to Diodorus) his brother Philip, then 
fifteen years old, as a hostage;* after which he returned into Boeo- 


+ Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 883—85. Diodorus, xv. 61, differs 
from him in some particulars. Plutarch (in Vit. Pelopid. 29) agrees . 
with Xenophon in making Alexander the nephew, not 3B brother of 

Polydorus. See Schneider and Wesseling’s notes. ' 
"2 Diodorus, xv. 61. . 

* Diodorus, xv. 67. Compare section 61; according to which, Alex- 
ander intended to hold Larissa and Crannon for himself. Pelopidas, 
therefore, thought it necessary to secure his fidelity. Diodorus, how- 
ever, gives a different account of the manner in which Philip came to be 
sent to Thebes, Lib. xvi. 2. Plutarch (in Vit. Pelopid. 26 et seqq.) 
states that Pelopidas was invited to Macedonia, to settle the disputes 
between Alexander and Ptolemy ; and also that he went npon a second 
occasion, after the murder of Alexander, and compelled Ptolemy to 
give hostages to insure his proper administration as regent, See Grote’s 


SS 


' 
> 


THE SACRED WAR. . τ φβὴ 


tia, leaving Thessaly, through which he again passed, apparently 
tranquil. The year however had scarcely passed, when Theban in- 
terference was again solicited, on account of some new oppressions 
from Pherz. Pelopidas and Ismenias were sent, but without troops, 
in the character of embassadors ; for it was thought, that their name 
and presence would be sufficient to overawe the tyrant. This ex- 
pectation was futile. Alexander came with an army to Pharsalus, 
where a conference was appointed to be held betweer him and the 
Theban generals ; and they imprudently put both the city and them- 
selves into the power of a man who was totally regardless of good 
faith and honor. He seized their persons, carried them prisoners to 
Pherze, and treated them with the utmost indignity. To avenge 
this insult, the Thebans sent Hypatus and Cleomenes into Thessaly, 
' with an army of eight thousand foot and six hundred horse; to 
oppose which, Alexander, not trusting entirely to his own forces, 
applied to the Athenians, who dispatched ‘to his assistance a fleet 
of thirty sail and a thousand soldiers, under the command of Au- 
tocles. The Thebans approaching Pherze were met by Alexander 
with a force greatly superior in cavalry, notwithstanding which, they 
desired to attack him; but before they could join battle; their Thes- 
salian allies deserted; Alexander was reinforced by the troops of 
Athens and other auxiliaries, and the Thebans, distressed for pro- 
visions, found it necessary to retreat. Their march was through an 
open plain; Alexander assailed their rear with his cavalry and jave- 
lm-men, who did such execution, that the whole of the Theban 
army was in peril. The soldiers, almost in despair, called upon 
Hpaminondas, who was serving among them as a volunteer,? to 

e the command. He quickly restored confidence; forming a 
rear-guard with his horse and light troops; he repulsed the pursuing 
enemy, and effected his retreat in safety.? 

The Thebans fined Hypatus and Cleomenes on their return for 
misconduct, and chose Epaminondas for their general, to retrieve 
the fortune of the war. He proceeded early in the year B.c. 367 to 
execute his commission; but Alexander, fearimg to encounter a 
_ Theban army under such a general, and: perhaps disappointed of 
some expected aid from Athens, thought proper to come to terms, 


views as to the different expeditions of Pelopidas into Thessaly. (His- 
tory of Greece, x. 361.) 4 

! He had been deposed from his office of Beotarch, on a charge of 
having shown undue favor to the Lacedemonians in the last Peleponne- 
sian campaign, by not pushing the advantage which he had gained in 
the battle at the Isthmus. Diodorus, xv. 72. 

? Diodorus, xv. 71. Cornelius Nepos, in Vit. Pelopid. 101. Pausa- 
nias, ix. 15; who represents Alexander to have laid an ambush for the 
Thebans, soon-after they had passed Thermopyle. He also states, that 
Alexander released Pelopidas on this first expedition. 

* The Athenians advised that certain succors, which Dionysius had sent 


258 APPENDIX L : 


and consented to release his prisoners, Hpaminondas, having 
accomplished the main objects of the expedition, withdrew his 
army. ἢ 

During three years that followed, the Thebans, as it appears, had 
no leisure to attend to the affairs of Thessaly; and Alexander used 
the opportunity thus afforded him for exercising his cruelty and ex- 
tending his power. He occupied with garrisons the districts of 
Magnesia and Phthiotis. In Meliboea and Scotussa he perpetrated 
frightful massacres. The citizens in each of these were summoned 
to a general assembly, to- answer some complaints which he had 
against them: he then surrounded them with his guards, who 
speared them all, and cast their bodies into the town-moat. The ἡ 
cities were given up to plunder, and the women and children sold © 
for slaves.? Bok a 

In the year Β.σ. 364 the Thebans were again solicited to chastise 
the tyrant, and they determined to send seven thousand men under 
the command of Pelopidas. It so happened, before the Theban 
troops set out, there was an eclipse of the sun, an event which was 
considered an unlucky omen among the Greeks. The expedition 
τ was postponed: but Pelopidas with a small band of volunteers pro- 
ceeded to Pharsalus, and putting himself at the head of his Thes- 
salian confederates, did not fear to meet Alexander with an army 
double his own number. They fought at Cynoscepale, and Alex- 
ander was defeated; but unfortunately Pelopidas, pressing rashly 
forward and challenging the tyrant to personal combat, was over- 
powered by numbers and slain. He was honored with a splendid 
funeral by the Thessalians, who requested as a special favor of the 
Thebans, that he might be buried in their country. The war was 
vigorously prosecuted ; the Theban reinforcements arriving, defeated 


that year to Peloponnesus, should be carried into Thessaly, to oppose 
the Thebans. But the Lacedemonians said they were wanted in Laco- 
nia. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. ὁ. 1, 5. 28. Alexander, by his imprison- 
ment of Pelopidas, and liberal promises to the Athenians, was in high 
favor among them at this time. Demosthenes, contr. Arisfoc. 660. . 

* Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid. 29. Diodorus, xv. 75, puts the liberation 
of Pelopidas a year later, and says nothing of Epaminondas. Ὁ ΩΝ 

? Diodorus, xv. 75. Pausanias, vi. 5. δεν, 

* Pelopidas was as able an officer, as Epaminondas wasa general, The 
victory at Leuctra was as much owing to his prompt and timely charge 
with the Sacred Band, as to the main design of the battle by his col- 
league. In other respects, Pelopidas was one of the best characters of 
antiquity: a true patriot, brave, genérous, unselfish. These qualities - 
were perhaps not sufficiently tempered with prudence. His rashness 
in battle (for which Plutarch blames him) cost him his life. He is com- 

ared by the biographer with Marcellus, who owed his death to a simi- 
ar and less excusable want of caution, Compare Polybius, viii, 1. Dio- 
dorus, xy. 81, 4 


THE SACRED WAR. 259 


Alexander in a second and more decisive battle, and constrained 
‘him to accept a peace, by the terms of which he was to withdraw 
his garrisons from Magnesia and Phthiotis, confine himself to his 
hereditary dominion of Phere, and also become a subject ally of 
Thebes. Troops both of Alexander and the independent Thessa- 
lians served under Epaminondas in the campaign of Mantinea.} 

Peace with Thebes had severed Alexander from the alliance of 

Athens; and he turned his attention to the equipment of a navy, 
chiefly with a view to enrich himself by piracy. Pagase, the port 
of Pherze, was conveniently situated for an outlet into the Algean 
sea, and the small islands off the coast of Thessaly, then belonging 
to Athens, were exposed to his_attack. In the year B.c. 361 he 
took the island of Tenus, and made slaves of the inhabitants. The 
next year he took or pillaged several other of the Cyclad isles, and 
made a descent on Peparethus; he even defeated an Athenian 
fleet, captured six vessels and a large number of prisoners, and then 
suddenly sailed into Pirzeus, landed on the quay, and carried off 
᾿ considerable plunder. The Athenians were so incensed with their 
commander Leosthenes, for his negligence in permitting such disas- 
ters, that they sentenced him to death.? 

We now approach the period of the Sacred War, the causes of which 
could not easily be explained without first presenting before the 
reader a general view of Grecian affairs, and of the relation in which 
the various parties stood to each other at the time when the war 

- broke out. 

After the general peace which followed the battle of Mantinea, 
the Thebans found that their influence among the Greek states was 
considerably diminished. This may have been owing partly to the 
‘severity of their proceedings against the Boeotian cities, which of- 
fended the feelings of the Greeks, partly to the fears and jealousies 
of the independent states. Theban headship was a thing which 
they had not been accustomed to, and which they could hardly rec- 
oncile to sentiments of Hellenic patriotism. Accordingly, though 
alliance of the most friendly kind subsisted between the Thebans 
and the Argives, Megalopolitans, and Messenians, the last of whom 
owed their very existence as a nation to Epaminondas, the Thebans 
could no longer sway the counsels of these confederates, so as to 


* Diodorus, xv. 80, 85. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 5,8. 4. Plutarch, 
in Vit. Pelopid. 82. 

? Diodorus, xv. 95. Demosthenes, contr. Polyd. 1207. De Coron. 
Trierarch. 1230. Polyzenus, Strateg. vi. 2. I have already noticed the 
proceedings against some of the Trierarchs, who delegated their command 
on this occasion. Vol. i. appendix v. p. 816. 

* Diodorus, xv. 60, represents Jason as asserting, Θηβαίους, τῶν πρω- 
τείων μὴ ἀξίους εἰναι. Compare Demosthenes, De Coron, 281. Isocrates, 
De Pace, 162, 171. Philipp. 93. 


πὶ 


200 APPENDIX I. 


make them subservient to ambitious views of their own. - In the 
north, they were in friendly connection with the Locrians and Thes- 
salians; while towards the Phocians they had entertained feelings 
of anger and hostility, ever since that people had refused to join 
them in their last expedition to Peloponnesus. But the principal 
check to the ambition of Thebes was Athens, who by her maritime 
situation and resources was secure against attack, and could offer 
protection to her weaker neighbors against Theban encroachment. 
Kpaminondas had seen, that his country would never retain her as- 
cendency in Greece, unless she applied herself to maritime affairs, 
and strove to compete with Athens for the dominion of the sea. 
The year before his death he made an exciting speech before the 
people, encouraging them to aim at naval supremacy, and boldly de- 
claring that the Propyleea of the Athenian Acropolis should be trans- 
ferred to the Cadmea. A decree was passed at his suggestion for 
the construction of an arsenal and a hundred vessels of war; and 
Epaminondas was actually sent with an armament to the Algeean 
and the Propontis, to excite revolt among the Athenian allies. He 
succeeded so far as to drive an Athenian squadron from the sea, and 
obtain promises of alliance from Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium, the 
same states which, a few years later, took the lead in the Social 
War against Athens.!. These naval projects however, died with 
_Epaminondas; nor indeed was Thebes favorably situated for be- 
coming a maritime power, unless she had possession of Hubcea. 
Here again was a fruitful subject of contention with Athens, to 
whom the dominion, or at least the friendship, of Hubcoea was of 
immense importance in more than one point of view. The people 
of that island had most of them joined the Attic and Theban con- 
federacy against Sparta, with the exception of the Orites, who re- 
sisted all the efforts of Chabrias to make himself master of their 
city.2 When Athens went over to Sparta, the Theban interest ἡ 
seems to have prevailed in the island; for Hubceans are numbered 
among the troops that followed Epaminondas to Peloponnesus. 
Eubcea itself, however, was much divided. Tyrants sprang up in 
some of the cities, who were ready to side with either Athens or. 
Thebes, according as it suited their views. Such were Mneschar- 
chus of Chalcis and Themison of Hretria.3 The latter had in the 
year B.c. 366 inflicted a great blow upon Athens, by causing her to 
lose Oropus. He assisted some exiles, sallying from Euboea to get 
possession of it; and the Athenians, after sending forces for its re- 
covery, were persuaded to enter into an arrangement, by which the 


1 Diodorus, xv. 78, 79; who asserts that, if Epaminondas had lived 
longer, the Thebans would undoubtedly have acquired the empire of the 
sea. Compare Atschines, De Fals. Leg. 42. Isocrates, Philipp. 93. 

3 Diodorus, xv. 30. 

* Aischines, contr, Ctesiph, 65. Ἶ 


᾿ 


THE SACRED WAR. 261 


Thebans were to hold the city in trust, until the claims of the con- 
tending’ parties could be decided. Instead of this ever being done, 
the Thebans, not liking to part with a place so desirable for the 
command of Hubcea, kept it in their own hands, nor was it restored 
even at the general peace. 

In the year B.c. 358 or 357, Hubcea was the scene of a short but 
fierce contest between the Athenians and Thebans. It was brought 
about by some internal disputes in the island, in which the aid of 
Thebes was invoked against the despots Menesarchus and Themison. 
The Thebans, to support their partisans and maintain their suprem- 
acy in Huboea, sent over a large force; while their opponents ap- 
plied for succor to the Athenians. At this time hardly a city in 
Kuboea was connected with the Athenians, except Orcus perhaps, 
which the Spartan alliance may have brought over to them. A 
good opportunity now presented itself to recover their power in the 
island. Still they hesitated, either doubting their chance of success, 
or suspecting the sincerity of the parties who invited them: a 
debate was held on the question, when Timotheus starting up made 
that forcible appeal to his countrymen, which is related by Demos- 
thenes in the Oration on the Chersonese—“ Are you deliberating 
what to do, when you have the Thebans in the island? Will you 
not cover the sea with galleys? Will you not rush to the Pireeus 
immediately and launch your ships?”—The people, roused by this 
language, voted war on the instant; and such was their zeal, aided 
by the patriotism of many wealthy citizens who voluntered to serve 
the office of trierarch, (among them Demosthenes himself,) that the 
whole armament was equipped and sent off within five days. The 
campaign lasted about a month, during which there was no decisive 
action, but a great deal of fighting and much loss of life on both 
sides. The general result was to the advantage of the Athenians, 
who forced their adversaries into a convention, by which they 
agreed to evacuate the island; and having freed it from the pres- 
ence of the Theban army, and withdrawing themselves from further 
interference, were regarded as benefactors, and honored with a 
golden crown. The Euboean cities, left to their own domestic 
governments, were re-annexed to the Athenian confederacy, and 
severed entirely from the dominion of Thebes.? 

Such was the positiou of affairs, when the Thebans in an evil 
hour for Grecian liberty determined on taking a step, by which, 
while they gratified their revengeful feelings against their enemies, 
they hoped possibly to exalt themselves at their expense. This 


Xénophon, Hellen. vii. c. 4, s. 1; where see the note of Schneider : 
and compare the Oration for the Megalopolitans, vol. i. p. 210, note 1. 
2 Diodorus, xvi. ἢ. Aéschines, contr. Ctesiph. 65, 67. - Demosthenes, 
De Cherson. 108; Pro Megalopol. 205; De Coron. 259; Contr. Mid. 
566, 570; Contr. Androt. 597, 616; Contr, Timocr. 756. 


202 APPENDIX 1. 


was to invoke upon them the sentence of an Amphictyonic assem- 
bly. It was a lohg time since the Amphictyons had taken any 
active part in Grecian politics. Their periodical meetings had been 
regularly held as usual, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at 
Thermopyle; but their attention had been confined wholly to 
religious ceremonies and local business, without meddling in the 
more momentous questions of war and peace or other international 
concerns. The Thebans, on friendly terms, with the majority of 
the Amphictyonic tribes, deemed it a good opportunity to revive 
the dormant functions of ‘the council, and make it a political engine 
for their own purposes. This, under existing circumstances, might 
afford an easier and cheaper means of accomplishing their ends than 
either war or diplomacy. Accordingly they preferred a complaint 
against the Lacedzemonians for their perfidious seizure of the Cad- 
mea, and induced the Amphictyons to impose on them a fine of 
five hundred talents. The exact time when this sentence was 
passed does not appear, but it was probably soon after the battle of 
Mantinea.!| The fine not having been paid was doubled; but the 
Lacedzmonians took no notice either of one sentence or the other. 
In the year B.c.. 357 or 356, the Thebans preferred a charge against 
the Phocians for having cultivated a portion of the Cirrhzan plain, 
which had been condemned to lie waste ever since the first Sacred 
War. It is probable enough, that both the Phocians and the Am- 
phissian Locrians had committed trespasses upon this land, tilling or 
inclosing from the waste portions which were of no value either to 
the temple or to the Pythian festival; and it might be these very 
encroachments which formed the debateable land of which Pausa- 
nias speaks.2 None but those in the neighborhood would care 
really about the matter; but it made a good pretext for complaint — 
against people who were obnoxious on other grounds, and with 
such view was eagerly taken up by the Thebans, and perhaps the 
Thessalians.. A decree passed against the Phocians, condemning 
them to a fine of many talents; which not being paid, the Hierom- 
nemons brought the case again before the council, and demanded 
judgment against them for their contumacy ; stating that there were 
others too whose penalties ought to be enforced, to wit, the Lace- 
dzemonians, and that the defaulters merited public execration. 
Judgment was passed, that the land of the Phocians should be 
consecrated to Apollo.? Diodorus, who always takes what he 


* Where Diodorus (xvi. 23) narrates the charges preferred against 
the Lacedzmonians and the Phocians, he is speaking of past events, not 
referable to the year with which he prefaces the chapter. The* narra- 
tive of the current year commences with the acts of Philomelus. 

2 Pausanias, iii. 9. 

3 Diodorus, xvi. 23, 29. Justin. viii. 1, states the charge against the 
Phocians to have been, that they had ravaged the Beotian territory. 


THE SACRED WAR. 263 


considered the religious view of the question, says that the sentence 
of the Amphictyons was greatly approved by the Greeks. He 
seems to forget that the Thebans, for having razed to the ground 
Platz, Thespiz, and Orchomenus, were equally liable to Amphicty- 
onic censure; and also that the motives of the parties concerned in 
these proceedings were not the purest in the world. In asserting 
that they were generally sanctioned by public opinion, he most 
likely confounds the time when the sentence was passed with a sub- 
sequent period, when the proceedings of the Phocians at Delphi 
excited disapprobation even among those who were not well in- 
clined to their enemies.! 

While this sentence impended over the Phocians, and they were 
in alarm lest it should be immediately put in force, Philomelus, 
a native of Ledon, and a man of high reputation among his coun- 
trymen, addressed them in a tone of encouragement, urging that it 
was impossible to pay the fine on account of its magnitude, and 
that to allow their land to be taken as forfeit would not only be 
cowardice on their part, but absolute and certain ruin, Hejshowed 
the injustice of the sentence, and its disproportion to the alleged 
crime; and then advised them to procure its reversal, which they 
might say do, if they would assert their ancient title to the pos- 
session of Delphi and the presidency of the oracle; in support of 
which he cited the well-known lines from the catalogue of the ships 
in Homer.? If they would only make him their general with full 
powers, he offered to guarantee their success.* 

The Phocians, stimulated by their fears, elected Philomelus to be 
their general, and invested him with absolute powers.* He pro- ὁ 


If this be well founded, it must have referred to the part they took in 
the campaigns of Agesilaus and Cleombrotus; and this would lead us 
to suppose, that the charge was preferred soon after the battle of Leuc- 
tra ; for it would have been absurd to revive it at a later period, after 
the Phocians had been admitted to the Theban alliance. But this was 
hardly the kind of offense to be a fit subject for Amphictyonic cogni- 
zance, I could rather believe the story cited from Duris by Athenzus 
(xiii. 560), that an outrage committed by some Phocian upon a Theban 
lady was the cause of the war. Pausanias (x. 2) says he has not been 
able to discover, whether the fine was imposed on the Phocians for any 
real offense, or whether it was owing to the malice of their old enemies, 
the Thessalians. 

? Demosthenes (De Coron. 231) intimates distinctly, that the Athe- 
nians, though they wished well to the Phocians in the war, disapproved 
of their proceedings, by which he refers to their seizure of Delphi and 
its treasures, 

5 Αὐτὰρ φωκήων Σχέδιος καὶ ’Exiorpodoe ἧρχον, 

Oi Κυπάρισσον ἔχον ἸΤυθῶνά τε πετρῆεσσαν. ΚΕ 
_* Diodorus, xvi. 23. Pausanias, x. 2. ¢ 
* The Phocian generals were civil as well as military despots, during 


ἈΝ 


264 APPENDIX 1. 


ceeded immediately to Sparta, and revealed his plans in confidence 
to King Archidamus; saying, that it was the interest of Sparta no 
less than of his own country, to rescind the illegal decrees of the 
Amphictyons; that he had determined to seize upon Delphi for 


that purpose, and the Spartans ought to make common cause with - 


him. Archidamus approved of his resolution; and declared that, 
although he could not openly co-operate with him for the present, he 
would render him secretly all the assistance in his power. He sup- 
plied him for immediate exigencies with a loan of fifteen talents and 
some mercenary troops.!. | 

If Theopompus is to be believed, the Spartan king was induced 
to espouse the Phocian cause by bribes given to himself and his 
queen, Deinicha; and a similar charge was made against the 
Ephors and senate. Their hostility to Thebes, and the identity 
of Spartan and Phocian interests, are sufficient of themselves 
to account for the side which they ‘chose; though it is likely 
enough that some: of the Delphic money was afterwards dis- 
tributed at Sparta, as it was among the influential men of other 
states.? 

The subsidy furnished by Archidamus, together with an equal 
sum advanced out of his own private purse, enabled the Phocian 
general to raise a.considerable body of mercenaries. With these 
and a thousand Phocian targeteers he marched suddenly upon 
Delphi, and took possession of the temple; the Thracidz, one 
of the five families connected with the oracle, who attempted 
to oppose him, he put to death, and confiscated their property; 
then, seeing that this had excited general alarm, he assured the 
Delphians, that, if they would keep quiet, they had nothing to 
fear.? The news was however quickly carried round. The 
nearest neighbors were the Amphissian Locrians, who no sooner 
heard of the seizure of Delphi, than they marched against the ag- 
gressor. A battle took. place in the outskirts of the city; and the 
Locrians, after losing a large number of men, were put to flight. 
Philomelus, emboldened by his victory, effaced the pillars on which 


the period of their command, and are designated as τύφαννοι, δυνασταῖ. — 


Pausanias, iii. 10; iv. 5. Auschines, De Fals. Leg. 45, 46. Athenzus, 
xiii, 605. Polyzenus, Strateg. v.45. - a 
! Diodorus, xvi. 24. a 


f 


4 


1 


. 3. Pausanias, iii. 10; iv. 5. Philomelus was not in a condition to give © 


bribes at this time. Whether he made promises, is another_ question. 


It is impossible to known for certain, either what the original intentions — 


of Philomelus were, or how far he opened his mind to the Spartan king, 
After the spoliation of the temple had actually occurred, it was natural 
that all kinds of reports should be circulated. 7 

3. PausaniasMiii. 10) mentions a story, that the Delphians were saved 
from a general massacre, and the women and children from slavery, by 
the intercession of Archidamus. , 


ΤῊΣ SACRED WAR. 265 


the Amphictyonic decrees were inscribed, and destroyed every 
record of them; at the same time he gave out, that he had no 
intention of plundering the temple or committing any illegal out- 
rage; his object was only to rescind an unjust sentence against his 
countrymen, and to assert their ancient right to be administrators 
and guardians of the sanctuary.! 

The intelligence having reached Thebes, an assembly of the peo- 
ple was held, and a resolution passed to take arms in the sacred 
cause.2 While they were yet considering in what way they 
should proceed to punish the offenders, Philomelus was busy forti- 
fying Delphi with a wall, and making a general levy among all the 
Phocians, who were fit for military service. He gathered round 
him fresh bodies of mercenaries, by promising half as much again as 
the usual pay; and boldly pitching his camp before the city, ap- 
‘peared to bid defiance to his enemies. The number of his troops 
Seagal only the regular infantry) was about five thousand. 

eeing the advantage of bringing them speedily to action and 
‘striking a blow before all his enemies were united, and with the 
further object of enriching himself by plunder, he invaded and 
ravaged the country of the Amphissian Locrians. In an attack 
upon a strong fortress he received a check, and afterwards in a 
skirmish with the Locrians lost- twenty of his men. Having ap- 
plied by a herald for permission to bury them, he was refused, the 
Locrians answering, that it was the universal custom of the Greeks 
to cast away without sepulture the bodies of men guilty of sacri- 
lege. In a subsequent skirmish the Phocians were left masters of 
the field, and the Locrians, being compelled to ask permission 
to bury their own dead, were glad to make an exchange. Philo- 
melus, not able to bring the enemy to a general battle, continued 
for some time to ravage the country, and then returned home laden 
with spoil.? ) 

His next yprporeding was to obtain the sanction of the oracle for 
his cause. He commanded the priestess to deliver her prophecy from — 
the tripod according to ancient custom. She demurred at first, say- 
ing that.he sought to violate the ancient custom; but on his threaten- 
ing her, she mounted the tripod, and pronounced that it was lawful 
for him to do what he pleased. This response, which he declared to 
be perfectly satisfactory, he reduced to’ writing, and’ exposed to 
public view in the city of Delphi; he called an assembly for the 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 24. 

2 Diodorns (xvi. 25) says, παραχρῆμα στρατιώτας ἐξέπεμψαν. But of 
the destination or proceedings of these troops we hear nothing farther. 
The Thebans were not yet decided as to their course of action, and per- 
mp recalled the troops whom in the first burst of anger they had sent 
ou 

* Diodorus, xvi. 25. 


Vout. IL—M 


266 APPENDIX L 


special purpose of announcing it, and congratulated his friends on the ~ 
encouragement which Apollo had given them. A slight thing which 
happened about the same time was hailed as a favorable omen. ἀπ᾿ 
eagle, flying over the altar, snatched up some of the tame doves that 
were kept in the temple;! which was interpreted as a sign, that 
Philomelus would be the master of Delphi. Hlated now with hope, | 
yet impressed with the necessity of conciliating the Greeks, and 
averting the suspicion which some of his acts were likely to inspire, 
he dispatched select envoys to the principal cities of Greece, not ex- 
cepting even Thebes, to justify and explain his conduct; in particular 
to show, that, while he asserted the claims of his country to the 
guardianship of the Delphic temple, he had no design to plunder it 
of its treasures; that he was willing to render an account of them 
to all the Greeks; and that any who chose might come and examine 
the sacred offerings, to see that thei weight and number were cor- 
rect.? To those people who had.ancient feuds with his countrymen, 
he urged the injustice of making war upon a false pretext, to gratify 
private enmity ; praying that, if they would not assist him, they would 
at least be neutral. At Thebes and in Locris these remonstrances 
produced no effect, but were answered by a declaration of war. 
Athens, Sparta, and some other cities concluded alliance with the 
Phocians, and gave them promises of assistance. Such were the 
events of the first year of the war, 8. σ. 355. . 

To meet the exigencies of the ensuing campaign, Philomelus made 
new levies of soldiers, and to provide pay for them, exacted heavy 


* Such an occurrence was likely enough. The number of birds that 
flocked round the temple is noticed in Euripides, Ion. 106, 171. 

? Grote, in his History of Greece, xi. 350, has the following note upon ~ 
the subject of these treasures :—“ In reference to the engagement taken © 
by Philomelus, that he would exhibit and. verify, before any general 
Hellenic examiners, all the valuable property in the Delphian temple, 
by weight and number of articles, the reader will find interesting mat- 
ter of comparison in the Attic inscriptions, No. 187—142, vol. i. of 
Boeckh’s Corpus Inscript. Greecarum, with Boeckh’s valuable commen- 
tary. These are the records of the numerous gold and silver donatives, 
preserved in the Parthenon, handed over by the treasurers of the god- 
dess annually appointed to their successors at the end of the year, from 
one Panathenaic festival to the next. The weight of each article is for- 
mally recorded, and the new articles received each year (ἐπέτεια) are 
specified. Where an article is transferred without being weighed (dor- 
αθμονῚ, the fact is noticed. That the precious donatives in the Delphi 
temple also were carefully weighed, we may judge from the statement 
of Herodotus,.that the golden lion dedicated by Croesus had lost a frac- 
tion of its weight in the conflagration of the building. (Herod. i. 50.)” 
Compare the note in the same volume, p. 354. f 

νι Biodoris, xvi. 27. Demosthenes (De Fals. Leg. 360) reads to the 
jury the articles of treaty between the Athenians and Phocians, 














THE SACRED WAR. 267 


contributions from the wealthy citizens of Delphi. Collecting all 
his troops together, he reviewed them, and made an imposing show 
of strength; but if he hoped to deter his enemies from attacking 
him, he was quickly disappointed. The Locrians, eager to revenge 
their former defeat, without waiting for any auxiliaries, advanced 
against him, and gave battle at the Pheedriad cliffs near Delphi. 
Philomelus was again victorious, killing great numbers of the enemy, 
and taking a multitude of prisoners: the Locrians, seeing that they 
were not a match for the Phocians by themselves, sent to Thebes for 
succor. We have no explanation why the Thebans did not at an 
earlier period enter actively into the war; but.in this as in other 
parts of their conduct we perceive a want of that vigorous energy, 
which they displayed in the time of Epaminondas. It is possible 
that they delayed commencing hostilities till Philomelus had put 
himself more completely in the wrong; and they were anxious to 
procure a solemn vote of the Amphictyons, appointing them to con- 
duct a holy war as champions of the god. With such view apparent- 
ly, and to counteract the efforts of the Phocian agents, they dispatched 
embassies to the various Amphictyonic states, calling upon them to 
unite in the cause of religion against the Phocians. The majority 
complied, including the Locrians, Dorians, Thessalians, Perrheebians, 
Magnetes, Dolopians, Athamanians, Phthiots, and Afnianians; while 
Athens, Lacedzemon, and some other states of Peloponnesus, adhered 
to the Phocian cause. It may be inferred from the words of Dio- 
dorus, that a formal declaration of war was passed at a congress of 
Amphictyons (which must have been held at Thermopyle); and 
severe sentences were passed not only upon the whole Phocian 
people, as impious and sacrilegious criminals, but specially upon 

_ Philomelus and the most prominent leaders of his party, who were 

condemned to heavy fines. It does not appear, however, that the 
Thebans were chosen to command the united force of the league, 
nor that any plan was agreed upon for carrying on the war with 
effect.! 

The remissness of his adversaries gave time to Philomelus for 
preparation. Seeing the necessity of greatly augmenting his num 
bers, and of providing pay for them by extraordinary means, he no 

openly laid his hands upon the Delphic treasures, and giving notic 

that the pay of his soldiers would be half as much again as before, 
he invited the mercenaries, with whom Greece then abounded, to 
enlist under his banners. No sooner were his intentions made pul 

licly known, than a multitude of adventurers, chiefly men of des- 
perate fortune and character, flocked from all quarters to his camp, 
eager to share in the plunder that was promised them. Finding 
himself at the head of a considerable army, he anticipated the 
enemy's attack by a rapid march into Epicnemidian Locris, where 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 28, 29, 32. 


268 APPENDIX 1. 


he met the native troops joined by a small detachment of the Boso- 
tians; and having defeated them in a cavalry action, fell suddenly 
upon a body of six thousand Thessalians advancing from the north, 
and defeated them separately on a cliff (forming one of the Locrian 
range of hills) called Argolas. But now the main army of the Boeo- 
tians, thirteen thousand strong, advanced into Locris, and pitching 
their camp opposite to the Phocian general, offered him batile. 
Philomelus was reinforced by fifteen hundred Achzeans; yet, as his 
whole army did not much exceed eleven thousand, he thought it 
more prudent to decline a general engagement. .The foraging par- 
ties, however, met in frequent skirmishes; and the Boeotians, hay- 
ing taken some prisoners, ¢aused them to be led out in front of the 
camp and executed as malefactors, declaring that such was the judg- 
ment pronounced on them by the Amphictyons. The soldiers of 
Philomelus, enraged at this savage irae insisted that he should 
retaliate ; and exerting themselves to take alive as many as they pos- 
sibly could of the enemy, they soon put him in a condition to do so, 
Philomelus without hesitation put all his prisoners to death. This 
led to a mutual abandonment of a barbarous practice, which was 
not sanctioned by the general usages of Grecian warfare. While 
the armies remained in this position, no action occurred worthy of 
notice; and at length Philomelus found it necessary to retreat into 
his own country. He was followed by the enemy, whom he drew 
into the mountainous and woody regions of Parnassus, hoping to 
obtain advantage over them by his better knowledge of the locality. 
After some marching and counter-marching, he was surprised by 
the Boeotians near the city of Neon, and compelled to fight a battle 
with one division of his forces against greatly re ms numbers. 
Here his troops were totally routed ; he himself fighting bravely to 
the last was driven to the edge of a precipice, from which, rather 
than be taken alive, he threw himself headlong down, and met the 
very death to which sacrilegious criminals were doomed by Hel- 
lenic law; a sign, as Diodorus thinks, that the vengeance of the 
gods had overtaken him. Onomarchus, his brother; succeeding to 
the command, rallied the fugitives, and led them back to Delphi.* 
It might have been expected that the Thebans would have fol- 
lowed up their victory, by marching instantly to the holy city, scat- 
tering the remnant of their vanquished foes, and rescuing the temple 
from further pillage. Instead of this, they relieved the beaten Pho- 
cians from any immediate apprehension of danger, by retreating 
themselves into Boeotia. The explanation which Diodorus gives of 
their conduct is, that they considered the main objects of the war 
were accomplished by the death of Phitomelus; that the Phocians, 
seeing him, the author of their calamities, to have been signall 
ay 
? Diodorus, xvi. 80, 81. Pausanias, x. 2. The death of Philome 
oceurred B.c. 354. é 











THE SACRED WAR. 969.» 


punished by gods and men, would repent of their folly and turn to 
wiser counsels. If this were so, it is one among many proofs, that 
the Thebans had among them at that time no able adviser. I am 
more disposed however to take Thirlwall’s view, that the retreat.of 
the Thebans was owing to strategic causes, the victory of Neon not 
haying been so decisive as to encourage them to pursue the enemy, 
much less to undertake a siege of Delphi. sj 

The proceedings in that city after the battle show what important 
results might have been accomplished by the rapid advance of a vic- 
torious army. Among the national troops and counselors of the 
Phocians there was a moderate party, who were desirous of peace, 
dreading the consequences of opposition to so large a body of the 
Greeks, and seeing how feebly they had been supported by their 
professed allies. Some had religious scruples, and were shocked at 
a state of things, under which they were as a nation excommuni- 
cated from Hellenic society and brotherhood: others were jealous 
of the despotic power exercised by the general, or disgusted with 
the licentiousness of his mercenary camp. Onomarchus, on the 
other hand, felt that the only chance of honor and distinction for 
himself and his family lay in the continuance of the war; his very 
safety depended upon it, as he was personally implicated in the 
charges preferred by the Amphictyons, and sentenced.by them to 
the penalties of sacrilege. On his side were the more bold and un- 
scrupulous part of the Phocians, and the whole body of mercenaries, 
who saw their advantage in the prospect of pay and plunder. An 
assembly or council of war was convened, and Onomarchus in a 
powerful and well-prepared speech urged the necessity of resisting 
the enemy, and persevering in the manly course begun by Philome- 
lus. His eloquence, backed by the support of the army, carried the 
day ; and he was elected to fill the office of general with the same 
absolute powers which had been conferred upon his predecessor. 
His first care was to fill up the places of the soldiers who had fallen 
in battle, to make new levies of mercenaries, and provide himself 
with an immense quantity of arms and military stores, The work 
of spoliation was now commenced on a larger scale than before. 
Whatever donatives of brass and iron manufacture he found in the 
temple, he converted into arms; the gold and silver he melted down 
for coinage, employing it not only for the maintenance of his own 
_ troops, but for distribution among the leading statesmen of Athens, 
Sparta, and other cities in alliance with him. Experience had shown 
that little was to be expected from the voluntary exertions of these 
allies, occupied as they were by their own affairs, or distracted by 
_ their own troubles. It was necessary to stimulate their zeal by 
some extraordinary means, and gold was profusely lavished for this 
purpose. But Onomarchus did not stop here. He employed the 
ample means of corruption which he had at his command to pur- 
chase peace from his enemies; some of whom he gained over to his 


270 APPENDIX 1. 


side, others he persuaded to be neutral. Among’ these were the 
Thessalians. ἢ [2 WS 

The feelings of pious men were further outraged, by seeing the 
riches of the temple not only applied to purposes of war and ad- 
ministration, but lavished on amusement and vanity. Onomarchus 
was vicious in his pleasures. Precious ornaments, hallowed by their 
antiquity and the memories associated with them, were taken from 
the custody of Apollo, to hang on the necks or encircle the brows 
of his mistresses and favorites. Philomenus had occasionally been 
generous in this way at the expense of the god; yet there were 
bounds to his liberality, which the extravagance of his successor 
disregarded. Philomelus had been mild in his domestic goverment, 
and gained a well-merited popularity, which had helped to secure the 
succession to his brother. Onomarchus, irritable in his temper, and | 
intolerant of opposition, seized the principal Phocians who had either 
resisted his election, or whom he considered to be forming a party ἢ 
against him in the state, and condemned them to lose their lives 
and property. With all this, he was not free from the superstition 
of the age. He was encouraged by a dream, in which a colossal 
statue, one of the ornaments of the temple, seemed to grow under 
his hands in height and bulk; which portended, as he thought, an 
increase of glory under his own generalship ; whereas, in the histo- 
rian’s view, it signified that he would be an instrument for increas- 
ing the penalties to which his countrymen were doomed.? 

Having now raised by his exertions a numerous and well-ap- 
pointed army, he lost no time in making the best use of it. The 
Amphissian Locrians, terrified by his approach, and isolated from 
their confederates, had no resource but in submission. Entering — 
the territory of the Dorians, who were equally remote from all as- 
sistance, he ravaged and plundered it with impunity. He overran 
Epicnemidian Locris, taking and occupying with a garrison the city — 
of Thronium, the inhabitants of which he sold into slavery. 

Whether it was at this time, as Grote thinks, or a little later that 
he took Niczea and Alponus, is not clear. Certain it is, that he was ~ 
shortly afterwards master of the pass of Thermopyle, the access to 
which those fortresses commanded. From the hills of Cnemis he 
descended into Boeotia, approaching the north-western bank of the 
Lake Copias, where stood the ruins of Orchomenus, once the first 
of Beeotian cities. It had been destroyed by the Thebans, who 
cherished a bitter hatred against the city for having sided with La- 
cedzemon, and after the battle of Leuctra were only restrained from 
wreaking their vengeance upon it by the entreaties of Epaminon- 
das; but in the year B.o. 364, having discovered a conspiracy of the © 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 32, 33, 57. Athenzeus, xii. 5382. As to the bribery 
at Sparta, see ante, p. 264. i 
2 iodorus, xvi. 88, 64. Athenzeus, xiii. 605. aa 





THE SACRED WAR. 271 


Orchomenian knights and certain of their own exiles to overthrow 
the government, they seized the occasion, during the absence of 
Epaminondas, to punish the crime of a few citizens by the extirpa- 
tion of the whole people, whom they massacred in cold blood, sell- 
the women and children for slaves.' Onomarchus took possession 
of the ruined city, intending to establish it-as a fortress and sallying 
place against the enemy. There may have been a village popula- 
tion in Orchomenus at this time; but there is no doubt that he left 
a garrison in it, and repaired the fortifications; for it continued to 
be occupied by the Phocians till the end of the war. He next 
laid siege to Cheeronea; but the Thebans coming to its relief, and 
his army being weakened by the garrisons which he had detached, 
he was driven with some loss from the walls of that city, and re- 
turned into Phocis.? 

The inaction of the Thebans at this period is attributable to sev- 
eral causes; chiefly to the disunion sown among their allies by the 
craft of their opponent, and the great advantage which he had over 
them in recruiting his military resources. They had vainly imag- 
ined that they could maintain an army at their own cost, which 
would overcome any mercenary force provided by the pillage 
of Delphi, and they had found their mistake.* The want of 
money now compelled them to send five thousand men under Pam- 
menes to assist the satrap Artabazus, who had revolted against the 
Persian king.* But such a number could be ill spared from a war, 
in which they had to contend against a power growing every day 
more formidable. Onomarchus, in the year 8.0. 353, commanded 
the largest standing army in Greece, and was seemingly supported 
by the strongest alliances. There was but one man able to cope 
with him, and that was Philip of Macedon; with whom a series 
oo events, which must now be adverted to, brought him into con- 

ict. 

Alexander of Phere, after a reign of eleven years, in which he 
had shown some vigor and aptitude for command, mingled with the 
most inhuman and savage ferocity, was murdered in his bed by the 
contrivance of his wife Thebe, assisted by her brothers Tisiphonus 
and Lycophron.’ Tisiphonus, either alone or jointly with his 


. ἐν Diodorus, xv. 57, 79. Pausanias, ix. 15. Demosthenes, contr. Lep- 
in. 490. 
? Diodorus, xvi. 83. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 387. Zischines, 
De Fals. Leg. 45. Grote’s History of Greece, xi. 860. 
8 Isocrates, Philipp. 98. 
* Diodorus, xvi. 34. 
® Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 6. 4, ss. 35—37. Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid. 
35. Diodorus, xvi. 14. The romantic incidents of this murder are 
familiar to most readers—how Thebe removed the fierce dog that 
usually guarded the chamber—how she laid wool upon the stairs, that 


272 APPENDIX 1, 


brother, was raised to the supreme power, and having delivered 
their country from an odious tyrant, they were at first highly 
popular, but in course of time, as they became despotic, and rested 
their support upon the mercenary troops, they excited an opposition, 
which could only be put down by measures of violence. ‘Tisipho- 
nus survived but a few years, and at the time to which we are 
drawing attention Lycophron had the sole sway. When Onomar- 
chus opened his negotiations in Thessaly, Lycophron joined alliance 
with him. Common sympathies attracted these two potentates to 
each other; and it is likely enough that they entered into a compact 
for mutual support in their schemes of ambition. Lycophron recom- 
menced that system of encroachment upon the Thessalian body, 
which had caused them in Alexander’s reign to invite foreign 
assistance. The exact time when dissensions broke out between 
them and the ruler of Pherze can not, in the absence of historical in- 
formation, be clearly ascertained. There is evidence to warrant the 
conjecture, that he had enlarged his dominions at their expense, 
and got possession of some of their fortresses, as early as the year 
355 B.c., and that the Thessalians were then in a distressed and im- 
poverished condition: but it does not appear that any foreign aid 
᾿ς was called in before the year 353 B.c. It was then useless to apply 
a to Thebes, cut off as she was from communication with the north, 
and scarcely able to defend herself at home. The Aleuads there- 
fore turned their eyes to Philip of Macedon, who, still carrying on ~ 
war against Athens and her dependencies, had.advanced to besiege 
τς Methone, the last remaining possession of the Athenians on the 
Macedonian coast. ἢ ' : 
Methone fell after a long siege; and Philip, at the invitation to 
the Aleuads, marched into Thessaly. The course of his operations 
is not clear. It is probable that one of the earliest was against 
Pagasee, which he would be anxious to take before the Athenians — 
could send relief to it by sea. They did send a fleet, which, as 
usual, arrived too late, and Pagasee fell into his hands. Lycophron 


the steps of her brothers might not be heard—how, when they hesitated — 
at the last moment, she threatened them with discovery, if they did not 
mount the stairease—and how she herself held the bolt of the door, 
while they completed the murderous task. Plutarch mentions the third 
brother, Pytholaus, as joining in it. 
1 Tsocrates, De Pace, 183. Diodorus, xvi. 14, 84, 85. Thirlwall (History 
of Greece, v. 280, note 2) rightly considers that Diodorus, in the first of 
the above-cited chapters, is only giving a general view of the course of 
events in Thessaly, and not speaking of any interference by Philip soon 
after Alexander’s death. ΤῊ 
2 Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 11. Philipp. i. 50. Diodorus, xvi. 81. ΠῚ 
γὰς in this passage ought to be Παγασάς, though the date is wrong, for 
Philip never could have attacked Pagasze before his expedition in 
Thessaly, B. c. 8358. Diodorus rightly makes the siege of Pagasa follow 










THE SACRED WAR. 273 


meanwhile had applied for succor to the Phocian general, who sent 
seven thousand men under the command of his brother Phayllus; 
but he was beaten by Philip, and driven back from Thessaly ; upon 
which Onomarchus, seeing the great importance of repelling so 
dangerous an adversary, mustered all his forces together, and 
hastened in person to the scene of action. Twice did these two 
generals, the ablest then in Greece, encounter each other in battle; 
and twice was Philip worsted. In the first engagement Onomar- 
chus, not trusting entirely to superior numbers, resorted to a strata- 
gem difficult and dangerous to practice except with experienced 
troops. He had occupied some rising ground under a semicircular 
ridge of hills. On the high cliffs which flanked him on either side 
he placed a heap of loose rocks and a body of men in concealment, 
then descended into the plain to meet the enemy. They instantly 
attacked him, the light troops discharging their missiles, and he by 
a pretended flight drew them after him into the concavity of the 
hills. As the Macedonians rushed tumultuously forward, their pro- 
gress was suddenly arrested by crushing masses of rock hurled ἡ 
down among them from the cliffs: at that moment Onomarchus 
gave the signal, and the Phocians charging their disordered ranks. 
drove them back with slaughter to their camp. In the midst of the 
flight Philip lost not his presence of mind, but coolly observed to, 
those about him, that he was retiring like a battering-ram, only to 
be more terrible in the reaction.' Notwithstanding this vaunt, he 
was again defeated, and the second time so severely, that he 


escaped with some difficulty from the field, his soldiers deserting _ 


him, or breaking into open mutiny. Using all his powers of per- 
suasion to keep the discouraged remnant in obedience, he led them 
back to his own kingdom. He was not however pursued, events 


that of Methone; but he has evidently committed some mistake, for he 
mentions the siege of Methone twice, the right place being in chapter 
84. See Leland’s Life of Philip, i. p. 213. Grote’s History of Greece, 
xi. 865, 412. Grote thinks that Pagase was not taken till after Phere. 


. But against this we may observe, that there actually was a siege of 


Pagase, as we learn from Demosthenes; but there could have been no 
oceasion for it after Pheree had been surrendered. Again, had there 
been a siege of Pagasze at that time, there was an Athenian fleet on the 
coast to relieve it, and Demosthenes would hardly have imputed its fall 
to the dilatoriness of Athens. 

? Polyzenus, Strateg. ii. 88. Thirlwall (History of Greece, v. 281) 
thinks this anecdote should be referred to the second battle. It seems 
to me that the words of Philip are more applicable to a partial defeat, 
after which he might contemplate another immediate attack, than to 
the severe defeat which followed, and which drove him for the time 
from Thessaly. He said these words to cheer his soldiers ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ 


φυγῇ. 
M 2 


274 APPENDIX L 


having happened which required the presence of Onomarchus in 
Beeotia.t _ 

The diversion made by Philip in Thessaly had encouraged the 
Thebans again to try the fortune of war. They had taken the field, 
with the intention perhaps of recovering Orchomenus; but what- 
ever their plans were, they were disconcerted by-the rapidity of the 
Phocian general, who with his victorious army appearing suddenly 
in Beeotia overcame them in battle, and then besieged and took 
Coronea. This city was near the south-western shore of Lake 
Copais, and aout twenty miles from Thebes. The loss of such a 


place must have been a great blow to the Thebans, and proves how 


incapable they were at this time to defend themselves against the 
superior force of the enemy. It is not unlikely, the population of 
Coronea were unfriendly to Thebes, and surrendered their city 
without much reluctance: for it remained in possession of the Pho- 


cians until the end of the war, and met then with the same severe. 


_ punishment which was inflicted upon Orchomenus.? The campaign 
might further have been prolonged, with still more disastrous issues 
to the Thebans; but, fortunately for them, Onomarchus was recalled 
.by the alarming intelligence, that Philip had again raised his stand- 
ard in Thessaly. . 
That indefatigable prince, having repaired the strength and disci- 


pline of his army in Macedonia, returned with the resolute deter-— 


mination to accomplish his original purpose. Unless he could re- 
trieve his honor and establish his ascendency in Thessaly, it was all 
over with ulterior projects of empire. He therefore strenuously 
exerted himself to levy troops among his allies. To stimulate their 
zeal, he proclaimed that he was come not only to deliver them from 
the Phersean tyranny, but to subdue the sacrilegious Phocians, and 
restore to the Amphictyons their Pylean synod. The Aleuads 
seconded his efforts, and in a short time his army, reinforced by the 
Thessalians, amounted to above twenty thousand foot and three 
thousand horse. He ordered his men to wear wreaths of laurel, as 
soldiers in the cause of Apollo;> and having raised their ardor 
and courage to the highest pitch, he led them against the enemy. 
Onomarchus had come promptly to the aid of Lycophron, and was 
already in the Pherzean territory with a force of twenty thousand 
foot and four hundred horse. The two armies met on the shore of 
the Pagassean gulf, not far from Pagase, and within sight of an 
Athenian squadron under Chares, which was cruising off the coast. 
It was now to be decided, whether Philip or Onomarchus should be 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 35. 

? Demosthenes, De Pace, 62. De Fals. Leg. 875, 887, 445. 
3. Diodorus, xvi. 35. 

* Demosthenes, De Chersoneso, 105. De Fals. Leg. 448. 

* Justin, viii. 2. 


THE SACRED WAR. - ong 


the future lord of Thessaly, and perhaps of Greece. The battle was 
long and obstinate, but the fortune of Philip prevailed, owing chiefly 
to the numbers and valor of his Thessalian cavalry. The Phocians, 
broken on all sides, fled to the beach; many plunging into the 
waves, in the vain attempt to swim to the Athenian ships, were 
either drowned or cut to pieces by pursuing horsemen. Among 
these was Onomarchus himself. Six thousand of his troops were 
slain; three thousand prisoners were drowned in the sea as crimi- 
nals by the command of the conqueror. The body of Onomarchus 
was nailed to a cross.!_ Thus perished, in the fourth year of the 
Sacred War, the only general who had ability enough to compete 
with the king of Macedon.? 

Phayllus, succeeding to the command, applied himself without 
delay to repair the dreadful loss which his country had sustained, 
and to put her in a posture of defense. The flower of the Phocian 
army had been destroyed. Scarce a third part of the force which 
had marched into Thessaly could have returned to their standards. 
To obtain speedy succor was indispensable. Phocis might be 
attacked by all her enemies at once. The Macedonians might 
penetrate the straits of Thermopyle, while the Thebans and Lo- 
crians invaded the eastern frontier. Phayllus, to recruit his army, 
could employ the same means which his predecessors had done, and 
those he did not neglect: but for new levies of soldiers some time 
would be required, and every moment was of importance. He 
therefore sent pressing messages to Athens, to Sparta, and to his 
other allies, representing the urgency of the peril, and imploring im- 
mediate-succor.* 

- The Athenians, in the beginning of the war, notwithstanding 
their treaty of alliance with the Phocians, had lent them no military 
aid. They had been themselves impoverished and weakened by the 


‘ Diodorus, xvi. 835. Pausanias, x. 2, states that Onomarchus was 
killed by his own soldiers, attributing the defeat to his cowardice and 
incapacity. As to this, and as to the punishment of criminals by drown- 
ing, see Wessellng’s notes on the passage in Diodorus. 

The ability of Onomarchus is sufficiently proved by his acts. The 
loss of the battle is attributed by Diodorus to his inferiority in cavalry. 
It would seem, that he had acquired experience as a commander in the 
| Leuctric war. Polyznus (ii. 38) relates a stratagem of his, which must 
have occurred at that period. The Thebans, under Pelopidas, were 
besieging Elatea. Onomarchus opened the gates of the city, brought 
out the old men, woman, and children, and in front of them drew up 
the whole force of the heavy-armed. Pelopidas, fearing to drive the 
Phocians to despair, withdrew his army.—This reminds one of the 
old or of Phocian desperation, already cited from Pausanias (ante, p, 
236). 

. 3. Diodorus, xvi. 86. 


"6 APPENDIX 1. 


Social War,! and were still engaged in a harassing contest with 
Macedonia. Their interest in the Phocian quarrel was remote; and 
that any danger to the liberty of Greece was to be apprehended 
from it, was a thing which the most acute politician could not have 
dreamed of. It appeared in a short time, that the Phocians, so far 
from needing foreign assistance, were more than a match for their 
adversaries. We may be surprised that after the successes of Ono- 
marchus, when the Thebans were so enfeebled-as not to be able to 
defend their own territory, the Athenians should not have taken 
advantage of the occasion to attempt the recovery of Oropus. This 
may serve to show both the military weakness of Athens, and the 
supineness of her people. The siege of Pagasze, so soon following 
the capture of Methone, alarmed them a little on their own account, 
and they sent a fleet to relieve it, which, as already mentioned, 
arrived too late. Now however, when Philip, having destroyed 
the army of Onomarchus, was ready to march with an overpower- 
ing force to Thermopyle, the magnitude of the crisis became appar- 
ent; and it needed not the urgent appeal of Phayllus to convince 
the Athenians, that they themselves were deeply concerned in 
checking Philip’s further progress. Should he succeed in passing 
the barrier of southern Greece, the road was open not merely to 
_Phocis but to Athens. Their own sailors, eye-witnesses of the 
battle, must have brought them the earliest intelligence. From the 
Phocian envoys they would learn, that Phayllus was unable to hold 
the pass unassisted. Roused at once from their lethargy, the Athe- 
nians voted the required succors, and shipped them off with the ut- 
most expedition for the straits of Thermopyle. The land force 
consisted of five thousand infantry and four hundred horse, com- 
manded by Nausicles. These, properly supported by the Phocians, 
would be sufficient to guard the pass, so long as the fleet, keeping 
command of the sea, prevented Philip landing troops in their rear. 
Succors came also from Peloponnesus; a thousand Lacedzemonians, 
and two thousand Acheans.? 

Philip immediately after his victory proceeded to the reduction 
of Pherz. This was expected of him by the Thessalians, as the 
_ prime object of the expedition, Phere, garrisoned by the troops of — 

_Lycophron, would be capable of holding out for some time; and it — 

might be policy in the tyrant to make some show of vigorous defence 
if it were merely for the sake of obtaining better terms. There could — 


1 Tsocrates, De Pace, 168. This oration was composed at the close 
of the Social War. 

? Diodorns, xvi. 37. The cost of the Athenian armament (according — 
to Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 867) was more than two hundred talents, 
reckoning the private outlay of individuals as well as the public 
We can not Soulk however that the Athenians received money from 
Phayllus. 


THE SACRED WAR. 27 


be no chance for him however of ultimate success, cut off as he was 
from all hope of assistance: he therefore capitulated, receiving per- 
mission for himself and his brother Pitholaus to retire with their 
mercenaries from Thessaly. Two thousand soldiers were carried 
over by them to the Phocians. Pheree was surrendered to Philip, 
who abolished the dynasty to which it had so long been subject, and 
established a free or popular government. After this he marched to 
Thermopyle ; but finding on his arrival that it was strongly guarded 
by Athenian troops, he retreated without making any attempt to 
force the pass. Thus did the Athenians by a prudent and timely 
effort (more than once made the subject of eulogy by Demosthenes, 
and cited by him as an axample for imitation), avert from themselves 
apparently a very serious danger. 

Thirwall, in his History of Greece, expresses a doubt whether the 
retreat of Philip from Thermopyle was owing to any fear of the 
Athenians; suggesting that perhaps he was not desirous of termi- 
nating the war so soon;~ had this been so, he would have followed 
up his victory more rapidly: it was to his advantage that the Sacred 
War, which was wasting the strength of the Greeks, should be kept 
up some time longer; he advanced perhaps at the request of the 
Thessalians, and was glad to find a pretext for retiring from Ther- 
mopyle.? There are, as it appears to me, very fair grounds for the 
suspicion of the learned historian; though I am less inclined to con-— 
sider that Philip could have forced the pass against the Athenians, 
than that he purposely delayed his own advance, deeming it prema- 
ture at that moment to carry his arms southward. The motives of 
his conduct are to be looked for in the affairs of Thessaly, and in his 
relations with the people of that country. 

The proceedings of Philip in Thessaly are but imperfectly known 
to us., That he ultimately acquired such a preponderance in that 
country as to be a sort of Tagus, exercising both a military and a 
political authority, is certain: the steps by which he arrived at that 
power are not so clearly revealed. On the one hand, we learn from 
Diodorus, that Philip, by his generous services to the Thessalians in 
putting down the tyrants and restoring the freedom of their cities, 
secured their grateful co-operation in his own wars.? Theopompus 
attributes much of the popularity of Philip to his good companion- 

‘ship. Knowing (he says) that the Thessalians were addicted to 
intemperance and debauchery, he followed the bent of their humor, 
which indeed was quite natural to him, as he was himself a hard 


: Demosthenes, Philipp. i. 44. De Coron. 236. De Fals, Leg. 867, 
897, 443. 

* Thirlwall, History of Greece, v. 283. 

® Diodorus, xvi. 14. Κατεπολέμησε τοὺς Tupdvvove, καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν 
ἀνακτησάμενος τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, μεγάλην εὔνοιαν εἰς τοὺς Θετταλοὺς évedet- 
ξατο" διόπερ ἐν ταῖς μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεσιν ἀεὶ συναγωνιστὰς ἔσχεν. 


278 ‘APPENDIX .1. 


drinker, fond of loose pleasures, coarse wit, and buffoonery ; he there- 
fore lived among them freely, and by thus making himself agreeable 
he attached them to him more strongly than by his profuse liberality. ! 
Isocrates, writing at the end of the Sacred War, tells us that the 
Thessalians had become so attached to Philip as to put more confi- 
dence in him than in their own countrymen.? Demosthenes, having. 
reference to the issue of that war, says tl@y regarded him as a 
saviour and benefactor :* and we know that they afterwards assisted 
him in Thrace; they chose him for their general in the Amphissian 
war, and followed him to Chgeronea; and their embassadors supported 
the Macedonian at Thebes against Demosthenes.* On the other 
hand, we are told by Justin, that Philip after the victory of Pagasze 
requited his Thessalian allies with the most atrocious perfidy; that 


he took hostile possession of the very cities which had furnished him — 


with auxiliaries; that he sold their women and children by public 
auction, and spared not even the temples or the houses in which he 
had been hospitably entertained. This statement, which may be 
regarded as an exaggeration, coincides in some measure with an 
anecdote of Polyzenus, who relates, that Philip came to Larissa to 
destroy the houses of the Aleuads; that he sought by a pretended 
sickness to entice them to visit him, and then to seize their persons; 
and that the plot failed by the discovery of one Boescus:® some 
additional confirmation is afforded by another passage of the same 
author, in which he gives an account of Philip’s general policy towards 
the Thessalians; stating that he contrived a means to subdue them 
without making any open war; that, finding they were divided among 
themselves and the different cities continually quarreling,—for ex- 
ample, Pelinna with Pharsalus, Larissa with Pherse,—he interfered 
from time to time on behalf of those who solicited his aid, but when 
he overcame their adversaries, he never pursued them to destruction, 
nor deprived them of their arms or fortifications; his plan was always 
to take the part of the weak against the strong, to support the 
lower against the higher classes, and to encourage the demagogues: 
by such arts he got the dominion of all Thessaly.7 Light is thrown 
on this by the war which undoubtedly broke out between Pharsalus 
and Halus, 8.0. 347—346, in which Philip espoused the cause of the 


' Theopompus, apud Atheneum, vi. 260. Compare iv. 167; x. 435. 
Polybius censures Theopompus for his injustice to Philip. Lib, viii. 
11.,19. ᾿ 

3. Tsocrates, Philipp. 86. 

3 Demosthenes, De Coron. 240. 

* Demosthenes, De Cherson. 98. De Coron. 237, 246, 277, 298. Iso-. 
crates, Philipp. 97. 

§ Justin, vili. 8. 

δ Polyznus, Strateg. iv. 6. 2, s. 11. 

* Polysenus, Strateg. iv. ¢. 2, 8, 19. 


\ 
re 


THE SACRED ΑΒ. 279 


Pharsalians, and gave them the city after its capture.! And it ap- 
pears also, from divers passages of Demosthenes, that some of Philip’s 
acts were unpopular among the Thessalians, or at least. excited mur- 
murs and complaints; for instance, his garrisoning of their towns, 
and his appropriation of their public revenues; that during the first 
few years of his connection with them he had some little difficulty 
in keeping them under his command, and resorted occasionally to 
harsh measures; and that at last he divided the country into te- 
trarchies, placing his own creatures in the chief towns, to insure 
their dependence on himself.? 

From these various statements, if we distinguish the different 
times and circumstances to which they have reference, and make 
due allowance for high coloring and exaggeration, we may gather, 
not indeed an exact series of historical events, but a probable view 
_ of the course of things. 

Philip, when he entered Thessaly, never meant to put down the 
tyrants of Phere and then quietly go away; nor to set up the 
Aleuads or any other aristocratical family in the place which that 
dynasty had usurped. He intended to conquer Thessaly for himself, 
and to use it as an instrument for ulterior purposes. But such con- 
quest was not achieved by the defeat of Onomarchus, nor yet by 
the capture of Phere and Pagasee. It was not even certain that, if 
he advanced into Phocis and put an end to the Sacred War, the 
Thessalians would afterwards follow him into Attica, or assist him 
in any other aggressive movement of his own.* There was not 
much reliance to be placed on the friendship or gratitude of that 
people. It was necessary to bring them entirely under his rule, 
before he made any attempt against the Greeks south of Ther- 
mopyle. How was this to be accomplished? Partly by concilia- 
tion and persuasion, partly by coercion and force. He must make 
the Thessalians understand that Macedonian protection was indis- 
pensable to them. With such view it was good policy to let the 


1 Demosthenes, Orat. ad. Epist. 152. De Fals. Leg. 352, 353, 391, 
892. He says of the Halians, ’EfeAjAavra: καὶ ἀνάστατος ἣ πόλις αὐτῶν 
γέγονε. Isocrates says, Philipp. 86, Τῶν πόλεων τῶν περὶ τὸν τόπον 
ἐκεῖνον τὰς μὲν ταῖς evepyeciaic πρὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ συμμαχίαν προσῆκται, τὰς 
δὲ σφόδρα λυπούσας αὐτὸν ἀναστάτους πεποίηκεν. 

* Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 15; ii. 21, 22. De Cherson. 105. Philipp. 
ii. 71; iii. 117, 119; iv. 148,149. Orat. ad Epist. 153. De Coron. 
241, 324. De Fals. Leg. 424, 444. Athenzeus, vi. 249. Harpocration, 
sub. v. dexadapyia. 

* Demosthenes, De Pace, 60. De Coron. 276. De Fals. Leg. 444. 
᾿Εστασίαζε piv αὐτῷ τὰ Θετταλῶν, καὶ Φεραῖοι πρῶτον οὐ συνηκολούθουν. 
The Pherzeans were unwilling to follow him even against the Phocians, 
to put an end to the Sacred War. Much more would they have been 
reluctant to assist him in a private war of his own. 

4 Demosthenes, contr. Aristocr. 6517. 


280 APPENDIX IL 


Phocians gather new strength; and it was better also to let Lyco- 
phron and Pitholaus retire with their adherents to a place of safety, 
than entirely to uproot the regnant house and remove all fear of 
their return. He knew again, that the same nobles who had invited 
him to expel the tyrant would be dissatisfied with his own assump- 
tion of power, though to the mass of the people it might not be so 
unacceptable. He therefore made it his business to court favor with 
the less wealthy classes, even with the Penestze,’ who formed part 
of the army; and strove to elevate them at the expense of the 
nobility. The expression of Diodorus, that Philip restored freedom 
to Pherz, may be literally true ;? and he may have established in 
that city a species of democracy. The Aleuads, who expected that 
Phere would be given up either to themselves or to parties in con- 
nection with them, were indignant at Philip’s conduct; and gave 
utterance’ to their resentment in complaints and threats, the more 
loud and vehement, as they were able with some justice to urge, 
that, while he was meddling with the internal affairs of Thessaly, he 
was neglecting his engagement to prosecute the Phocian war. A 
party was formed against Philip, and it became necessary for him 
either to intimidate his opponents, or to destroy their power and 
influence. Strong measures were immediately adopted, such as 
those indicated by Justin and Polyzenus. Larissa was the strong- 
hold of the Aleuads; and Philip, while he insulted and degraded 
the members of that ancient house, would take care not to leave so 
important a city under their control. Of the manner in which he 
proceeded to foment the divisions among the different cities of 
Thessaly, we have no further particulars than those which have been 


already stated. His operations at Pagasze must have been among 


the earliest at this period. He there took possession of the shipping 
and naval stores, and speedily turned them to account against the 
Athenians, sending out cruisers to plunder their allies and seize the 
merchant vessels in the Aigean. A Macedonian squadron made a 
descent on Lemnos and Imbrus, and took some Athenian citizens 
prisoners: another made a valuable prize of some merchantmen off 
the southern coast of Eubcea, and afterwards entered the bay of 
Marathon and carried off the sacred galley. The Athenians now 
discovered that not only their distant possessions, but those near 
home, were in danger. Philip had for seven or eight years been 
attacking them in Macedonia and Thrace; now he was threatening 
even Attica itself. Demosthenes, in an assembly held at the close 
of the year 352 8,0., delivered his first Philippic, in which he 


1 Theopompus mentions one Agathocles (a Penest) who amused 


Philip by his flattery and jesting powers, and was employed by him to — 


corrupt the Perrhebians, and manage his affairs in their country. 
Athenzeus, vi. 260. 
* TH πόλει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀποδούς. Diodorus, xvi. 38. 





THE SACRED WAR. 281 


specially notices these piratical excursions of Philip, and the damage 
which they had done to Athens. He makes, however, no allusion 
to the place in which such expeditions were prepared; and it is 
likely enough, that the proceedings of Philip in Thessaly were at 
this time wholly unknown to him. One of the advantages resulting 
to Philip from his occupation of the gulf of Pagasze was, that it 
excluded the Athenians from communication with Thessaly by sea, 
while it enabled him to carry on his intrigues in Hubcea, and to 
menace the neighboring islands, Sciathus, Halonnesus, and Pepare- 
-thus.? He also gathered a considerable revenue from the customs 
and harbor-dues of Pagasze, which he took into his own hands 
under the pretense at first of reimbursing himself for the expenses 
of the war, and afterwards of maintaining a sufficient war establish- 
ment for the defense of the country. To secure these advantages 
to himself, he kept the city strongly fortified, and occupied it with 
a Macedonian garrison. Having settled the affairs of the Pherean 
kingdom, he turned his arms against the Magnetes and Perrhe- 
bians.* Those tribes had perhaps asserted their independence of the 
Thessalians, and refused to lend any assistance in the war against 
Lycophron. Philip subdued them under the pretense of augment- 
ing the security of Thessaly, but in reality for the purpose of 
strengthening his own dominion. The city of Magnesia, which. he 
fortified and kept in his own possession, was conveniently situated 
on the Ailgean coast above the bay of Pagase.* The Perrhebians 
commanded the passes of Mount Olympus, and by their conquest 
an entrance to Thessaly was secured.° These proceedings occupied 
Philip until the autumn of the year 8.0. 352, when he entered upon 
a Thracian expedition, which kept him actively engaged for about a 
twelve-month; at the end of which time he fell ill, and was obliged 
to return to his own kingdom.® During his absence the aristocrat- 
ieal parties began again to make head in Thessaly, and to intrigue 


* Demosthenes, Philipp. i. 49, 50. 3 

2 Strabo, ix. 486, 487. Demosthenes recommends these islands as 
winter quarters for the standing force which he proposed to establish 
for the annoyance of Philip’s coast. (Philipp. i. 49.) The importance 
which Philip attached to this position partly appears from the com- 
plaints in his letter. (Epist. Philipp. 159.) Compare Demosthenes, 
Philipp. iii. 120; iv. 183. 

5 Isocrates, Philipp. 86. Μάγνητας δὲ καὶ Πεῤῥαιβοιους καὶ ἸΤαΐονας 
κατέστραπται, καὶ πάντας ὑπηκόους αὐτοὺς εἴληφεν. ᾿ 

* Grote thinks there was no city called Magnesia, but that this name 
denotes the region only. (History of Greece, xi. p. 425, note 3.) It 
looks as if a city were spoken of in Demosthenes, Olynth. 1, 18; Φερὰς, 
Παγασὰς, Μαγνησίαν, πάνθ᾽ ὃν ἐβούλετο εὐτρεπίσας τρόπον. And also 
in Polyznus, Strateg. vi. 2. 

δ᾽ Herodotus, vii. 128, 172. 

* Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 18 ; iii. 29. 


282 APPENDIX I. 

against him. Exciting topics easily presented therfiselves—his 
retention of their cities and revenues, his arbitrary innovations, and 
his intention to set himself up as a tyrant (no better than those of 
Pherze) under the- mask of a protector. Philip’s partisans on the 
other hand were not idle: they reminded the people of his past ser- 
vices, and promised that he would take the earliest opportunity of 
chastising the Phocians and restoring the Pylean congress. Not- 
withstanding all their efforts, however, the opposite party obtained 
a partial success, and adverse votes were passed in some of the 
cities, asserting their own independence, calling upon Philip to 
abandon his fortification of Magnesia, to make restitution of Pagasee, 
and the like.' Things had taken such a turn, that the presence of 
Philip was required to overawe the malcontents, and restore con- 


fidence to his party. It happened fortunately for him at this crisis, - 


that an attempt was made by the exiled Pytholaus to recover his 
power in Phere. Philip’s adherents seized upon this as a pretext 
for calling him into the country. Accordingly, about the middle of 
the year B.c. 350 he re-entered Thessaly: his mere approach was 
sufficient to frighten away the intruder; and all that remained for 
him to do was, by liberal promises and politic measures to consoli- 
date his power and popularity.2_ He was then preparing for the 
Olynthian war, on the issue of which hung such important conse- 
quences; and he was glad to enlist under his standard the horse- 
men of Thessaly. Many of them he kept permanently in his pay; 
and, as victory and reward attached them to their commander, they 
answered the double purpose of strengthening his army, and secur- 
ing his ascendency in their native land.* 7 


* Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 15. Παγασὰς ἀπειτεῖν αὐτόν εἶσιν ἔψηφισ- 
μένοι, καὶ Μαγνησίαν κεκωλύκασι τειχίζειν. The verb κεκωλύκασι has 
reference to intention only. The Thessalians endeavored to prevent 
him by remonstrance. Compare Olynth. ii. 20, 21. In the first of 
these passages he calls the Thessalians δεδουλωμένοι. In drawing our 
inferences from what Demosthenes says, we must make allowance for 
the inaccuracy of his information, as well as for other things. That 
there were meetings and debates in Thessaly, is indicated by the pas- 
sages, De Cherson. 105; Philipp. iv. 149: Οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν ἐν 
Θετταλίᾳ τὰ Φιλίππου, μὴ συνευπεπονθότος τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ Θετταλῶν τῷ 
τοὺς τυράννους ἐκβαλεῖν Φίλιππον αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν Πυλαΐαν ἀποδοῦναι. 
Here there is no doubt an exaggeration of the truth, for the sake of an 
antithesis with what follows. 

* Diodorus, xvi. 52. The attempt of Pitholaus was so opportune for 
Philip, that Thirlwall suspects him of having connived at it. (History_ 
of Greece, v. 307.) Pitholaus however may have had a powerful party 
in Phere, who thought the occasion favorable for their coup d'état. We 
have seen that the Pherans showed reluctance to follow Philip to the 
Sacred War. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 444. 

* Theopompus, apud Athen. iv. 167. Οἱ ἑταῖροι αὐτοῦ ἐκ πολλῶν τό- 


THE SACRED WAR. — 283 


I have carried the reader a little out of chronological order, to- 
give a clearer view of Thessalian affairs; and now return to the - 
more direct transactions of the Sacred War. 

Phayllus, relieved by his allies from the pressure of immediate 
danger, spared neither trouble nor expense to re-establish his own 
military force. Drawing from the resources of the temple no less 
profusely than Onomarchus had done, he now melted down the 
golden ingots of Croesus, a hundred and seventeen in number, and 
weighing two talents each or nearly; also the female statue and - 
golden lion, and three hundred and sixty golden beakers, which to- 
gether weighed thirty talents. All these were converted into coin. 
The produce enabled him to make speedy levies of troops, and he 
was soon strong enough to take the field in Boeotia. He was there 
defeated in a severe engagement with the Thebans near Orchome- 
nus, in another on the banks of the Cephisus, and in a third by 
Coronea. It is not unlikely that the Thebans had advanced to be- 
siege one or both of these cities, and that Phayllus had come to their 
relief. His army, beaten in open field, took refuge within the walls, 
and the Thebans, unable to follow up their victory, retired. Shortly 
afterwards Phayllus made an incursion into Hpicnemidian Locris, and 
reduced all the cities*into his power, except Aryca or Naryx, from 
which, after it had been betrayed to him in the night time, he was 
driven out again with some loss. Leaving a force before it to carry 
on the siege, he retreated into Phocis, but, while he was encamped 
near Abze, he was surprised by the Thebans, who attacked him in. 
the night and killed a considerable number of his troops. Llated 
with this success, they advanced further into the Phocian territory, 
ravaged a large tract of it, and carried off a heap of plunder: re- 
turning however through Locris to raise the siege of Aryca, they 
were suddenly attacked and put to the rout by Phayllus; after 
which he took the city by storm, and razed it to the ground. Thus 
had he brought to a creditable issue a campaign checkered with 
many reverses, when he was overtaken by a consumptive disease, 
which, after long and painful suffering, terminated fatally Β.ο. 351. 
In the manner of his death the ancient historian sees the visitation - 
of heaven. He was succeeded as general-in-chief by Phalzcus, 
son of his brother Onomarchus, who, being a minor, was put under 
the guardianship of Mnaseas, a friend of the family.? 

During these last occurrences both the Thebans and the Phocians 


πὼν ἦσαν συνεῤῥυηκότες' οἱ μὲν yap ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς χώρας, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ Θετταλίας, 
οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος. 

* Diodorus, xvi, 56, and Wesseling’s notes. Herodotus, i. 50, 51. 

* Diodorus, xvi. 838. Pausanias, x. 2; who says the disease of Phayl- 
lus was the fulfillment of a dream, in which he fancied himself to be like 
a certain skeleton statue, which had been presented to Apollo by Hip- 

pocrates the physician. 


84 APPENDIX I. 


sent succors to their respective allies in Peloponnesus, where the 
Lacedzemonians had commenced war against Megalopolis and Mes- 
sene. The details of this I have given in another appendix. 

The war was renewed by Mnaseas in Boeotia; but he having 
been killed in a night-combat by the Thebans, Phalzecus himself 
took the command. A cavalry action occurred near Cheeronea, in 
which the Phocians were worsted ; yet still they kept the field in 
the enemy’s country, and at one time had succeeded in taking 
Cheeronea, but were again driven out by the Thebans, who now, 
reinforced by their troops returned from Peloponnesus, resolved on 
attempting a diversion, by which, if they could not free their own 
country from the presence of hostile garrisons, they would at least 
retaliate the miseries of war upon their opponents. Accordingly 
they invaded Phocis, and meeting with no resistance, laid waste 
the greater part of it with fire and sword. One of the smaller 
towns they captured, and returned laden with spoil into Beeotia.* 

Notwithstanding all the efforts of the Thebans, they were unable 
to dislodge their enemies from the Bceotian fortresses, from which 
they made continual. incursions, and threatened them with further 
conquest. Itis probable that the mercenaries were employed in 
this foreign service, while the native Phocians remained to defend 
their homes. The Theban troops, consisting chiefly of heavy-armed 
infantry, were superior in close combat to the mercenaries, who 
were for the most part peltastze; this may account for the number 
of Theban victories in the field: but the mercenaries were quicker 
in their movements, easily rallied, and more efficient. in desultory 
fighting. Besides, the Theban army being composed of citizens, 
their losses were not easily repaired; while the Phocian general 
was continually recruiting his numbers, as all the fighting men in 
Greece, who could find no better way to employ themselves, re- 
paired to his camp for enlistment. Thus did the Thebans become 
every year more and more embarrassed by the war, which at the 
end of five years, instead of having accomplished the deliverance 
of Delphi, had reduced them to contend with their neighbors for 
supremacy in Boeotia. About 350 or 349 8. σ., such was the low 
condition of their finances, that they applied to. the Persian mon- 
arch for a subsidy, and received from him a present of three hun- — 
_ dred talents, which they shortly afterwards requited by sending ἃ 
thousand men under Lacrates to assist him in the re-conquest of 
Egypt. Yet even this assistance did not enable them to achieve 
any important advantage over their enemies; and the war was 
kept up only by a repetition of petty skirmishes and mutual preda- — 
tory incursions. In the annals of Diodorus three consecutive years 
following the Persian loan present a perfect blank; but his silence — 
will not warrant us in assuming that there was an entire cessation — 


‘ Diodorus, xvi. 88, 89. 2 Diodorus, xvi. 40, 44. 


THE SACRED WAR. 285 


of all warlike operations. We know that before the close of the 
war the Phocians had taken Corsiz, a city in the north-eastern part 
of Boeotia,' and also the fortress of Tilphosszeum.? And yet Dio- 
dorus never mentions the taking of either of these places, though 
he casually alludes to the former as being in the possession of the 
Phocians.* We collect also from other sources, that the war was 
carried on both in Phocis and Beeotia; nor is it at all likely, either 
that Phalzecus would keep his paid soldiers inactive in their quar- 
ters, instead of employing them to annoy the enemy and gather 
plunder, or that the Thebans would sit contentedly at home while 
their territories were overrun and pillaged by the Phocian general. 
The progress of the war was altogether to the disadvantage of the 
Thebans. - 

In the summer of 348 B.c., the Thebans opened the campaign 
with an invasion of Phocis, and gained a victory of no great im- 
portance at Hyampolis. Returning home by Coronea, they encoun- 
tered the army of Phalzcus, and were defeated with considerable 
loss. Not discouraged by this failure, they again entered and rav- 
aged the enemy’s country, and again on their return suffered defeat. 
We see by their style of warfare, that the Thebans knew but little 
of the improved method of besieging fortresses, which Philip had 
so successfully employed; or they were destitute of the means of 
carrying on such operations. Annoyed and harassed though they 
were by hostile garrisons in Beeotian cities, they make no vigorous 
attempt to recapture them; but can only resort to the old system 
of ravaging the land of their adversaries. 

But while Phalecus kept his ground in Boeotia, and conducted 
the war there with success, his power was undermined by an ad- > 
verse party at home, who excited the people against him. It seems 
_ that, as the spoliation of the temple was regularly continued, and 

. 

1 Pausanias, ix. 24. 

2 Situated on a mountain of the same name, a little to the east of 
Coronea. It was called also Tilphossium, or Tilphosium. There was a 
fountain issuing from it, called Tilphosa, and near it the tomb of the 
prophet Tiresias, who died after drinking its waters, Strabo, ix. 411, 
4138. Pausanias, ix. 33. 

* Diodorus, xvi. 58. In the same way he makes no mention of the 
taking of Nicza and Alponus. 

* Isocrates, Philipp. 98. Aschines, contra Ctesiph. 73, 74. “Demos- 
thenes, De Coron. 231. De Fals. Leg. 385, 387. Elyov ye ᾿Ορχομενὸν 
καὶ Κορώνειαν καὶ τὸ TiAdwooaior, καὶ τοὺς ἐν Νέωσιν ἀπειλήφεσαν αὐτῶν, 
καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους ἀπεκτόνεσαν ἐπὶ τῷ Ἡδυλείῳ, καὶ πρόπα- 
tov εἱστήκει, καὶ ἱπποκράτουν, καὶ κακῶν ᾿Ιλἰὰς περιειστήκει Θηβαίους. 
We have πὸ further historical information concerning the capture of 
Tilphosszeum and the affairs at Neon and Hedyleum, which Demosthenes 
alludes to as incidents well known at Athens. 

* Diodorus, xvi. 56. 


286 + APPENDIX I. 


the treasures every year more and more sensibly diminished, the 
moderate Phocian statesmen and the bulk of the people viewed the 
affair with increased displeasure and alarm. The former generals 
had given great offense by appareling their wives, mistresses, or 
favorites, in some of the choicest ornaments of the temple, such as 
the celebrated nécklaces of Helen and Eriphyle.1  Phayllus had 
bestowed a golden ivy-wreath, a. present of the Peparethians to 
Apollo, upon some favorite girl, a flute-player; and he introduced 
her with this wreath to play the flute at the Pythian games; but 
the audience would not permit her to appear. The Phocians were 
a simple people of primitive habits and tastes, msomuch that even 
the better classes used to keep no servants in their houses, but the 
younger members of a family waited upon the elder. They were 
therefore a little scandalized, when the wife of Philomelus had two 
female domestics to attend upon her; and far more so at the num- 
ber of slaves soon afterwards brought into the country, who could 
only subsist (it was thought) by eating the bread of the poorer citi- 
zens. Yet with all their luxury and extravagance, and with all the 
shock which it gave to Phocian prejudices, the generals by means 
of their military power, and by the success which usually attended 
their arms, had silenced the murmurs of the people. But at length 
it became. obvious to every eye, that the fund which had supplied 
their prodigality would in no very long time become exhausted ;# 
and the Phocians in alarm began to ask themselves—“ What will 
-the Greeks say, when all the Delphian treasures are actually gone? 
and what means of defending ourselves shall we have then ?”— 
Fear thus drove.them into a condemnation of measures which they 
had so.long either sanctioned or tolerated. Phalecus, at the sug- 
gestion of one of his followgrs, had dug for a concealed treasure in 
the very centre of the temple, under the ground of the prophetic 
tripod. There was,a traditional belief, founded upon two verses in 
Homer,’ that immense riches lay under the stone floor of Apollo; 
and here they expected to find them. The soldiers however, who 
began to excavate the ground, were stopped by an earthquake, 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 64. Athenzeus, vi. 231, 232. 5 


* Athenes, xiii. 605; where other instances are quoted from Theo- 
pompus. 


3. Athenzus, vi. 264. : 

* Demosthenes, so early as 849 3B.c., speaks of the Delphic fund as be- 
ginning to be exhausted: ᾿Απειρηκότων χρήμασι Φωκέων. Olynth. iii. 80. 
Compare Olynth. i. 16. Aischines (De Fals. Leg. 45) partly attributes 


the ruin of the Phocians to the failure of money to pay their troops: 


Κατελύθησαν ἀπορίᾳ χρημάτων, ἐπειδὴ κατεμισθοφόρησαν τὰ ὑπάρχοντα. 
® Tliad, ix. 404: ' 
Οὐδ᾽ ὅσα λάϊνος οὐδὸς ἀφῆτορος ἐντὸς ἐέργει 
Φοίβου ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθοὶ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ. 


» 
i νυ. ,... ς 


΄ 


THE SACRED WAR. 287 


which terrified all present: it seemed as if Apollo had given a sol- 
emn warning, that the violators of his sanctuary would soon be 


- punished. The enemies of Phalzecus were encouraged to try an 


impeachment against him; and they accused him before the people 
of having embezzled the sacred treasures. To have charged him 
with expending them in the prosecution of the war would have 
been palpably unjust. A distinction therefore was drawn between 
their application to public and to private purposes. The people, 
considering that Phalzcus had wasted the funds on objects of per- 
‘sonal ambition and vanity, passed a vote of condemnation, and de- 
es him from his office. Three generals were elected in his room, 

inocrates, Callias, and Sophanes, with instructions to make a search- 


’ ing inquiry into the misapplication of the sacred fund. An account 


was demanded of the persons through whose hands it had passed. 
The chief manager was one Philo, who, not being able to render 
any account, was convicted of embezzlement, and after suffering 
the torture, betrayed his accomplices. They were all put to death; 
the plunder which they had taken, at least what remained of it, was 


_ restored, and brought into the public exchequer. It was computed, 


| 


that the aggregate of treasure, which had been taken from the Del- 
phic temple since the beginning of the war, amounted in value to 


_ moore than ten thousand talents. ! " 


There could be little doubt, that such a wholesale destruction of a . 
property not only sacred in general estimation, but in some sort 
national, would, as soon as its extent was fully known, raise a new 
outcry against the Phocians in Greece. No one had ever been 
known before to lay sacrilegious hands upon the Delphian temple. 
The penalty which Xerxes paid forthe attempt was a well-known 
matter of history.2 The proposal of the Corinthian envoy at 
“Sparta, to borrow money from Delphi and Olympia for equipping a 
fleet, had never been acted upon, though it may have given rise to . 
that clause in the treaty of peace, which provided for the security 
of the sacred treasures. Jason, as we have seen, was suspected of 
designs upon Delphi, and his death was hailed with joy by the cities 
of Greece.* A scheme is attributed to Dionysius; of penetrating 
through Epirus into Phocis, and seizing upon the temple; and it is 


' Diodorus, xvi. 56. Pausanias, x. 2. 

3 Ante, p. 238. 

* Ante, Ῥ, 242. Compare Thucydides i. 143; ii. 13. A borrowing 
of the sacred moneys, with the intention of returning them, might upon 
an occasion of necessity be unobjectionable and even proper. Thus the 
ev eg oom made a loan to Clisthenes. (Isocrates, περὶ ᾿Αντιόόσεως, 
8. 248. e advice of Hecatzeus to the Milesians (which they rejected) 
to take the treasures at Branchidz, more resembles the proceedings of 
the Phocian generals. (Herodotus, v. 36.) 

_ * Ante, p. 255. . 


~ 


288 ἷ APPENDIX 1, 


related that, in order to get a footing on the Epirotic coast, he 
entered into an alliance with the Illyrians, and assisted them to 
restore Alcetas the Molossian to his kingdom; but the project was 
not carried any further.! Now, however, the whole accumulated 
wealth of the sanctuary had beeh swept away by a people who 
ought most especially to have been its guardians and protectors. 
Such were the reflections likely to be made in Greece; and the 
Phocians were filled with gloomy forebodings at the prospect before 
them. ; 
Their fears were soon’to be increased by more alarming intelli- 
gence. The Thebans, worn out by a calamitous contest which there 
seemed no hope of terminating by their own unaided efforts, deter- 
mined to apply for succor to the king of Macedon. This fatal step — 
was taken in the year B.c. 347. Until then it does not appear that 
the Thebans had ever desired his interference: fear or pride may 
have prevented them from seeking it. But the continued encroath- 
ment on their territories; the insults to which they were daily 
exposed by marauding incursions, which not only weakened their 
sway over the cities yet subject to them in Beeotia, but rendered it 
unsafe to leave their home except with an armed force; again, 
the shame of yielding to.an adversary whom they once despised, 
and a burning desire of revenge, overcame every other feeling. It 
was just what Philip himself had most anxiously looked for. The 
Thessalians had been long pressing him to take arms in the cause of 
the Amphictyons; but the united petition of the Thessalians and 
Thebans would invest him with a still more august character, and 
enable him to terminate the-war more easily. It excluded also the 
probable contingency of a junction between Thebes and Athens, 
leading to some peaceful settlement of the Phocian question.? He 
did not hesitate, therefore, a moment in accepting the invitation of 
the Thebans; and a solemn engagement was entered into between 
them, and ratified by their mutual oaths, by which Philip bound 
himself, with due support from his allies, to accomplish the deliver- 
ance of Delphi, the punishment of the impious Phocians, and the 
restitution of the Amphictyonic congress.? Diodorus says, that he 
sent a small body of troops immediately into Boeotia, as an earnest — 
that he was sincere in the cause.* It is certain that Parmenio led 


1 Diodorus, xv. 13. Other acts of sacrilege perhaps caused him to be ~ 
suspected of a design on Delphi; for mee δ τος plunder of the tem- 
ple at Agylla, ibid. 14. Adlian Var. Hist. i. 20. He may, notwith-— 
standing this, have been impudent enough to rebuke the Athenians in ~ 
the manner related by Diodorus, xvi. 57. at δὲ ae 
3 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231. 
* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 443. De Pace, 62. i 
* Thirlwall (History of Greece, v. 340) says, the total silence of the 
orators renders this statement of Diodorus suspicious ; and that such an 


᾿ 


a 


THE SACRED WAR. 289 


an army this year into Thessaly, and proceeded at the request of 
the Pharsalians to besiege Halus. He may have sent a few troops 
across the gulf of Pagasze to Kuboea, and thence to Beeotia. Their 
presence may have encouraged the Thebans to try another invasion 
of Phocis, in which they inflicted some loss upon the enemy, sur- 
prising and dispersing a large body of them who were engaged in 
erecting a fortress near Abe. The greater part of the Phocians 
escaped; but five hundred, who fled for refuge into the temple, per- 
ished by an accidental fire which consumed the sacred edifice.? 
Rumors of Philip’s hostile intentions having reached the Phocian 
government, embassies were sent instantly both to Athens and to 
Lacedzemon, praying for assistance. The most effectual means of 
_ averting the threatened danger was to hold the pass of Thermopyle, 
as before, which could not be done without the aid of a powerful 
naval.force. The Phocian envoys offered to put the Athenians in 
possession of the three fortresses, Alponus, Thronium, and Nicea, 
which commanded the entrance to Thermopyle. A decree was 
passed by the Athenians, empowering their general Proxenus to 
receive those places from the Phocians, and ordering an equipment 
of fifty galleys and a muster of all their citizens fit for service under 
thirty years of age. Proxenus, sailing with the Phocian envoys to 
the Malian gulf, applied to the commanders of the fortresses, request- 
ing them to be delivered up to him according to promise. Unfor- 
tunately, however, the revolution which had taken place in Phocis 
es the completion of this arrangement. It seems that Pha- 
us, after his deposition from office, still retained his command over 
the mercenaries, whose confidence he possessed; and retiring from 
Phocis, (if inéeed he was not abroad when the revolution hap- : 
_ pened,) took up his quarters, as before, with the troops in Beeotia, 
The commanders of the fortresses in Locris, as well as Boeotia were 
his officers, and devoted to his cause. When the order came from 
_ home, to deliver up the Locrian cities to the Athenians, Phalzcus 
_ regarded it as an act of hostility to himself, rather than a measure 
of defense against the common enemy; and so much did he resent 
it, that he not only refused compliance with the order, but threw the 


- indication of Philip’s design must have excited attention at Athens. On 
the other hand I may observe, that Philip from the first held himself 
out as the professed enemy of the Phocians, and would not allow them 
to be included in the treaty. It was only suggested by éschines, that 

| he would turn out to be their friend at the last. Moreover, it is likely 

» that Philip would be eager to secure the Thebans to his alliance by 

some early demonstration of his good will. The-words of Diodorus are: 
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἡδέως ὁρῶν τὴν ταπείνωσιν αὐτῶν, καὶ βουλόμενος τὰ Λευκ- 
τρικὰ φρονήματα συστειλαι τῶν Βοιωτῶν, οὐκ ὀλίγους ἀπέστειλε στρατιώ- 
_ Τας, αὐτὸ μόνον φυλαττόμενος τὸ δοκεῖν μὴ περιορᾷν τὸ μαντεῖον σεσυλη- 
μένον. I agree with Thirlwall, that the οὐκ should be omitted. 
τς ἃ Diodorus, xvi. 58. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. $91, 392, 395, 
Vou. 1|.--Ν 






290 APPENDIX 1. 


Phocian envoys into prison, and insulted the Athenian heralds who 


announced the truce of the Hleusinian myteries. This happened in 
the month of Boedromion (September), 347 8.c. Soon afterwards 
Archidamus arrived with a thousand Lacedeemonians, and offered to 
guard the fortresses; but Phalzcus declined the offer, telling him 
to mind his own business, and not trouble himself with that of the 
Phocians.’ Notwithstanding this answer, the Spartan king remained 
for some time with his allies; and the Athenian fleet, which had 
been sent to the straits, was kept stationed at Oreus, to act as occas 
sion might require.” 

Thus, by the dissensions of the Phocian people, happening unfor 
tunately at a most critical time, the Athenians were prevented from 
occupying Thermopyle, the only measure which could prevent the 
destructive inroad of Philip. There was time enough, however, to 
rectify this false step. The pass might yet be defended : the Phocian 
native troops and mercenaries united could form an army of twenty 
thousand men; and, if well supported by their allies, would not be 


vanquished very easily. Philip was aware of this, and with his 


usual prudence studied how he could smooth his way to a certain 
and easy conquest. His plan was to withdraw the Athenians from 
the Phocian alliance, by concluding a separate peace with them; and 
lest before the termination of the war they should change their 
minds, he resolved to amuse them by deceitful promises, and lead 
them into a false security, till it should be too late to save the 
Phocians from ruin. That this was the general scheme of Philip, 


and that it was ably and artfully accomplished by him, is certain. As — 


to the details of its execution—-and how far he was assisted by the 
treason or by the culpable negligence of Athenian statesmen—there 


is some degree of uncertainty, owing to the want of historical - 


information. 
Already had Philip, even early in the year 347 8.0., caused it to 


1 Aischines, De Fals. Leg..45. The τύραννοι there mentioned are 
the officers of Phalzecus. As to the whole of this passage, the reader 
may profitably consult Thirlwall’s History of Greece, v. 367. Grote, 


xi. 522, 523. Compare also Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 33. Demosthenes, 


De Fals. Leg. 364. 
? Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 365, 889, 444. Diodorus, xvi. 59. 


* The materials for the history of these proceedings are chiefly de- 


rived from the speeches of Demosthenes and Aischines on the Em assy 
and the Crown, in which the orators not only frequently contradict eac 
other, but are not always consistent with themselves. We can not 


é 


therefore safely assume as true any one-sided statement in any of these — 
speeches, which is not supported by some collateral proof or strong 


probability. There are many points of contention between them, rather 
of a private and personal than of a political or historical bearing. 
These I have generally passed over, confining myself to the prominent 
and most important features of the embassies and negotiations. 


Ps 
| 
I 


’ 


kis 


- THE SACRED WAR. 291 


be indirectly communicated at Athens, that he was desirous of 
peace. According to Aschines, the intimation was first made by 
some Hubcean envoys, who came to Athens to settle terms of peace 
on their own account.’ But not much attention was paid to them. 
After the capture of Olynthus, the Athenians, exasperated against 
Philip and terrified by his successes, passed vehement resolutions 
against him in the assembly, and sent envoys to Peloponnesus and 
elsewhere to warn the Greeks of the danger which threatened them 
from his ambition. This was the occasion upon which Aischines 
went to Arcadia, and addressed a violent Phillipic to the Ten 
Thousand at Megalopolis.2 About the same time Timarchus made 
his motion, prohibiting, on pain of death, the carrying of arms or 
naval stores to Philip.* Hubulus and his friends, who represented 
the peace party at Athens, beginning now to see danger from Mace- 
donia, looked to a reconciliation with Thebes as their best security, 
and would gladly have taken measures to bring it about. Unhappily 
the feelings of the two people were so embittered against each other, 
that an amicable adjustment at this time was impossible,* and it was 
soon discovered that there were no better hopes from the rest of the 
Greeks, who could not be made to understand, that the cause of 
Athens against Macedonia was one in which they were much inter- 
ested themselves.° Under these circumstances, a renewal of Philip’s 
pacific overtures met with a more favorable reception. He so con- 
trived it, that they came through the mouth of Athenian citizens. 
One Phrynon; complaining at Athens that he had been taken by a 
Macedonian privateer during the Olympian truce, got himself to be 


‘sent to Philip in the quality of an embassador, to recover the rahsom 


which he had been compelled to pay.® Ctesiphon was.sent with 
him, and brought back a report, not only that the ransom had been 
restored, but that Philip professed the greatest good will towards 
Athens, that he had reluctantly engaged in hostilities with her, 
and was anxious to put an end to them. This report having been 
well received by the people, Philocrates moved that Philip should 
have permission to send a herald and embassadors to treat for peace. 
The motion was carried without opposition: but the war party were 


' Zischines, De Fals. Leg. 29. 

3 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 844, 426, 427, 488,489. Aschines, De 
Fals. Leg. 38. 

* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 488, ᾿ 

* Aschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. Demosth. De Coron. 237. Demos- 
thenes himself was inclined to the same policy. Aschines, De Fals. 
Leg. 42, 46,47. Demosth. De Coron, 281. , 

* Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 88. Demosthenes, De Coron. 231, 233. 

* There is a difficulty about the Olympic truce spoken of in the pas- " 
sage of Aischines, De Pals, Leg. 29. It has been conjectured that it 


_ may refer to Philip’s Olympic festival at Dium. Thirlwall is inclined 


to that opinion. But see Grote, History of Greece, xi. 513, note 8. 


292 “APPENDIX I 


still determined to try their strength, and they preferred an indict- 
ment against Philocrates, charging him with having passed a 
measure contrary to the spirit of the Athenian laws. He was de- 
fended by Demosthenes, and acquitted, the accuser not obtaining a 
fifth part of the votes.! It was evident that the current of feeling 
at Athens was now for peace. The war, besides stripping them of 
numerous possessions, had entailed on the Athenians a loss of fifteen 
hundred talents; and the late conquest of Chalcidice had imperiled 
their dominions in the Chersonese.? Athenian prisoners too had 
been taken in Olynthus; among them Iatrocles, who was after- 
wards embassador. The friends of these men, taking advantage of 
the general feeling, presented a petition to the assembly, requesting 
that their case might be considered. The appeal had its effect; and 
the people consented that Aristodemus the actor might be sent to 
Macedonia, to see what could be done on behalf of the prisoners, 
and to ascertain what Philip’s intentions were on the subject of 
peace. The commission was somewhat irregular, but the pro- 
fessional character and celebrity of Aristodemus rendered him a sort 
of privileged person. He was absent for some time, engaged very 
likely (together with Neoptolemus the actor, who obtained similar 
leave of absence) in the Olympic festivities of Dium. His report 
was, that Philip had the most friendly disposition towards Athens, 
and wished to become her ally. Neoptolemus came back with the 
same story: the appearance of Iatrocles, who had been liberate 

without ransom, tended to confirm their statements.* - : 


vo notwithstanding these assurances of Philip's desire for 


1 Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 29, 80. Contr. Ctesiph. 62. This state- 
ment is made by Adschines alone, but it is abundantly clear that De- 
mosthenes was at this time in favor of peace, having been disheartened 
by the result of the Olynthian war. 

2 Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 37. Demosthenes, Olynth. iii. 36. Philipp. 
1.52. De Syntax. 174. 

3. Argumentum ii. ad Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 335. 

* Mschines, De Fals. Leg. 80. The order of these events is taken 
from Aischines, and may perhaps be correct. Demosthenes appears to 
differ from him in this only, that he makes Aristodemus to have first 
mentioned the subject of peace. (De Coron. 232.) This indeed is not 
absolutely inconsistent with the account of Aischines; and it is not 
clear that either of them pretends to give accurate details-of the whole 


proceeding. Compare Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 844, 371,448. From 


the statements of the two orators one is strongly induced to suspect, 


that some at least of these men, Phrynon, Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, Ia- — 


trocles, and Neoptolemus, were from the first acting in corrupt concert 
with Philip. Phrynon, if we can believe Demosthenes, was a man 
steeped in infamy. (De Fals. Leg. 412.) Neoptolemus, after the peace, 
sold all his property in Athens, and went to live in Macedonia. De- 
mosth. De Pace, 58, 59. Diodorus, xvi. 92. of 


a ΄ῳἸ ων 





THE SACRED WAR. 293 


peace, the time passed on without his making any direct overture, 
or sending any herald or minister to Athens. The Athenians, 
having once entertained the hope of peace, became impatient for 
its consummation; and their anxiety was still further increased by 
the suspicious conduct of Phalzecus, and the apparent weakness of 

’ the Phocian government. At length, upon the motion of Philo- 
crates, a decree was passed, that ten embassadors should be sent to 
Macedonia, to open a treaty of peace, and discuss the terms with 
Philip. Thus*was accomplished, by the agency of the same Philo- 
crates, who continues henceforth to take the lead in every step of 
this negotiation, the very thing which Philip had been contriving, 
viz. that the first formal proposal for peace should come from the 
Atherilis, Ten embassadors were chosen accordingly—Demos- 
thenes, Aischines, Aristodemus, Ctesiphon, Phrynon, Iatrocles, Phi- 
locrates, Dercyllus, Cimon, and Nausicles—to whom was added 
Aglacreon of Tenedos, as representative of the allies. Their instruc- 
tions were, to ascertain positively whether Philip was desirous of 
peace; and if he were, to bring embassadors from him with power 
to conclude it.} 

A herald was sent before the embassadors, to procure them a safe 
conduct. They did not wait however for his return, but, having 
sailed to Oreus in Eubcea, they crossed over to Halus, then be- 
sieged by Parmenio, and obtained permission to pass through his 
lines to Pagasee, from which they pursued their journey to Larissa, 
and there meeting the herald, proceeded with all the speed they 
could to the Macedonian capital, and obtained an interview with 
the king. This was early in the year 346 B.c. The transactions of 
the embassy are chiefly gathered from Auschines, who entertains us 
with a good deal of gossip about the journey, and what passed 
among the embassadors in private, but omits much that we should 
have liked to know about more important matters. We are told 
about the offensive conduct of Demosthenes towards his colleagues, 
and his entire failure and breaking down in the attempt, to address 
Philip: we have an-account also of the speech made by Aschines 
himself on the same occasion} in which he enlarged upon the 
ancient connection between Amyntas, Philip’s father, and the 
Athenians, and the grounds upon which his countrymen maintained 


? Argumentum ii. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. Πέμπουσι δὲ τούτους εἰς 
Μακεδονίαν, iva μάθωσιν εἰ per’ ἀληθείας βούλεται εἰρήνην ἄγειν ὁ Φίλιπ- 
moc’ καὶ εἰ ἀληθές ἐστιν, ἐνέγκαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις τοὺς ληψομένους 
τοὺς ὅρκους. Aischines states, that Demosthenes was proposed by Phi- 
locrates ; and that to obtain the services of Aristodemus on the embassy, 
he being under an engagement to appear on the stage in certain Greek 
cities, Demosthenes moved in the council, that envoys should be sent to 
procure his release from the penalties. De Fals. Leg. 30. : 


294 _ APPENDIX 1, 


their right: to Amphipolis.' Of the reply which Philip made to the 
embassadors we learn nothing more, than that it was addressed 
mainly to the arguments of Adschines; though we are assured that 
he astonished them all by his good memory and powers of speech; 
and still further charmed them by his hospitality and politeness at 
the banquet. The end of it was, the embassadors brought back a 
letter from Philip to the Athenians, in which he assured them that 
he was desirous both of peace and alliance with Athens, that he 
was inclined to be her friend, and he would have stated expressly” 
what service he meant to render her, if he could have been sure of 
being her ally. The terms of peace which he offered were, that 
both parties should retain what they possessed; which of course 
secured to Philip all his previous conquests, and, owing want 
of firmness on the part of the Athenian envoys, enabled him to re- 
tain conquests which he made between that time and the conclusion 
of the treaty. Philip gave them to understand before they left 
him, that he was about to march against Cersobleptes; yet no stip- 
ulation was made on behalf of that prince, though he was an ally of 
Athens: Philip only promised, that pending the negotiations for 
peace, he would not attack the Chersonese. Whether any thing 
passed between them on the subject of Phocis and the Sacred War, 
we are not informed. The embassadors returned home with a 
Macedonian herald about the first of Elaphebolion (March). Phil- 
ip’s envoys were to follow shortly, to settle the terms of peace at 
Athens. ? 

A formal report of their proceedings was made by the embassa- 
dors, in the manner required by Athenian law, first to the.council 
and afterwards to the popular assembly. Demosthenes, rising after 
his colleagues, moved the formal grant of safe conduct and hospi- 
tality to the Macedonian herald and embassadors; and further, that 
the presidents of the council should, as soon as the embassadors 
arrived, appoint two consecutive days for holding an assembly to 
deliberate on the questions both of peace and alliance. He moved 
also, as he had already done in the council, for the usual compli- 
ments to the Athenian embassadors—a vote of thanks, and invita- 
tion to dinner in the Prytaneum. The ministers of Philip, three 
men of high distinction in their own country—Antipater, Parmenio. 
and Eurylochus—arrived a few days after; and the eighteenth an 






‘ See as to all these particulars Thirlwall, History of Greece, v. 342. 
Grote, xi. 529. Leland’s Life of Philip, ii. 58. Ἷ 
3. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 358, 354, 892, 421. De Halonn. 88, 85. 
A®schines, De Fals. Leg. 81, 32, 88, 39. Contr. Ctesiph. 68. Demos- 
thenes not only denies that Aischines spoke to Philip about Amphipolis, 
but says he betrayed his country’s interests by not doing so. Here his 
enmity somewhat perverts his judgment ; for he must have known, that 
Philip would never restore Amphipolis to Athens. 


΄ 


THE SACRED WAR. 295 


nineteenth days of Elaphebolion were, on the motion of Demos- 
thenes, appointed for discussing the questions of peace and alliance 
with Philip. Demosthenes himself paid marked attention to the 
Macedonian envoys, entertaining them handsomely at his own 
house, and taking care that suitable places and comfortable seats 
_ were provided for them at the Dionysian festival.? 

At the time when the embassy returned, there were assembled 
at Athens the deputies of the Athenian confederacy, who had prob- 
ably been sent for on the occasion. To them Aglacreon of Tenedos 
made his report; and they on behalf of their constituents passed a 
resolution, which, though it was not binding on the Athenians, it 
behoved them, having regard to the interests of their whole em- 
pire, duly to weigh and consider. Two clauses only of this resolu- 
tion are preserved to us, by quotation in the speeches of Adschines. 
One declared?—“ that, whereas the people of Athens were delib- 
erating on the question of peace with Philip, and the embassadors 
were not yet returned, whom the people had sent, into Greece to 
rouse the states in defense of Grecian liberty, it was the advice of 
the confederates, that, after the embassadors had arrived and made 
their report, the presidents should appoint ΠΝ assemblies to be 
held according to the laws for debating on the question of peace: 
and whatever the people should decide, that should be agreed to by 
the confederates.” The other clause recommended?—“ that any of 
the Greek states should be at liberty within three months to be- 
come parties to the treaty, by inscribing their names on the pillar 
of record and taking the oaths.” These clauses are made by Ais- 
chines the foundation of grave charges against Demosthenes— 
namely, that by fixing an early day for the assembly, for which it 
Was impossible the Athenian envoys could return in time, he ex- 


? ZEschines, De Fals. Leg. 34, 35, 86, 42. Contr. Ctesiph, 62,63, 64. 
Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 414. De Coron. 234. Aischines says, De- 
mosthenes played a practical joke upon him and his colleagues. On the 
journey home ‘es challenged them to speak, if they dared, in praise of 

hilip to the people. Ctesiphon and himself accepted the challenge, 
and in making their report talked about the good looks and agreeable 
manners and pleasant companionship of Philip; Demosthenes then got 
up, and reproved them for wasting the time of the assembly with idle 
chit-chat. Auschines in the later speech, but not in the former, says, that 
Demosthenes moved for an assembly to be held on the eighth of Ela- 
teen a day sacred to Aisculapius, and usually kept as a holiday. 
is object is to prove the great anxiety of Demosthenes to hurry on the 
It is very possible that such a day may have been proposed, in 
the expectation that the embassadors would arrive in time for it. There 
is no doubt that Demosthenes was anxious for a speedy conclusion of 
the peace. . eae 38 . 
? Aschines, De Fals. Leg. 35. 
* Aschines Contra Ctesiph. 68. δ 


͵ 
296 APPENDIX L 


cluded all chance of benefit from their mission to the Greek states; 
and further, that, by opposing the last clause of the resolution, he 
prevented his countrymen acting in concert with the Greeks, whieh 
would have been attended with this great advantage, that, if Philip 
afterwards violated the treaty, they must have made common 
cause with Athens. Demosthenes in answer to the charge asserts, ἢ 
that there was no embassy at this time to the Greek states, for the 
Greeks had all been tried long ago; and it would have been dis- 
graceful to invite the Greeks to make war, when they were treat- 
ing with Philip for peace: and he puts the following dilemma— 
“For what purpose could you have been sending for the Greeks at 
that~crisis? ΤῸ make peace? But they all had peace. To make 
war? But you were yourselves deliberating about peace.’ The 
dilemma is a bad one for this reason, that the embassy had been 
sent to the Greeks before any negotiation for peace was opened 
with Philip. Yet the answer of Demosthenes was, I believe, sub- 
stantially true: for the embassies to rouse the Greeks against 
Philip had been dispatched six or eight months before, that of Ais- 
chines to Peloponnesus perhaps even earlier; and although it is 
possible that some ofthe envoys had not returned by the month of 
Hlaphebolion, it had been pretty well ascertained, by the reports of 
those that had returned, and from other sources, that no assistance 
was to be expected from the Greeks; in fact, all thoughts of it had 
been dropped at Athens, and the people had, partly on that very 
account, been driven to seek for peace. This does not rest upon 
the assertion of Demosthenes alone. -Aischines justifies his own 
conversion, from a strenuous opponent of Philip to a warm advocate 
of peace, upon the ground that none of the Grecian states would 
help Athens in her unequal war—that they were all either on 
Philip’s side, or indifferent as to the issue of the contest.2. Under 
these gircumstances, although the synod of allies might think proper 
to revive this somewhat stale question of a Greek combination, and 
to notice the possible contingency of some good result turning up 
from the embassies, it can not surprise us that little attention was — 
paid to it by the Athenians, Demosthenes, in naming a day for the 
discussion of the peace, fixed it without any reference to a resolu- — 
tion which would have postponed it indefinitely; and no objection — 
was raised by any one. The embassadors had very likely arranged ~ 
with Philip at Pella, that an early day should be appointed ~ 
for the conference with his ministers: and Demosthenes was 
desirous that the treaty should be concluded as soon as pos- 


' Demosthenes, De Coron. 288, Οὔτε γὰρ ἢν πρεσβεΐα πρὸς οὐδένας, 
ἀπεσταλμένη τότε τῶν ϊλλήνων. We must take notice of the word τότε, 
There was no negotiation then on foot, no embassy- whose return was 
looked for. ᾿ 

3. Aschines, De Fals, Leg. 88. 





THE SACRED WAR. 297 


sible, in order that Philip might have no time for making further 
conquests. . 

The firsé assembly was held on the appointed day, the eighteenth 
of Elaphebolion. Antipater and his colleagues attended, and were 
introduced to the people in due form. The questions for discussion, 
as prepared by the presidents of the council, were read: so was the 
resolution of the confederacy. A motion was made by Philocrates, 
embodying the terms of peace which Philip was willmg to grant. 
In the debate which followed, many points were hotly contested 
between the different speakers. One was, whether there should be 
peace only, or peace and alliance with Philip. Another was, 
whether the Phocians and Halians should be included in the treaty. 
Philocrates in his decree had inserted a special clause for their ex- 
clusion, which he knew to be desired by Philip; but the sense of 
the meeting was against him, and Adschines as well as Demosthenes 
opposed the clause. A discussion arose also upon that rgcom- 
mendation of the allies, by which the Greek states were to have the 
option of becoming parties to the treaty. According to Aischines, 
all the speakers (including himself) were in favor of it; and it was 
the general opinion, that the alliance with Philip should be post- 
poned until the Greeks had an opportunity of declaring themselves.” 
Many objections were raised to the terms offered by Philip, which, 
it was said, involved concessions disgraceful to Athens, such as the 
relinquishment of Amphipolis, Cardia, and other places of right be- 
longing to her. Kubulus told the people what he considered the 
plain truth, that they must either go down to the Pireeus imme- 
diately, pay a property-tax, and convert the theatric fund into a 
military one, or vote for the decree of Philocrates.* Notwithstand- 
ing his admonition, the vehemence of anti-Macedonian orators 
made an impression on the assembly. 

The next day Demosthenes endeavored to allay the ferment which 
had been excited. He advised the people to accept the proffered 
alliance of Philip, pointing out to them the true position of things; 
that it would be imprudent as well as inconvenient to postpone the 

-question—that it was one which concerned them and their allies 
only, not the whole body of the Greeks—and that there was no ne- 
cessity for people who were not at war with Philip to enter into a 
treaty of peace with him.* At the same time he insisted that all the 


1 That Aischines opposed the decree of Philocrates on the first day, 
is stated by Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 345; and this was probably 
the chief ground of his opposition. Grote however thinks differently. 
See his reasons, History of Greece, xi, 546. 

2 Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 63. ᾿ 

' * Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 81, 88. Demosth. De Pace, 68. De Fals. 
eg. 434. 
* Demosthenes asserts (De a Nes $45, 885), that he supported the 


298 APPENDIX .1.. 


allies of Athens should be comprehended in the treaty, condemning 
as unjust and impolitic the proposal of Philocrates to exclude the 
Phocians and Halians. -dschines spoke to the same effeet, but still 
more strongly, and in the strain of Eubulus, showing the folly and 
danger ‘of carrying on war without adequate means—reproving those 
speakers who by unseasonable counsel would hurry on the people 
to their ruin—and reminding them that, although the peace offered 
by Philip might not be the most honorable in the world, it was not 
more disgraceful than the war had been. The result was, that an 
amended decree was carried, omitting the obnoxious article which 
excluded the Phocians and Halians, but in other respects coinciding 
with the original motion of Philocrates. It established peace and 
alliance between Philip and the Athenians and their respective allies, 
and secured to each party all such territory and dominion, whether 
acquired by conquest or otherwise, as each actually possessed at the 
time.} . 

To give any thing like a history of what passed in these assemblies, 
one has to choose between the conflicting statements of the rival 
orators. I reject as entirely false the assertion of Adschines,? that 
there was no debate on the second day, notwithstanding the evi- 
dence which he produces of a decree of Demosthenes, which re- 
stricted the business of that day to taking the votes. In the first 
place, the proof offered is suspicious and doubtful; and in the next 


resolution of the allies. If by this he meant the clauses quoted by Aischines, 
the assertion is not credible, since by his own showing (De Coron. 233 
there could have been no use in supporting them; nor does he preten 
in the later speech, where he replies to A‘schines, that he did support 
them. It is possible however, that he refers to some other suggestion 
in the decree which is not preserved, or to some general words recom- 
mending a fair and equitable peace. In the first passage, ἐμοῦ τῷ τῶν 
συμμάχων σὺνηγοροῦντος δόγματι καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ὅπως ton καὶ δικαία 
γένηται πράττοντος, the latter clause is explanatory of the former; so 
that it signifies, “when I, in conformity with the resolution of the allies, 
labored to make the peace equitable and just.” In what particular 
equitable and just, he does not say: he may refer either to the ques- 
tion of including the Phocians, or to some other which is not mentioned. 
We gather nothing definite from it. Nearly as vague is the assertion 
at page 385. He affects however to disclaim all participation in the 
decree of Philocrates, which is too improbable to " believed. . Com- 
mon experience shows how easy a thing it is, to misreport what a man 
has said some time ago. 
‘ Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 86---88,. Contr. Timarch. 24. Contr. Cte- 
siph. 63, 64. Demosthenes, De Halonn. 82, 88. De Coron. 284. De 
Fals. Leg. 354, 385. That an attempt was afterwards made to bring all 
the Greek states within the protection of the treaty, appears from the 
oration De Halonn. 84. : . 
? De Fals. Leg. 36. 


THE SACRED WAR. 299 


_place, the fact is inconsistent with other statements of hisown. Let 
» us see how the matter stands. Demosthenes accuses him of having 
spoken against Philocrates on the first day, and in his support on 
the second day. Aischines says: he could not have been guilty of 
this, because there was no speaking allowed on the second day, by 
reason of the decree which he produced. Now, supposing that there 
was a decree which prohibited speaking, it is still very possible that 
the irregularity might be committed, perhaps encouraged by the 
people, or at least not objected to. Adschines should have produced 
. a witness to prove that there actually was no speaking, rather than 
a documentary piece of evidence which only shows that there ought 
to have been none, and is but an argumentative denial of the fact. 
It appears that he came prepared to meet the charge, and therefore 
we might expect better proof. But further; according to his own 
statement, it is certain that this decree was not acted upon: and next 
to certain, that there was a debate on the second day, in which Ais- 
chines spoke more strongly in favor of the motion of Philocrates than 
he had spoken on the first day. He says in the speech against Ctesi- 
phon,* that on the first day all the orators (including himself’) sup- 
ported the recommendation of the allies, to bring the Greek states 
into the treaty; that, when the assembly broke up, the general 
opinion was, that it was not advisable to conclude an alliance with 
Philip, till it could be done in conjunction with the Greek body. If 
so, what caused the people to change their opinion the next morning? 
How came they to pass the decree for alliance as well as peace? 
There must have been another debate; and that there was one, is 
clear from Aischines himself, who says that Demosthenes addressed 
the assembly. He says indeed, that Demosthenes cut the matter 
very short; by simply telling the people that Philip would not have 
_ peace without alliance,? and appealing to Antipater (with whom he 
was in concert) in support of his assertion, he forced the assembly 
to pass the decree of Philocrates. To suppose however that Demos- 
thenes could have carried his point in this off-hand way, is out of the — 
question. The additions we may set down as rhetorical exaggera- 
tion. The fact remains, that Demosthenes did address the people, 
overthrowing the argument that no one could have done so; and 
the change of opinion to which they were brought is a strong cir- 
cumstance to prove that there was a regular debate. But again, 
Aischines says,* he sided on the first day with all the speakers who 


? Contr. Ctesiph. 63. 

3 Demosthenes said, “ they must not dissever the alliance from the 
peace.” Od γὰρ ἔφη δεῖν ἀπολῥῆξαι τῆς εἰρήνης τὴν συμμαχίαν. ΚΖ ΙΒΟΒΪπ68 
says, he remembers his using these words, on account of the harshness 
both of the phrase and the manner. 

* Cont. Ctesiph. 68. Τούτῳ τῷ δόγματι συνειπεῖν ὁμολογῶ. 


800 | APPENDIX L 


advised postponement of the alliance with Philip. He says also,! 
that he advised the measure which was ultimately carried. These 
two statements are irreconcilable, except on the supposition that he 
spoke on both of the assembly days; for on the first he was (by his 
own admission) a dissentient to one of the most important articles, 
and, as this ultimately passed, he must have supported it on the 
second day. Thus by his own showing Aischines stands convicted 
of paltering with the truth. I do not hesitate therefore in accepting 
the statement of Demosthenes to this extent, that Adschines, in the 
assembly held on the nineteenth of Elaphebolion, spoke decidedly 
and strongly in favor of the amended decree. τὸ Mit 

On the other hand, it appears to me that Demosthenes, when he 
accuses Aischines of having entirely shifted his ground on the second 
day and given disgraceful advice to the Athenians, deals unfairly 
with his adversary, and misrepresents the import of what he really 
said. The position of things at the beginning of that day has al- 


ready been stated. In the previous debate the more violent orators _ 


of the war party had talked about Marathon and Salamis, and the 
great deeds of their ancestors, and the duty of upholding Grecian 
liberty ; themes proper and pertinent enough on some occasions, but 
so often enlarged upon and misapplied by third-rate speakers on the 
Athenian platform, that sober-minded statesmen must have been 
heartily sick of them. schines, rising to combat the arguments 
of these men, told the people that this was not the time for empty 


1 Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 88. Ὁμολογῶ συμβουλεῦσαι τῷ δήμῳ dta- 
λύσασθαι πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην συνθέσθαι, ἢν od viv αἰσχραν vo- 
μίζεις οὐδεπώποθ᾽ ἁψάμενος ὅπλων, ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην εἶναι πολλῷ φημὶ καλ- 
Aiw τοῦ πολέμου. Compare the same Oration, p. 49; and Contr. Tim- 
arch. 24. Pre 

3 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 345, 846, 489. The assertion that 
Aischines gave this disgraceful advice in the presence of the Greek en- 
voys is an aggravation of the charge, which is not very material in itself, 
but has given rise to some difficulty ; since Auschines positively denies 


that any Greek envoys had arrived in Athens, and boldly challenges — 


Demosthenes to name them; and it has been thought to be inconsistent 
with the denial, given by Demosthenes himself, to the fact of their being 
any negotiation with the Greek cities. (See ante, p. 296.) It does not 
seem to me, that the presence of some Greek envoys at Athens is in- 
consistent with that denial. They may have brought refusals to co-ope- 
rate with Athens; or they may have been sent merely to watch the 
proceedings there ; or there may have been Greeks present at the assem- 
bly, without any special mission from their own countries, whom De- 
mosthenes incorrectly dignifies with the title of envoys. The sugges- 
tion of Thirlwall, (History of Greece, v. 850,) that by these envoys De- 
mosthenes may have meant the deputies of the allies then present in 
Athens, does not agree with the words: οὖς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων μετε- 
πέμψασθε ὑπὸ τούτου πεισθέντες. See Grote’s learned note on this sub- 
ject ; History of Greece, xi. 539. 


‘ 
: 


THE SACRED WAR. 301 


declamation about ancient trophies and glories, when the question 
before them was, how to get rid of a war which they had been 
wagihg many years without either glory or advantage; that the 
Greeks during all those years had rendered them no assistance, and 
they were not bound to fight the battle of Greece by themselves ἡ 
without any reasonable chance of success. He advised them there- 
fore to retire from the contest while they had the opportunity, be- 
fore any irretrievable disaster had fallen upon the republic; warning 
them emphatically against those hazardous and desperate courses, 
into which evil counsels had plunged the Athenians in former times, 
referring more particularly to the Sicilian expedition, and to their 
refusal to accept the peace offered by Sparta before the end of the 
Peloponnesian war.* ‘ 

Such is the account which Adschines gives of his own speech, not 
only highly probable in itself, but exactly agreeing with what De- 
mosthenes says in the Oration on the Crown,? viz., that the Athe- 
nians were driven to make peace with Philip by the conduct of the 
rest of the Greeks, who, out of cowardice or ignorance, refused to 
lend any help in the common cause. Demosthenes, however, tor- 
tures the language of his opponent into something very different; 
as if he had counseled the Athenians to forget their ancestors alto- 
gether, to shut their ears against all mention of the trophies of olden 
time, and never to succor any people who had not previously suc- 
cored them. Language of this sort would indeed have been too 
absurd for any Athenian to utter in the assembly. Yet we may 
observe how easily, by a little exaggeration or omission, what Ais- 
chines really said is converted into what Demosthenes reports him 
to have said. Auschines advises the Athenians “not to listen to men 
who talk about ancient glories idly and unseasonably.” Repeated 
by the adversary, this becomes advice “not to listen to them at all, 
or under any circumstances.” Thus do the two orators, in their 
mutual charges and recriminations, pervert and misrepresent the 
words and acts of one another. -A‘schines ransacks the public 
archives for documents to prove a case against Demosthenes, which 
he knew to be contrary to the generally received opinion of his 
countrymen; that throughout these proceedings he had acted with 
corrupt purpose in concert with Philocrates to serve the interests of 
Philip. Demosthenes, over-anxious to disconnect himself from 


' Aschines, De Fals. Leg. 87, 88. 

2 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231. Ἡ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων εἴτε χρὴ Ka- 
κίαν εἴτ᾽ ἄγνοιαν εἴτε καὶ ἀμφότερα ταῦτ᾽ εἰπεῖν, οἱ πόλεμον συνεχῆ καὶ 
μακρὸν πολεμούντων ὑμῶν, καὶ τοῦτον ὑπὲρ τῶν πᾶσι συμφερόντων, ὡς 
ἔργῳ φανερὸν γέγονεν, οὔτε χρήμασιν οὔτε σώμασιν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ τῶν 
ἁπάντων συνελάμβανον ὑμῖν" οἷς καὶ δικαίως" καὶ προσηκόντως ὀργιζόμενοι 
ἑτοίμως ὑπηκούσατε Φιλίππῳ. . 

* Aéschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 62, 65. 


902 APPENDIX L 


Philocrates, with whom there is no doubt that up to a certain period 
he had unsuspiciously co-operated, strives to conceal the part which 
he took in the first instance as a joint promoter of the peacesand 
lays to the charge of Auschines many things for which he is himself 
* at least equally responsible. ὦ 

The terms of peace having been agreed upon, it remained that 
the oaths of ratification should be sworn by both parties, by Philip 
and his allies on the one side, and the Athenians and their allies on 
the other.’ In order to administer the oath to Philip and his allies, 
it was necessary for the Athenians to appoint another embassy; and 
within a day or two after the nineteenth? they elected the same ten 
embassadors as before. The Athenians and their allies were to have 
the oaths administered to them at Athens by the Macedonian envoys, 
and an assembly was held on the twenty-third, to make the neces- 
sary arrangements.? Here a question arose; what allies of the 
Athenians were entitled to take the oaths? It principally concerned 
the Phocians. Philocrates had already informed his countrymen 
that Philip would not accept them as parties to the treaty, and had 
on this ground moved the clause for their exclusion. The rejection 
of that clause by the Athenians was a virtual declaration that they 
regarded the Phocians as comprehended under the name of allies. 
Antipater and his colleagues, having positive instructions from Philip 
not to enter into any terms of peace with the Phocians, were com-_ 
pelled to speak out, and accordingly they gave formal notice to the 
Athenian people of their master’s determination upon this point. 
The assembly was adjourned to the next day for further considera- 
tion.* , 

Meanwhile Philocrates and his associates concerted their scheme 
of operations. It has already been mentioned what impression had 


\ 


1 Demosthenes says as little as possible in either of his- speeches 
about the proceedings between the first opening of the negotiations with 
Philip and the debates on the treaty; nor does he seek to give any 
clear account of his own share ‘in the transactions of that period. He 
answers Auschines by vague generalities, denying that he had ai pean 
to do with Philocrates, or was in any way accountable for the mischi 
diplomacy of him and his associates. (De Coron. 232.) 

2 All that we can gather from Aischines is, that the election took 
place before the twenty-third. (De Fals. Leg. 39.) 

3. Tt seems to have been necessary to pass a distinct decree, fixing the 
τῶν and manner of taking the oaths. See ischines, Contr. Cte- 
siph, 64. 

4 From the statements of Auschines, (De Fals. Leg. 39, 40; Contr. 
Ctesiph. 64,) though they are confused, we may perhaps collect, that 
there were two assemblies. The first may not have been well attended, 
as only formal business was expected; but when questions arose about 
the Phocians and Cersobleptes, it became desirable to have another 
assembly. 


evous — 


THE SACRED WAR. 303 


been made on the Athenians by the reports which Aristodemus and 
others brought from Macedonia, of Philip’s good will and friendly 
feelings to Athens. His own letter, brought by the embassadors, 
spoke mysteriously of the benefits which he designed for them in 
the event of becoming their ally. Assurances to the same effect were 
repeated by his envoys, and studiously disseminated among the 
Athenians by his partisans and agents. ‘To those who inquired what 
Philip could mean by such mysterious promises, hints were given 
about Eubcea, Oropus, Thespiz, Plateea, the settlement of the Pho-' 
cian question, and the humiliation of Thebes. Now, however, when 
Philip’s ministers had announced that the Phocians must be excluded 
from the general peace, it became necessary, in order to disarm sus- 
picion of his intentions, that some explanation, resting on better 
authority than mere rumor, should be given to the Athenian public. 
Accordingly, on the day of the assembly, Philocrates came forward, 
and in the presence of the Macedonian envoys boldly proclaimed to 
the Athenians, that it was impossible for Philip, with any regard to 
honor or decency, to accept the Phocians openly for his allies, be- 
cause he was bound by solemn engagement with the Thebans and 
Thessalians to prosecute the Sacred War; he must, therefore, osten- 
sibly treat the Phocians as enemies for the present; but let him 
once bring the war to an issue, and get the power into his own 
hands, he would settle matters exactly as the Athenians desired; 
the Phocians would be no sufferers by it, the Thebans would be no 
gainers, and Philip would prove himself the friend and benefactor of 
Athens, as he had promised in his letter. The Macedonians stood 
by, and apparently assented to all this. Philocrates pretended to 
speak from his own knowledge and information, as the confidante of 
Philip’s views and plans; appealed, perhaps, to some of his colleagues 
in the embassy, who confirmed his statements. No one stood up to 
contradict him. What were the Athenians to do?” The Phocian 
question was altogether complex and difficult. On the one hand, 
the seizure and pillage of Delphi, the exclusion of Amphictyonic 
Greeks from the Pythian festival and synod, the occupation of Lo- 
cris and a part of Boeotia by the Phocian army, were things not to 
be defended. There was a general expectation that, as the Delphic 
fund was beginning to fail, the Phocians could not much longer 
maintain their position; and the inclination of the Athenians to as- 
sist them had been greatly cooled by the late offensive conduct of 
Phalecus. On the other hand, it would not be very honorable to 
abandon allies with whom they were connected by treaty, and to 
whom they had for so many years given a moral, if not an active 
support. There would be danger attending the prostration of an 
independent people, whose existence formed one of the safeguards 
of southern Greece; and still greater peril, if Thermopyle should 
fall into the hands.of a powerful enemy.. But how, if the solution 
of all these difficulties was now before them?—if Philip really in- 


904 APPENDIX I. 


tended to act as equitable mediator in the Sacred War, and fulfill 
the promises which had been made in his name? The Phocians 
would have no reason to complain, if they were really benefited 
even against their will. The only doubt was, could Philip be trusted? 
But there was not much time for deliberation: the Macedonian en- 
voys were about to quit Athens immediately. Unless their demands 
were complied with, there was an end of the peace, which the 
Athenians had made up their minds to have, and enjoyed by antici- 
pation already. If they wavered for a moment, their wishes turned 
the scale. It does not appear that there were any Phocian envoys 
to protest against this sacrifice of their country; or that a single 
warning voice was heard from any leading orator or statesman. 
The Athenians were prevailed on by delusive promises, encouraging 
their natural indolence, to swear to the treaty of peace without the 
Phocians. - 

A question had also arisen about Cersobleptes. One Aristobulus 
of Lampsacus appeared as his representative, and demanded to take 
the oath in his name as one of the allies of Athens. An objection 
was made, as Aischines states by Demosthenes, and, being referred 
to the assembly, was overruled. Notwithstanding the decision of 
the people, Aischines asserts in his later speech, that Cersobleptes 
was excluded ultimately, but upon another ground, by the contriv- 
ance of Demosthenes. It is impossible to determine what really 
took place.? . | | 


* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 371, 387, 888, 891, 409, 444. There is 
nothing to show that schines spoke in support of Philocrates in this 
matter. The use of the plural οὗτοι, in the passage last cited, is no 
proof that more than one person spoke; and it rather tends to prove 
that Aischines did not. For if he had, Demosthenes would haye men- 
tioned him specially, as he does at p. 347, in reference to his reports 
after the second embassy. It is probable that both Auschines and Demos- 
‘ thenes were passive on this occasion. Neither of them gives-us any 
ΕΣ of what passed; and each had his reasons for silence. The 

ecree perhaps contained the words mentioned in Aischines, Contr. 
Ctesiph. 64, requiring the oaths to be taken by the deputies of the 
Athenian allies; and possibly it was so drawn up for the very purpose 
of shuffling over the difficulty about the Phocians, who, having no deputy 
representing them at Athens, like the tributary allies, would not be 
competent to swear to the treaty under a decree in such form. It then 
may have accidentally created the question about Cersobleptes, which 
Aischines represents as designedly raised by Demosthenes, in order to 
shut him out from the treaty. eg 

* Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 39,40. Contr. Ctesiph. 64. Demosthenes, 
De Fals. Leg. 395, 898. Philipp. Epist. 160. And see the last note. 
It seems, by comparison of all the passages, that Cersobleptes was ex- 
cluded from taking the oath; but on what ground, or through whose 
opposition, is uncertain. Thirlwall’s conjecture is by no means improb- — 


THE SACRED WAR. 305 


The oaths were administered to the Athenians and their allies in 
the board-room of the gerierals, on the same day that the assembly 
passed their last decree. The Macedonian envoys then took their 
᾿ departure, Demosthenes accompanying them, as a mark of respect, 
a part of the way on their road to Thebes. For this, as well as 
for the other attentions which he paid them, he is reproached by | 
Zischines unjustly. The fact however is significant, as tending to 
show, that up to that moment Demosthenes was not in opposition 
to the promoters of the peace. It suited ‘him at a later period to 
represent, that he was disgusted with his colleagues before the sec- 
ond embassy to Macedonia, and that he would not have accepted 
the appointment, if he had not promised some of the Athenian 
prisoners to bring money for their ransom.” But there is no evi- 
dence of any act by which he testified displeasure against his col- 
leagues or dissatisfaction with the treaty before his second appoint- 
ment. He felt indeed, in common with the rest of his countrymen, 
that the peace was not honorable to Athens; nor was it to be ex- 
pected, when she had fared so badly in the war: yet still it drew 
with it certain advantages, such as financial relief, security for her 
remaining possessions, restoration of her captives: and as to other 
matters, he shared to some extent in the general delusion.* 

It was deemed however a point of great moment by Demosthe- 
nes, that the peace should be ratified by Philip immediately and 
commenced in earnest. The Athenians, having once abandoned | 
themselves to the idea of peace, had from that moment discontinued 
all warlike preparations; whereas Philip was still carrying on war 
in Thrace. In order to put a stop to any further conquests, it was 
important to give Philip speedy notice of the treaty having been 
concluded; and Demosthenes pressed his colleagues to set offwith- 
out delay. They however were in no humor to leave Athens so 
soon, and refused to comply with his entreaties. About this time 
there arrived a letter from Chares, who commanded an Athenian 
fleet in the Hellespont, announcing the defeat of Cersobleptes and 
the capture of the Sacred Mountain by Philip. The case seeming 
urgent, Demosthenes on the third of Munychion (April) applied to 
the council, (of which he was a member, and which had a special 
authority for such purpose from the assembly,) and procured an or- 
der, commanding the embassadors to take their departure instantly, 
and requiring Proxenus to convey them wherever he could ascer- 


able; that an objection was raised by the Macedonians, and that it 
was reserved by mutual consent to be discussed in a conference with 
Philip. (History of Greece, v. 356.) ὸ 

' Aschines, Contr. Ctesiph, 64. 

? Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 394, 395. He felt the weakness of 
that part of his case, and anticipates the adversary’s objection, 

* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 387, 388. 


> 


306 | APPENDIX L 


tain Philip to be. The embassadors, thus compelled, sailed to Oreus 
where Proxenus was stationed with his squadron; but instead of 
his conveying them to the Hellespont or the coast of Thrace, which 
they might have reached easily in six or eight days, they were car- 
ried to the coast either of Thessaly or Macedonia, and thence pur- — 
sued their journey to Pella, consuming three-and-twenty days. At 
Pella they had to wait till Philip returned from his campaign, which 
did not happen till the fiftieth day after they had left Athens. ! 

The variance betweén Demosthenes and his colleagues began 
upon this journey. He told them plainly that they were bound to 
obey the order of the council; first he reasoned with them, then he 
remonstrated more strongly, at last he reproached them for their 
conduct inno lenient terms. All this only excited their anger. 
The whole body were against him, and refused either to take their 
meals with him, or to put up at the same inn. Alschines says this 
refusal was owing to the misbehavior of Demosthenes on the for- 
mer embassy; and he defends. the journey to Pella, by alleging 
that they were not ordered to go to Thrace, and that it. would have 
been of no use to go there, when Cersobleptes had lost his kingdom 
before they left Athens. It is manifest however, that the order of 
council was disobeyed both in the letter and spirit; and, as As- 
chines can suggest no better excuse, the complaint of Demosthenes 
on this head must be taken as well founded. The event proved 
that. Philip’s Thracian campaign was not terminated when the em- 
bassadors quitted Athens: it-continued for five or six weeks after ; 
and during that time many important places were captured by him. 
abe son of Cersobleptes he brought with him as a hostage to 

ella.? . 

There he found not only the Athenian embassadors awaiting his 
arrival, but others also from various parts of Greece; from Thebes, 
Thessaly, Sparta, Phocis, and Euboea, An immense army was as- 
sembled: it was notorious to all that Philip was about to march to — 
Thermopyle: what he intended to do was not certainly known to — 
any of the parties present; but all were deeply interested in the 
result, and agitated by various hopes and fears. 3 

The duty of the Athenian embassadors was by no means clear. It — 
might be argued, that they had nothing to do but to administer the — 


1 Demosthenes, De Coron, 2833—235. De Fals Leg. 888—390. Ais- 
chines, De Fals. Leg. 40. 

* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 890, 897. Philipp. iv. 133. De Halonn. 
85. Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 38, 40,41. As regards Cersobleptes, the 
amount of blame with which the embassadors are chargeable depends 
much upon the question, whether he was an ally included in the treaty. 
See ante, p. 304. ; 

83 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 884. ΖΒοδίποβ, De Fals. Leg. 41. 
Justin, viii, 4 ;= 





ΕΣ 


THE SACRED WAR. 307 


oath to Philip and his allies, and then return to Athens and make 
their report. As however the treaty had been concluded without 
settling the question of the Sacred War; as Philip was virtually left 
at liberty to*deal with it as he pleased, subject only to a loose prom- 
ise that he would do what was right and promote the interests of 
Athens; it might seem to be proper, when the embassadors were 
in the presence of Philip, that they should come to some positive 
understanding with him on the subject, and ascertain what he really 
meant todo. By such means they would be enabled, on their re- 
turn, to furnish such a report as might guide the Athenians in their 
future counsels. ‘True, there could be no guarantee that Philip 
would perform any engagement which he made to the embassadors. 
That however would not be the fault of the embassadors, but of the 
Athenians themselves, who suffered the Phocian question to go off 
upon vague assurances, instead of insisting upon the Phocians being 
comprehended in the treaty. They had committed the grave error 
of making peace, without settling the most important matter in the 
war; so that in effect the war remained an open question, unless 
they chose to leave the Phocians and all their own interests con- 
nected with them entirely to the mercy of Philip. In the instruc- 
tions to the embassadors there was, besides the special clauses, a 
general one, requiring them to do whatever else they could for the 
service of the commonwealth; which, under the circumstances, 
might be construed as imposing an obligation to discuss with Philip 
the affairs of the Sacred War, and bring him over, if possible, to 
the side of Athens. bi 

Such was the view taken apparently by Aischines, who states that 
at a conference with his colleagues he urged upon them the necessity 
of performing this part of their instructions, and exhorting Philip to 
chastise the Thebans and restore the Boeotian cities. Though there 
was no express order to this effect, (for such matters could not be 
mentioned openly in a state paper,) yet it was clearly, he said, the 
true intent and meaning of their countrymen. Demosthenes took 
a different view; and after some discussion it was agreed, that each 
of the embassadors should address Philip as he thought fit.! 

Of the audience which the Athenian embassadors had with the 
king, Aischines gives the following account—That Demosthenes 
made an offensive speech m disparagement of his colleagues and praise 
of himself, recounting the services which he ‘had rendered Philip in 
promoting the peace, and the attention which he had paid to his 
ministers at Athens, and endeavoring to ingratiate himself with him 
by fulsome and coarse flattery: after which he (Aschines) com- 
menced his address; first rebuking Demosthenes for his personalities, 

then briefly touching upon the subject of the oaths and other formal 
‘Iatters, lastly, entering upon the topic paramount to all, viz. the 


+ Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 41, 42. 


308 APPENDIX I. 


march to Thermopyle, and the affairs of Delphi and the Amphictyons. 
He entreated Philip to decide the quarrel by judicial sentence, and 
not by arms; but if that were impossible, (as the military preparations 
seemed to indicate,) then, said Adschines, it behoved the champion 
of Hellenic religion to consider what his sacred office required of 
‘him, and to listen to those who could instruct him on the subject of 
their ancient institutions. Upon which he explained to the king all 
that he knew about the foundation of the temple, the origin of the 
Amphictyonic league, the tribes that composed it, their oath and 
obligations. He argued that, the Boeotian cities being Amphictyonic, 
Philip could not justly allow them to be destroyed.. The object of 
his expedition was holy and just; but when the Amphictyons were 
restored to their rights, punishment should be inflicted upon the 
guilty parties only, upon those who actually seized the temple or 
who advised it, not upon their countries, if they would deliver up 
the offenders for judgment. Should Philip make use of his power 
to confirm the iniquitous acts of the Thebans, he would not insure 
their gratitude, (for they had been ungrateful to the Athenians, who 
had done them still greater services,) and he would make enemies of 
the people whom he betrayed. ἪΡ 

What answer Philip made to this address, Auschines does not say. 
It is not pretended that he gave to the collective body of embas- 
sadors the promises which were afterwards reported at Athens. Yet. 
that did not prevent him from sending indirect communications to 
some of them, whom he thought likely to become his instruments. 
He was playing a profoundly artful game. While Aschines was 
flattering himself with the impression made by his own harangue, the 
Thebans and Thessalians were urging Philip to.march against their 
common enemy. ‘To them be could speak more openly of his inten- 
tions; yet they were not free from uneasiness, seeing that intrigues 
were still going on, that private conferences were held not only — 
with the Athenians, but with the Spartans and Phocians, and that. 
they were apparently not dissatisfied with their reception. The be- 
trayal of any fears or misgivings on the part of his own intimate 
allies favored the illusion which Philip was keeping up. It was im- 
portant for him to amuse with hope those parties from whom he — 
most feared opposition. Phalzcus held the pass of Thermopyle; — 
Archidamus with a thousand Spartans was yet in Phocis; an Athe- 
nian fleet was ready to occupy the straits, if the people should take 
it in their heads to give the order. To prevent the combination of 
these forces, which was a very possible contingency, if his designs 
should be seen through; to-contrive things so that, when he arrived 
at the pass, all resistance should be hopeless; these were points to 
be accomplished by a tissue of artifice and deceit. Aischines declares 
that it was the universal expectation at Pella, that Philip would 









' Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 42, 48. 


THE SACRED WAR. 309 


humble Thebes; that the Spartan envoys were quarreling with the 
_ Theban, and openly threatening them; that the Thebans were in 
_ distress and alarm; that the Thessalians laughed at all the rest, and 
_ said the expedition was for their own benefit; while some of Philip’s 
officers told some of the Athenian embassadors, that he meant to re- 
establish the Boeotian cities. This may be taken as no great exag- 
geration of what really occurred? Ξ 
Demosthenes states, that during all the time they were at Pella he 
was in opposition to his colleagues; he offered them honest and 
sound advice, but every opinion of his was overruled by the majority. 
All the service that he could do was, to seek out his captive fellow- 
citizens and procure their release, ransoming some of them with his 
own money, and prevailing on Philip to redeem the others. Philip 
tried to corrupt the embassadors, first separately, and then jointly. 
Demosthenes refused a large present of gold that was sent him. 
_ Another was offered to the whole body, under the pretense of hospi- 
tality. It was of course a bribe M disguise. As Demosthenes 
would accept no share, his colleagues divided it among themselves: 
he requested Philip to apply the money that he would have bestowed 
in presents towards redeeming the Athenian captives, and Philip was 
revailed upon to promise that they should be sent home by the 
anathenzean festival.® 
All this time the embassadors never demanded that Philip should 
swear the oath, nor said a word about the restoration of the places 
captured since the peace, nor sent home any intelligence of tl 
preparations going on at Pella. They loitered there without any 
other reason than the request of Philip himself, who told them he 
wanted their mediation to settle the quarrel between the Pharsa- 
lians and Halians; a quarrel which he himself not long afterwards 
very summarily decided, by taking the city of Halus and expelling 
the population. When all things were ready for his march, Philip 
set out, and carried the Athenian embassadors with him as far as 
Phere, where at length they administered the oaths to him and his 
allies. But here they are charged with two further acts of disobe- 
dience to their instructions. They were commanded to administer 
the oaths to the magistrates of the cities allied to Philip. Instead 
of this, they accepted any persons whom Philip chose to send as 
accredited agents for that purpose, Secondly, they allowed Philip 
᾿ and his allies, on swearing the oaths, to except the Phocians, the 
᾿ Halians, and Cersobleptes; thereby, it was said, overruling the de- 
_ eree of the Athenian people, who had_ refused to admit a clause to 
that effect in the treaty. The charge however (as far as regards 
a 
ΟΠ 1 2schines, De Fals. Leg. 46. Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 113. De 
Fails. Leg. 865, 884, 445. Justin, viii. 4. 
- * Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 8983—395. As to the captives, see the 
reply of Aischines, De Fals. Leg. 41. 





310 _ APPENDIX L 


the Phocians at least) appears to be unfairly urged against the em- 
bassadors. The Athenians, having consented on their side to ratify — 
the treaty without the Phocians, could not expect that Philip 
would bind himself to any engagement with them. Indeed the © 
understanding was quite the contrary. If then the words of the 
treaty left an ambiguity, it became necessary for Philip to protest 
against a construction that would have been opposite to his declared 
intentions. Such a protest was doubtless made. The Athenian 
embassadors were informed distinctly, that Philip and his allies 
would not swear to the treaty, except upon the condition of 
excludiug the Phocians. What then was to be done? The em- 
bassadors were in an unavoidable dilemma. Hither they must de- 
cline to administer the oaths altogether, or they must accept the 
qualification which Philip and his allies insisted upon. But for what 
had passed at Athens, the former would have been the proper 
course: under existing circumstances, the latter was perhaps more 
prudent; otherwise they mus®have taken upon themselves the re- 
sponsibility of renewing the war.' : 

The chief grounds of complaint against the embassadors were, 
their dilatoriness in dispatching the business for which they were 
sent out, and their neglect to send or carry home correct informa- 
tion of what was going on. If they acted thus from'corrupt mo- 
tives, they were of course guilty of treason. Demosthenes, from 
what he had seen before, had formed no good opinion of Philip’s 
@esigns, and at Phere, observing what course things were taking, 
and being alarmed both at the danger which threatened his country, 
and for fear lest he should himself be implicated in the misconduct 
of others, wrote a letter to the Athenians, which gave them full 
information of every thing. His colleagues, he alleges, would not 
allow this to be sent, but themselves dispatched another, containing 
false intelligence ; a charge in great measure borne out by the re- ὁ 
ports which they afterwards made at Athens. He says that he had — 
resolved to return home alone, and actually hired a vessel for his — 
conveyance, but was prevented from sailing by Philip. He ob- ~ 
served that /Aischines had numerous private interviews with Philip — 
—a thing specially prohibited by a clause in their instructions ;— 
that one night in particular he was watched coming out of Philip’s 
tent at Phere; and that he stayed for a day with Philip after the 











* Demosthenes, De Coron. 236. De Fals. Leg. 352, 353, 390, 891, 395, 
430. It appears by the quotation from Philip’s letter in Auschines, (De 
Fals, Leg. 45,) that he furnished the Athenians with the names of thos¢ 
parties who had taken the oaths, promising to send to Athens a few 
who had not come in time. One of the charges of Demosthenes is, that 
the Cardians were allowed to appear as allies of Philip. For this how- 
ever the embassadors were not to blame ; the Cardians having been ex- 
cepted from the treaty by which the Chersonese was ceded to Athens. © 


THE SACRED WAR. 311 


others had gone. Aschines produced evidence in the nature of an 
pei to disprove that he ever visited Philip by night, yet apparently 

does not deny that he had interviews with him alone in the day- 
- time.! 

Philip, having detained the embassadors until he was ready to 
march to Thermopyle, dismissed them with a letter to the Athe- 
nians, in which he formally notified to them the ratification of the 
treaty, and apologized for the manner in which their embassadors 
had administered the oaths, stating that they would have gone 
round to the different cities, but that he had prevented them, as he 
wanted their mediation between the Pharsalians and Halians. In 
terms the letter was polite and gracious, but it contained not a 
word about the Phocians, or about the promises which were made- 
in his name.? 

The embassadors arrived in Athens on the thirteenth of Sciropho- 
rion (June), and presented themselves before the council, as the law 
required. Here Demosthenes, being a member of the council, took 
the initiative, and gave a full report of all that had taken place, de- 
nouncing the treachery of his colleagues, showing into what peril 
they had brought the people, and urging that measures should be 
taken, before it was too late, to save the Phocians and Thermopyle. 
His words produced such an effect upon the council, that in the or- 
der which was drawn up, for bringing the matter before the as- 
sembly, they withheld the vote of thanks and invitation to the public 
dining-hall, which embassadors never failed to receive on other 
occasions. * 

The assembly was held on the sixteenth; and here Aischines got 
the first hearing. The people, alarmed by the rumor of Philip’s 
march, were so eager for the report of the envoys, that they waited 
not for the-order of council, introducing the business of the day, to 
be read. Aischines assured them that they had nothing to fear; 
that he had persuaded Philip to gratify their wishes in every par- 
ticular, both on the Amphictyonic question and others ;—(he re- 


1 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 352; 357, 396, 397,419, 446. Adschines, _ 
De Fals. Leg. 44. There is a further charge that Aischines wrote 
᾿ pais letter, to which he alludes. See the remarks in this volume, 
. 170. 
Py See the forcible remarks of Demosthenes upon this letter. (De Fals. 
Leg. 352, 853, 355.) It was a juggle, he argues, between Philip and 
the embassadors. Philip took on him the blame of their neglect, and 
Teft to them the responsibility of making false promises in his name. 
‘And, although he had promised, if the Athenians would become his 
allies, to declare what he meant to do for them, now, when they had 
become his allies, he said he knew not what he could do to oblige them ; 
ee if they would tell him, he would do any thing that was not dishon- 
orable. - 
* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 3406, 860, 861, 







312 APPENDIX L 


peated the heads of the speech which he had made against the 
Thebans ;)—they ‘need only remain quiet; in two or three days 
they would hear the most satisfactory results ;—the Phocians would - 
be preserved by Philip; Thebes would be besieged and broken up 
into villages, Thespiz and Plateea re-established, and compensation 
exacted for the pillage of Delphi, not from the Phocians, but from 
the Thebans, who had originally planned it: he himself had con- 
vinced Philip that the first designers were more guilty than the 
perpetrators;! and for giving such counsel, the Thebans had set a 
price upon his head. -Further, he had heard from some of the Eu- 
boean envoys as a current report, that their own island was to be 
given up to the Athenians instead of Amphipolis; and there was 
yet another thing which his diplomacy had obtained for them, which 
he would not mention at present, because some of his colleagues 
were jealous of him. He was understood to mean Oropos.? 
These assurances, confidently made by an envoy who had had 
- official communication with Philip, agreeing also with what they. 
had before heard from Philocrates, relieved the people from their 
anxiety. The letter of Philip was produced and read. The Athe- 
nians, charmed by its general professions of amity and good will, 
did not detect their hollowness and insincerity. Demosthenes rose 
to tell the plain realities of the case, as he had done in the council; 
but the people, dazzled by their bright prospects, refused to be unde- 
ceived, and he found it impossible to obtain a fair hearing. Auschines 
and Philocrates hooted and interrupted him continually, and: were 
encouraged by the assembly. He could only get in a few words. 
He protested his entire ignorance of what Aischines had told them, 
and declared that he did not believe it. At this the people showed 
signs of anger. ‘ Remember,” cried Demosthenes, “I am not re- 
sponsible for any of this.” “By and by,” said Aischines, “he'll — 
want to have the credit of it.” ‘No wonder,” said Philocrates, — 
“that there is a difference of opinion between Demosthenes and — 
‘me; for he drinks water, and 1 drink wine:” at which the Athe-— 
nians laughed. # i .@ 
A decree was then carried, on the motion of Philocrates, thank- 
ing Philip in the warmest terms for his liberality to the republic, ~ 
and extending the treaty of peace and alliance to his posterity. It” 












' For this insinuation, made by their enemies phages. against the 
Thebans, there seems to have been no foundation whatever. 

2 Demosthenes, De Pace, 59. Philipp. ii. 72, 73. De Coron. 236, 287. 
De Fals. Leg. 847, 348, 851, 352., Auschines says in reply, that he only 
reported what he heard; he made no promises: (τοῦτο οὐκ ἀπαγγεῖλαξ, 
ἀλλ᾽ ὑποσχέσθαι :) and that what he reported was generally believed by 
others. (De Fals. Leg. 48, 44, 46.) This reply is beside the mark. He 
was charged with misleading the Athenians by wilfully false reports, 

* Demosthenes, De Pace, 59. De Fals, Leg. 348, 352, 355, ΤΥ 


᾿ 


THE SACRED WAR- 918. 


declared also, that, unless the Phocians did what was right and de-- : 


_fivered up the temple of Delphi to the Amphictyons, the people of 


Athens would enforce their wishes by arms. This-decree, says De- 


- mosthenes, in effect delivered the Phocians over to their enemies, 


with their hands tied behind them.! 

There was time to haye succored the Phocians and defended 
Thermopyle, had the Athenians acted promptly after the return of 
their embassadors. Phalzecus, who (it seems) had been reinstated 
in his command, and still held the Locrian fortresses with his gar 
risons, could have maintained the pass alone against a greatly supe- 
rior force, if the enemy were prevented from landing troops in 
his rear. His safety depended on a continued maritime blockade, 
and for- this purpose the co-operation of the Athenians was indis- 


* pensable. But he had some reason to doubt their friendly disposi- 


tion towards his countrymen, much more towards himself; and 
there was no time to be lost. He sent chosen messengers to Ath- 
ens, with orders to learn the state of things, and bring him intelli- 
gence immediately. These messengers were present at the assembly 
held on the sixteenth of Scirophorion, and listening with anxiety 
to the speeches and all the proceedings. Philip in the meantime, 


approaching Thermopylz, invited the Phocians to surrender, repre- 


senting to them that there was no hope of succor from Athens, who . 


had become his ally, and that they might safely throw themselves 


upon his generosity. We may presume, that he had already made 
this communication to them, before he began his march from Phere ; 
and perhaps their own envoys, who accompanied him from Pella, 
brought home a tale of their kind,reception by Philip, and his fa- 
vorable intentions towards their country. The Phocians gave little 
credit to it: they were not disposed to trust Philip, and they could 
hardly believe that the Athenians, their old allies, would abandon 
them: Phalzecus at all events would send no positive answer to 
Philip, until he knew what the intentions of the Athenians were. 
When however his messengers returned from Athens, bringing~ 


news of what had passed in the assembly—of the announcements 


of Aischines, the implicit faith put in them by the Athenians, their 
abandonment of every thing to Philip, and the menacing resolutions 


* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 356, 858. Philipp. ii. 73. 
? Phaleecus must have sent his messengers to Athens before Philip 
commenced his march from Phere ; or they could not. have arrived in 


time for the assembly on the sixteenth. If the Phocians could have 


_ been induced to have submitted at onde, before the Athenians had time 
for consideration, Philip’s object was more surely gained. The Phocian 
envoys had been amused with promises to the last. Demosthenes, 


Philipp. iii. 112. Εἰς Φωκέας ὡς πρὸς συμμάχους ἐπορεύετο, kal πρέσβεις 
Φωκέων ἧσαν of παρηκολούθουν αὐτῷ πορευομένῳ καὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἤριζον πολ 
λοὶ Θηβαίοις οὐ λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ἐκείνου πάροδον. 

Vor. Π.-Ο 


814 APPENDIX I, 


which they had passed against the Phocians—he perceived that re- 
sistance was hopeless; that neither himself nor his countrymen had 
any choice left but to make the best terms they could with the all- 
powerful king of Macedon. . 
Accordingly on the twenty-third of Scirophorion, while two or 
three days after he had received the news from Athens, he entered 
into a convention with Philip, agreeing to surrender the fortresses 
which he held in Locris and Boeotia, on condition only that he might 
retire where he pleased with his troops. It was carried into effect 
immediately. Philip entered the pass, and took possession of Al- 
ponus, Thronium, and Niczea, while Phalzcus, with eight thousand 
mercenaries and such of the native soldiers as liked to follow him, 
passed over to Peloponnesus. Archidamus with his thousand Spar- 
tans had withdrawn shortly before, seeing the double game that was 
played by his allies, and considering his position dangerous. The 
Thebans marched out with all their forces to join Philip, who now, 
proclaiming openly that he had come as the ally of the Thebans and 
Thessalians and the champion of the god, marched with an over- 
powering army into Phocis, to terminate the Sacred War. The cities 
generally submitted to his.arms; a few that offered a feeble resist- 
ance were taken by storm and razed to the ground. He then took 
possession of Delphi, and proceeded forthwith to hold an Amphic- 
tyonic council, to pronounce judgment upon the violators of the 
temple, and determine the various questions which the war had given 
rise to.! | . ads 
The Athenians remained perfectly quiescent, expecting the accom- 
plishment of all the good things which Philip had promised them, 
until the twenty-seventh day of the month. They had appointed 
an embassy to notify to Philip the decree which they passed in his 
favor. It consisted mostly of the same ten who served on the former 
embassies. Demosthenes, not wishing to go, swore an affidavit, as — 
the law permitted, and excused himself. Aischines stayed behind 
on a plea of illness; a mere pretense, as Demosthenes alleges, in 
order that he might»be at home to prevent the adoption of any — 
measurés adverse to Philip. The envoys had not long departed, — 
when there came a letter from Philip to the Athenians, followed soon — 
afterwards by another,” inviting them to join him with all their forces. : 












1 Diodorus, xvi. 59. Demosthenes, De Coron, 288, 289: De Fals. 
Leg. 356, 358, 359, 360, 865. Adschines, De Fals, Leg. 45, 46. 

* Aschines mentions only one letter: Demosthenes, two. The sec- 
ond may have come soon after the first ; or it may have been dispatched 
after the capitulation of Phalecus. For there was yet a possibilit 
that the Phocians might resist, and give some trouble to Philip, if 
Athenians gave them any hope of support: though I can not credit the 
assertion of Demosthenes (De Fals. Leg. 879) that the Phocians mig 


THE SACRED WAR. 315 


He must have sent the first of these letters immediately after Pha- 
Izcus had refused to surrender, while he was yet in doubt what. 
course things might take. According to the terms of his alliance, as 
they. had been interpreted and acted upon, he was entitled to make 
this demand of the Athenians; though we can hardly imagine that 
he either expected or desired their compliance. All that he really 
wished was their neutrality; and this his letter, assuming a tone of 
friendship, was calculated to secure. It was laid before the assembly; 
but no one moved that Philip’s request-should be granted. Demosthe- 
nes observed, that, if any troops were sent, they would be hostages in 
Philip’s hands; and the matter was dropped. Adschines afterwards 
asserted, that, if an Athenian force had been present, it might have 
counteracted the influence of the Thebans and Thessalians, who, as 
it was, compelled Philip to adopt their own violent counsels. But 
if he thought so, why, it may be asked, did he not propose the 
measure to the people, especially as it was in accordance with their 
own decree? Perhaps he could not easily have prevailed upon them: 
for, besides a lurking fear that Demosthenes was right, they must 
have been somewhat ashamed of themselves for the attitude of hos- 
tility which they had-already assumed towards the Phocians. But 
the punishment of their folly was at hand. On the twenty-seventh 
day of the month the envoys, who had gone as far as Chalcis in 
Euboea, returned suddenly with the intelligence, that Philip had 
declared himself the ally of the Thebans, and had given up every 
thing into their hands. The Athenians, who happened to be im 
assembly at Pirzeus when these tidings were brought, in the alarm 
of the moment passed a vote to bring in all their women and chil- 

dren from the country, to repair their forts, to fortify Pirzeus, and 
perform théeff sacrifice to Hercules in the city. This decree was 
actually carried into effect; but the envoys were nevertheless sent 
to Philip, and traveled by land through Boeotia, Aischines this time 
going with them. The fears of the people were soon allayed by 
finding that the allied powers had no thought of coming near Attica; 
though perhaps their ill humor was increased by a letter which came 
from Philip, calmly informing them of what he had done, and re- 
proving them for their demonstration of hostility.! 

The Amphictyonic council, composed of the Thebans, Thessalians, 
and their allies, proceeded to sit in judgment upon the Phocians. 
\ 
ἢ 
in that event have been saved, owing to the impossibility of Philip’s 
finding subsistence in their territory. 

1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 287—2389: De Fals. Leg. 357, 359, 360, 
878—381: Philipp. ii. 69. schines, De Fals. Leg. 40, 46. That 
#éschines should have gone upon this embassy after his plea of illness, 
and that he should have passed through Thebes, after saying that the 
Thebans had set a price upon his head, are urged as proofs of crime by 
Demosthenes. 


818: ~ APPENDIX I. 


Their first act was one of gratitude as well as justice. They deprived 
the conquered people of their seat and votes in the council, and 
transferred them to the king of Macedon and his descendants. Their 
further sentence was, that the Phocian cities should be razed to the 
ground, and the population of each dispersed into villages, containing 
not more than fifty dwelling-houses, and at the distance of not less 
than a furlong from each other. The Phocians were to have no 
access to the temple of Delphi, and to possess neither arms nor 
horses, but to be allowed to cultivate their-land and take the produce 
thereof, paying every year a tribute of sixty talents to Apollo, until 
the whole of their plunder, estimated in value at ten thousand talents, 
should be restored. Any guilty parties, whether Phocians or aux- 
iliaries, who had fled from justice, were declared to be outlaws. All 
arms which had been used _ by the troops were to be broken and 
destroyed; their horses to be sold. Regulations were made for the 
future management of the oracle, for the establishment of peace and 
amity among the Greek states, and the maintenance of their com- 
mon religion. The Spartans were excommunicated from Amphic- 
tyonic privileges: and it was determined that Philip should preside 
One the Pythian games in conjunction with the Thebans and Thes- 
salians. 

Thus were the Phocians not only degraded from their rank as one 
of the Amphictyonic communities, but reduced to become a mere 
rural population, little better than the serfs of Thessaly. Their rank 
they did not regain till many years after, when, by their valor in 
repelling the Celtic invasion, they expiated the memory of their 
former crime. One part of the sentence appears to have been in 
violation of the engagement made by Philip with Phalecus; yet — 
they had enemies in the council, who would have in ἃ on them — 
a still heavier punishment. -Aischines says, the (iteans proposed — 
to cast all the adult males down the precipice, and that he himself — 
pleaded on their behalf and saved them. The sentence, however, 
was rigorously executed. Of twenty-one cities enumerated by Pau- — 
sanias, Abze alone was spared, as having taken no part in the sacri- — 
lege: the rest were destroyed; their walls at least and principal — 
buildings were razed to the ground, and the inhabitants driven to. 
seek homes elsewhere, according to the terms of the judgment. 












7 Diodorus, xvi. 60. Pausanias, x. 3. In the words of Diodorus, τῶν 
δ᾽ ἐν Φωκεῦσι τριῶν πόλεων περιελεῖν τὰ τείχη, it would seem that τριῶν 
should be omitted; and even then there remains a tautology, when he 
says afterwards, τὰς δὲ πόλεις ἁπάσας τῶν Φωκέων κατασκάψαι. Leland 
in his Dissertation on the Amphictyonie Council, prefixed to the Life of 


three Amphictyonic cities in Phocis; and as they could not be entirely 
demolished consistently with the oath of the Amphictyons, their wall 
only were sentenced to be razed. See also Wesseling’s note. 


THE SACRED WAR. 317 


‘That the expulsion from their ancient dwellings, the separation of 
friends, neighbors, and relatives, must necessarily have been attended 
with great hardship and suffering, is manifest. But the evil was 
aggravated by the presence of an insulting and vindictive enemy. 
The work of destruction was committed to the Thebans, who, occu- 
pying the country with their army, in the license of military power 
committed excesses of cruelty, against which it was impossible to 
obtain redress, and useless to murmur. Large numbers of the people, 
chiefly men in the prime and vigor of their life, emigrated to other 
lands. Demosthenes, traveling through Phocis two or three years 

after, describes what he saw with his own eyes; a dreadful scene of 
desolation ; cities lying in ruin, hardly any grown men in the country, 
a population consisting almost entirely of the old and infirm, women 
and children. Most of the spoil that could be collected became the 
prize of Philip. But the Thebans were permitted to annex some 
portion of the Phocian territory to their own dominion. The Boeo- 
tian towns, Orchomenus, Coronea, and Corsiz, were delivered up to 
them; and the two former they punished by enslaving the inhabit~- 
ants. Yet the majority of these avoided their doom by flight, and, 
together with a large number of Phocian exiles, found refuge in 
Athens. * 

The allies of Philip thoughtlessly exulted in the vengeance which 
they had inflicted on their enemies, and the advantages which they 
had acquired for themselves. The Thessalians, pleased with the 
restoration of the Pyleean synod and the festival, little heeded that 
they had found anew master. The Thebans, having recovered their 
lost dominion in Beeotia and got an accession of territory, thought 
not for the moment that it was at the expense of their honor and 

- credit, that their acquisitions were the gift of the king of Macedon, 
and that they were to see a Macedonian garrison established at 
Niczea, a monument of his power and their own weakness. In fact, 
the real advantages were Philip’s, who had obtained an immense 
increase both of power and reputation. His kingdom, but lately 

_ regarded as semi-barbarous, now took her rank among the Amphic- 
tyonic communities. He was further honored by the Delphians 
with precedency in the consultation of the oracle—a distinction for- 
merly conferred upon Athens and Lacedemon. But, what was far 
more important, he had extended his alliances, enlarged the sphere 

of his influence, and got the command of Thermopyle, which gave 
him at any time an entrance to southern Greece. The Athenians, 
when all the mischief had been done, opened their eyes, and saw 
how they had been duped and cheated. They made empty protests 
and passed idle votes about the intrusion of barbarians into the 
Amphictyonic council: they resolved to take no part in its proceed- 


- 1 Pausanias, x. 3, 8. Justin, viii. 5. 7 Zischines, De Fals, Leg. 47. 
Demosthenes, De Pace, 61, 62: De Fals. Leg. 361, 885, 445. 


218 APPENDIX 1, 


ings, and send no deputies to the Pythian games. Yet all this had 
no other effect than to exhibit their ill humor, and irritate the rest 
of the Amphictyons; and when that body sent-an embassy to Athens, 
requiring them to accept the acts of the congress as legal, they dared 
not refuse compliance. ἢ . 
Phalecus, having carried away what remained of the Delphian 
plunder, maintained his troops for a while in Peloponnesus; at 
length, hiring a sufficient number of transports at Corinth, he 
embarked and sailed for the Ionian sea, intending to cross over to 
Italy or Sicily. There, he hoped either to get possession of some 
city, or to find military employment; for he had heard there was a 
war between the Lucanians and the Tarentines; and he gave out 
that he had been invited to go over by the natives. His soldiers, 
however, when they got into the open sea, observing that there was 
no envoy on board from any foreign state, suspected that he was 
playing them false, and mutinied; the principal officers came with 
drawn swords to him and his pilot, and insisted that he should sail 
back to Peloponnesus. He returned accordingly, and landed at 
Malea, the southern promontory of Laconia; where he found an 
embassy from the Cnossians of Crete, who had come to enlist troops 
for a war against the Lyctians. Phalzecus, receiving a large sum of 
money in advance, consented to enter their service, and sailing with 
them to Crete, he attacked and took the city of Lyctus. Just at 
this time there came an unexpected auxiliary to the Lyctians, no 
less a person than Archidamus, king of Sparta. It so happened, the 
people of Tarentum had applied for succor to the Spartans, who, 
collecting a large force for the defense of their ancient colony, gave 
the command to Archidamus; but, before he had set sail, envoys 
arrived from Lyctus, and prevailed on the Spartans to assist them 
first. Archidamus, therefore, was sent to Crete, and, strangely 
enough, found himself opposed to his old ally, Phalzecus, whom he — 
defeated in battle, and drove out of the city of Lyctus. He then — 
hastened to the relief of the Tarentines, in whose cause some time — 
afterwards he perished with his whole army, fighting valiantly — 
against the Lucanians. Phaleecus, dispossessed of his former con-— 
quest, made an attempt on the city of Cydonia, and brought up his 
battering engines; but ere they could be applied, they were struck 
by lightning, and he himself and a considerable number of the 
besiegers were consumed in the flames. According to another 
account, Phalzcus was killed by one of his own soldiers, whom he 
had offended. The relics of his army were transported by some 
Hlean exiles to Peloponnesus, where, in an invasion of Elis, they 













1 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 880, 381, 446: gs ii. 74; iii. 119 
iv. 148: Ad. Epist. 153: De Coron. 240: and the whole of the ' 
ΞῪΝ and the Oration on the Peace, Compare Aischines, Contr. 
siph, 73. 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN, 319 


were signally defeated, and four thousand of them taken prisoners. 
The Elean government divided the captives between themselves 
and their Arcadian allies. Those allotted to the Arcadians were sold 
into slavery ; the Hleans put theirs to death.! 
_ Thus, says Diodorus, all parties who had been concerned in the 
plunder of Delphi met with signal retribution from heaven. Even 
the women, who had worn any of the sacred ornaments, came to 
a miserable and shameful end. To the same cause he attributes the 
calamities that afterwards. fell upon Athens and Lacedzmon. 
Philip, who vindicated the oracular temple of Apollo, continued (he 
says) from that time forth to prosper more and more, till at length, 
as the reward of his piety, he was elected generalissimo of the 
Greeks, and established the greatest monarchy in Europe.?. Such 
was the strain in which the fanatics and parasites of the day extolled 
_ the king of Macedon. -Adschines chimes in with it, discordant as it 
was with the true interests of his country, and with the feelings 
which should have animated every well-wisher of the Hellenic hap- 
piness and freedom.® 





APPENDIX IL 
ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 


ZESCHINES. 
PES: μα, 


Ascnrnes, the second in reputation of Athenian orators, was born 
in the year B.c. 389, four years before Demosthenes. As to the rank 
and character of his parents, different statements are made by him- 
self and by his opponent. According to his own account, his father - 
Atrometus was an honorable citizen, connected by birth with the 
illustrious priestly house of the Eteobutade, who lost his property 
in the Peloponnesian war; and, having“been forced to quit Athens 
during the government of the Thirty, served for a time as a mer-' 
cenary soldier in Asia, and on his return lived in reduced circum- 


* Diodorus, xvi. 61—63. Strabo, vi. 280. Pausanias, x. 2. 

® Diodorus, xvi. 64. He should have gone on to say, “ And two years 
afterwards this same Philip perished by the hand of an assassin; an 
inadequate punishment for his crimes, and for all the mischief he had 
done to Greece.” 

* Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 72. Καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ὁρῶμεν τῆς τε δόξης 
ταύτης καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Πέρσην ἡγεμονίας ἠξιωμένους, of καὶ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς 
ἱερὸν ἠλευθέρωσαν. Compare De Fals. Leg. 50. 


~ 


320 APPENDIX. IL Ἐπ 


stances. His mother, Glaucothea, was the daughter of a respect- 
able Athenian citizen. The account which Demosthenes gives of 
the parents and early life of Aischines may be regarded in some 
measure as a caricature ;' yet it is not improbable, that the poverty 
to which A‘schines himself admits his parents to have been reduced, ~ 
compelled them to earn their livelihood by somewhat mean occupa- 
tions. Notwithstanding the disadvantage of early poverty, their 
three sons all raised themselves to honor and dignity at Athens,? 
That Aischines must have received a good education, is attested by 
the works which he has left behind him; and it is possible that he 
may have owed this to the very school which his father is said to 
have kept. While he was yet very young, he obtained the situation 
of clerk to Aristophon, one of the leading statesmen of Athens; 
afterwards he went into the service of Eubulus, with whom he 
continued to be connected for the rest of his life as a politician and 
a friend. Being gifted with a handsome person and sonorous voice, 
he tried his fortune as an actor; but in this profession, which was 
by no means dishonorable at Athens, he appears, for some cause 
or other, not to have succeeded.? Like other Athenian citizens, he 
was called upon to perform military service for his country, and he 
acquitted himself with honor in several campaigns; more particu- 
larly at Phlius, at Mantinea, and at Tamynz. In this last battle he 
displayed such signal courage, that he was chosen to carry home 
the news of the victory, and rewarded by the Athenians with a 
crown. Phocion, who had witnessed his bravery, not only praised 
him on the spot, but honored and esteemed him ever afterwards. 
But the laurels which he earned as a speaker soon threw into the 
shade those of the battle-field. His connection with Eubulus pro- 
cured for him the situationf clerk to the popular assembly, through 
which he got an intimate “acquaintance with the laws, the politics, 
and the public business of his country. This he found of immense ~ 
advantage, when he came himself to take a part in the. debates; — 
and it is no wonder, that with his powerful voice and delivery, his — 
literary acquirements, and great command of words, he quickly 
obtained a prominent place among the orators of the day. aa 
The capture of Olynthus caused Aischines to come forward asa — 
strong advocate of warlike measures against Philip. The statements — 
of Demosthenes upon this subject—how he introduced Ischander to 
the council; how he proposed the sending of embassies to rouse 
the Greeks, and invite them to a congress at Athens; how he him- 
self undertook the mission to Arcadia, and discharged that duty with 
-zeal and ability—all are fully admitted by Auschines. How he came 









1 See this translation, ante, pp. 54, 55, 94—97, 198. 

* See ante, p. 189. 

3. The sneers of Demosthenes are at the failure of A®schines, not 
the profession itself. 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 321 


to change his opinion, and to see the necessity of making peace with 
Philip at that crisis, he himself gives a not unreasonable explanation: 
as to which, and as to the part which he took in the embassy to 
Philip and the negotiation for peace, the reader is referred to the 
preceding history of the Sacred War. 

The circumstances attending the conclusion of this peace first 
created hostility between Alschines and Demosthenes. The accu- 
sation preferred by the latter against his rival brought them into an 
antagonism, both political and personal, which never ceased till 
Aischines finally quitted his native land. The peace had been so 
signally discreditable to Athens, and so manifestly injurious in its 
consequences, that in a very short time there was a strong reaction 
in the feelings of the Athenian people, and the war-party recovered 
their strength and popularity. Demosthenes stood forward as the 
exponent of their views, and raised himself to the position, which 
he had never occupied before, of a leading orator and governing 
statesman; while Atschines, having with difficulty obtained his 
acquittal on the charge of treason, notwithstanding the influence of 
his friends Eubulus and Phocion, withdrew for a considerable time 
from the strife of politics, and was rarely to be seen on the platform 
of the assembly. Besides other grounds of suspicion against him, 
the affair of Antiphon, in which he was charged with being an 
accomplice, left a stain upon his character; and he must have felt it 
as a deep disgrace, when the court of Areopagus took upon itself 
to deprive him of an honorable office, to which the people had 
elected him.? 

In το aa B.c. 340 he appears again on the scene of public life, 
as one of the Pylagora, representing his countrymen in the Amphic- 
tyonic congress. His conduct upon this occasion (whether by acci- 
dent or design, it is impossible to say) contributed to kindle a third 
Sacred War, and bring on the fatal campaign of Cheronea. The 
details of this are given in Appendix IX. 

Having on the trial of Ctesiphon® failed to obtain a fifth part of 
the votes, he quitted Athens, and lived in exile in Asia Minor, earn- 
ing his livelihood by teaching rhetoric. During the lifetime of Alex- 
ander he cherished hopes of returning to Greece. Upon the death 
of that monarch he settled at Rhodes, where he lived peaceably for 
nine years, and founded a school of eloquence, which afterwards, 
under the name of the Asiatic, acquired considerable celebrity. It 
was there that his scholars, hearing him recite his own oration 
against Ctesiphon, expressed their astonishment at his having failed 
to get the verdict. “ You will cease to wonder,” said he, “when 


* See especially pages 291, 293—312. 
? See ante, p. 56. And see the Argument to the Oration on the Em- 


Υ. 
* See the Argument to the Oration on the Crown, 
O 2 


~ 


- 


322 APPENDIX II. 


you have heard the speech of my adversary.” On another occasion, 
having read both of the speeches to a Rhodian assembly, and that 
of Demosthenes, which he delivered with great energy, having 
excited the admiration of all— What would you have thought,” 
said Alschines, “if you had heard the man himself!” Cicero tells 
this story, to illustrate the importance of manner and address in 
speaking. “ Actio in dicendo una dominatur. Sine hac summus 
orator esse in numero nullo potest; mediocris, hac instructus, sum- 
mos szpe superare. Huic primas dedisse Demosthenes dicitur, 
cim rogaretur quid in dicendo esset primum; huic secundas, huic 
tertias.” 

Of Aischines and his contemporaries Cicero, in his treatises on 
Oratory, speaks as follows :— . 

“Si qui se ad causas contulerunt, ut Demosthenes, Hyperides, 
Lycurgus, Auschines, Dinarchus, aliique complures, etsi iter se 
pares non fuerunt, tamen sunt omnes in eodum veritatis imitandee 
genere versati; quorum quamdiu mansit imitatio, tamdiu genus 
illud dicendi studiumque vixit: posteaquam, extinctis his, omnis 
eorum memoria sensim obscurata est et evanuit, alia queedam 
dicendi molliora ac remissiora genera viguerunt.” 

“Suavitatem Isocrates, subtilitatem Lysias, acumen Hyperides, 
sonitum Aischines, vim Demosthenes habuit. Quis eorum non egre- 
gius? Tamen quis cujusquam nisi sui similis ?” 

“ Nihil Lysize subtilitate cedit; nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi; 
nihil lenitate Adschini et splendore verborum.” | 

Leland describes him thus :— | ale ! 

‘‘ Mischines was an orator whose style was full, diffusive, and 
sonorous. He was a stranger to the glowing expressions and 
daring figures of Demosthenes, which he treats with contempt and 
ridicule. But, though more simple, he is less affecting; and, by 
being less contracted, has not so much strength and energy. Or, 88 
Quintilian expresses it, ‘ carnis plus habet, lacertorum minns.’ But, 
if we would vi¢ew his abilities to the greatest advantage, we mus 
not compare them with those of his rival. Then will his figure 
_appear to want neither beauty nor grandeur. His easy and nature 
manner will then be thought highly pleasing; and a-just attentio 
will discover a good degree of force and energy in his style, which 
at first appears only flowing and harmonious.” 











ARISTOPHON. 


There are two persons of this name referred to in the orators 

’ Aristophon of Colyttus, and Aristophon of Azenia: though Reisk 
is inclined to think they were the same person. ; 
The former has been already mentioned as having taken Ais 
chines into his service as clerk. He was a friend of Eubulus, and: 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN, 323 


politician of the same party. Demosthenes mentions them in con- 
nection, as both desiring the Theban alliance. * 

_ Aristophon of Azenia was an older statesman, who took an active 
part in Athenian politics for about half a century after the end of 
the Peloponnesian war. He was an able speaker, and the author 
of many new laws. One of them, passed soon after the expulsion 
of the Thirty Tyrants, enacted, that no child should be deemed 
legitimate whose mother was not a citizen. Alschines in the oration 
against Ctesiphon says, that he was seventy-five times indicted for 
passing illegal measures, and every time acquitted. He conducted 
the prosecution, instituted by Chares, against Iphicrates and 
Timotheus, and procured the condemnation of the latter. One 
of ah political acts was the defence of the law of Leptines, - 
B.C. 300. - 


CALLISTRATUS. 


An eminent orator and statesman during the early life of Demos- 
thenes. He was employed in various commands with Chabrias, 
Tphicrates, and Timotheus, duiting the war with Sparta. In the 

ear B.C. 373 he joined Iphicrates in the prosecution of Timotheus, 


-but failed to procure a conviction.2 He was inclined to favor the 


Spartan connection, and, having accompanied the envoys who 


negotiated the peace of B.c. 371, he made a speech before the Pelo- — 


ponnesian congress, which is reported at some length by Xenophon, 
and which appears to have been much approved. 

Two years afterwards, he supported the motion for assisting the 
Spartans, when Epaminondas invaded Laconia. He was ruined by 
the unfortunate affair of Oropus, having advised that it should be 
put into the hands of the Thebans.? For this both he and Chabrias 
were brought to trial, n.c. 366. Callistratus made a splendid speech, 
which was heard by Demosthenes, and is said to have kindled in 
his youthful breast the desire to become an orator. It was suc- 
cessful; and Callistratus was acquitted. But the loss of Oropus 
rankled in the minds of the Athenians; and five years afterwards 
he was tried again, and capitally convicted. Notwithstanding the 
sentence, he was allowed to withdraw into exile; and for some 
years he lived in Macedonia or Thrace; but choosing to return to 
Athens without permission from the people, he was arrested, 
dragged even from an altar, and suffered the penalty of the law.* 


? Ante, p. 65; and see pp. 82, 88. 

2 Ante, p. 254. 

* Ante, p. 260. - 
_ * On the history of Callistratus, there is a learned note and excursus 
of Schneider, Ad Xenoph. Hellen, vi, ο. 8, 8. 8. 


> 


394 APPENDIX IL. 


CHARES, 


A> general, contemporary with Demosthenes, whom during a 
period of thirty years we find on various occasions commanding the 
Athenian armies, more often to the disadvantage than the advan- 
tage of his country. His first command was at Phlius, 8.c. 367— 
366, when he successfully defended that city against the Argives. 
In 361 B.c., after Leosthenes had been defeated by Alexander of 
Phere, Chares was appointed admiral in his room; but he soon did 
much greater mischief than his predecessor; for, sailing to Corcyra, 
he lent his aid to a faction which overthrew the democracy, and 
which a few years afterwards seized the opportunity, when the 
Athenians were distressed by the Social War, to sever the island 
from their alliance. In the campaign against the Thebans in 
Eubcea Chares held some command, and was immediately after- 
wards sent to the Hellespont, where he compelled Charidemus to 
surrender the Chersonese according to treaty.! Having thus _ac- 
quired some credit, he was chosen to command in the Social War. 
This was a series of disasters. He was defeated in the attack upon 
Chios, where fell the gallant Chabrias. In the second year of the 
war Iphicrates and Timotheus were associated with him in the 
command; but they were unable to obtain any success against the 
allies, who with a superior fleet ravaged Lemnos, Imbrus, and 
Samos, and levied contributions from the other subject islands. To 
relieve Byzantium, which was besieged by the Athenians, the allies 
advanced into the Propontis, and the two fleets met; but a storm. 
arising, the two elder generals thought it not prudent to risk an en- 
gagement: Chares, eager for battle, violently reproached them, and 
afterwards wrote a letter to the people, accusing them of cowardice 
and treachery. Iphicrates and Timotheus were recalled, and after- 
wards brought to trial. Iphicrates with his son Menestheus was 
acquitted; Timotheus was condemned to a fine of a hundred talents, 
and retiring to Chalcis died in exile. The management of the war 
was left to Chares; who, though no longer restrained by the pres- — 
ence of his colleagues, never ventured to attack the enemy—(per- ~ 
haps indeed they gave him no opportunity)—but carried his troops ~ 
over to Asia Minor, to assist the satrap Artabazus in his rebellion 
against the Persian king. Having vanquished the royal forces, he — 
received his promised reward, a sum of money which enabled him ὦ 
to maintain his army. But Artaxerxes having sent a wrathful — 
message to Athens, complaining of this attack upon his kingdom, ~ 
the Athenians, who at first had not been displeased at the assist- — 
ance rendered to Artabazus, ordered Chares to quit his service; and — 
not long afterwards, hearing that Artaxerxes: was fitting out an ~ 
armament of three hundred galleys, and being quite unprepared for — 


1 See Vol. I. Appendix III. pp. 280, 281. 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 325 


a contest against such formidable odds, they concluded peace with 
the revolted allies, and acknowledged their independence. 

Chares still commanded in the Hellespont, where it was neces- 
sary for the Athenians to have a fleet constantly stationed, for the 
protection of their Thracian settlements and of the corn-trade. In 
the year 355 3.c. he took Sestus. Polyzenus relates a stratagem by 
which Philip, having some transports to carry along the coast 
from Maronea, contrived to elude the pursuit of Chares, who with a 
squadron of twenty ships was lying in watch at Neapolis. Of his 
sorry performances in the Olynthian war, and the inefficiency of 
his operations in 346 8.c., when Philip was attacking Thrace, I 
have spoken in the preceding volume.! We may presume indeed, 
that during all this time he did some service by keeping Philip’s 
squadrons at a distance, by blockading his coast and intercepting 
his commerce. | ; 

That Philip suffered injury in this way from the war, is asserted 
by Demosthenes, and is probable enough. But the cruisers of 
Chares were no less formidable to neutral and even friendly states 
than to the enemy; and this from the same cause which took him 
away from his duty to serve Artabazus, viz. the want of proper 
supplies from home. - His troops were chiefly mercenaries, levied 
partly by his own exertions; and, in order to keep them together, 
he was obliged to provide pay in the best manner that he could, 
which was too often by forced contributions from the merchants, 
the Aigean islands, and the cities of Asia Minor.* This practice, 
which in effect. was a species of piracy, suited the views of a man 
like Chares, for it gave him a more absolute command over his 
troops, and made him in some measure independent of his country ; 
while the Athenians connived at it, because it relieved them from 
taxes and contributions. Chares resided chiefly at Sigeum, while 
he kept up his influence at Athens by means of the orators of his 
party, and by lavish distributions of money. 

For his reception at Byzantium in the war of 340 Β.σ. I refer to 
the last volume;* and for his performances in the campaign of 
Chzeronea, to Appendix IX. of this volume. Chares was one of 
the Athenians whom Alexander required to be surrendered with 
Demosthenes. When Alexander crossed over to Asia, Chares was 
living at Sigeum, and came to meet him at Ilium. Afterwards we 
read of his seizing Mitylene, apparently on behalf of Darius; from 
which he was expelled by Hegelochus the Macedonian general. 

The character of the man appears from the history of his public 
life. He was a vain, dashing officer, with a good deal of personal 


1 See pp. 248—251, 288, 289. 

* One writer attributes the origin of the Social War to these very 
practices of Chares. See Thirlwall’s History of Greece, v. 218, 229. 

* Vol. I. Appendix III. p. 308, 


326 APPENDIX. IL 


bravery, but little strategic skill. He was too fond of luxury and 
ease to perform his military duties properly. He used to carry 
about with him on his expeditions music-girls and dancers and 
other ministers of his pleasure. Funds which he received for war- 
like purposes he scrupled not to dissipate on idle amusement, or 
spend in bribing the orators and jurymen at Athens. Such is the 
account of Theopompus, perhaps a little overcharged; yet that‘it is 
true in the main appears from other sources. - According to Suidas, 
his bad faith was so notorious, that the ‘‘ promises of Chares” passed 
into a proverb. The influence which such a man acquired at 
Athens was owing partly to the absence of able competitors, partly 
to the vice and corruption of the day. Statesman and general were 
not united in the same person, as in the time of Pericles. The 
general serving abroad was connected with the orator who stayed at 
home; and they gave to each other a mutual support. Thus might 
an indifferent commander be kept in his employment by party in- 
fluence. Aristophon was for some time the fighting orator who 
supported Chares at Athens. We find Demosthenes in the second 
Olynthian censuring this as a vicious practice, and pointing seem- 
ingly to Chares, though not by name. After the peace Chares and 
his party joined Demosthenes, who was. then confessedly the best 
orator of the day, and had got the ear and confidence of the assem- 
bly. In the oration on the Chersonese, Demosthenes somewhat 
excuses the irregular practices of the generals abroad, and speaks 
indulgently both of Chares and Aristophon. Yet of the faults of 
Chares we can not doubt that he was fully conscious, though 
friendship may have tied his tongue. He speaks with extreme 
caution, where he defends him against Aischines in the Oration on 
the Embassy.! ᾿ ; 


DEMADES. 


A clever but profligate orator, who first becomes known to us in 
the debate of 349 8. c., when he opposed the sending of succors to 
Olynthus. From this time he attached himself wholly to the Mace- 
donian party at Athens, and received the pay first of Philip, and then 
of Alexander. Asa necessary consequence, he was an enemy of 
Demosthenes, with whom he came into frequent collision in the 
popular assembly. His-politics were not more opposite to those of 
Demosthenes than was the style of his eloquence. Demades was an 
off-hand and facetious speaker, without art and cultivation, but with 


great natural powers, pleasing often by his coarse wit and vulgarity 


more than others did by their studied rhetoric. Ifthe people chanced 
to be in the humor for his sallies, which was no rare occurrence, he 
was a match even for Demosthenes himself. 

It would appear, from the character given of him by Theophrastus 


? Ante, p. 219. 


ee —— τ ὼ..... 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 324 


and Cicero, and by divers anecdotes which are related of him, that 

Demades was capable of something better than levity and joking, 
when he chose to exert himself; but his inordinate love of money 
and pleasure rendered it impossible for him to be an honest man or 
a good citizen. . 

Among the sayings ascribed to him are the following :— 

Being told that his politics were unworthy of Athens, he said, 
“he ought to be excused, for he steered but the wreck of the com- 
monwealth.” Being reproached for changing sides, he declared that 
“he often spoke against himself; but never against the state.” 

When the news of Alexander’s death was brought to Athens, he 
said, “he did not believe it; for if it were true, the whole world 
must by that time have smelt his carcass.” | 

Diodorus relates, that after the battle of Cheeronea Philip in a fit 
of intoxication insulted his prisoners, and was rebuked by Demades 
in the following terms: “ Fortune, O king, has placed you.in the 
position of Agamemnon; are you not ashamed to act the part of 
Thersites?”—that he took the reproof well, and even honored 
Demades for his freedom; held friendly converse with him, and at 
his persuasion released the Athenian prisoners without ransom. We 
learn from Demosthenes, that he negotiated the terms of peace with 
Philip. 

When Alexander demanded the anti-Macedonian orators, Demades, 
for a bribe of five talents, undertook to save them. An assembly 
- being held to consider the question of delivering them up, Demades 
moved an artful decree, by which the people, while they excused ~ 
the orators, promised to punish them according to the laws if they 
deserved it. The Athenians passed the decree, and chose Demades to 
be the bearer of it to Alexander. He took Phocion with him, and by 
their persuasion Alexander was induced not only to grant the required 
pardon, but to allow the Théban*exiles to be received at Athens. 

By the ascendency of Macedonia Demades acquired influence at 
Athens, notwithstanding his notorious corruption, of which he made 
no secret, while he squandered his wealth as infamously as he got it. 
He succeeded Demosthenes as treasurér of the theoric fund, and held 
the appointment for twelve years. It is related by Plutarch, that 
succors would have been sent to the Lacedzemonians against Anti- 

pater, if Demades had not told the people, that they must then forego 
the sum which he was about to distribute among them for a festival. 
When Alexander claimed to receive divine honors from the Greek 
states, Demades moved at Athens that the king’s demand be com- 
plied with, and meeting some opposition, bade the people mind that 
they did not lose earth, while they contested the possession of 
heaven. His motion was carried; but, after the revolution which 
followed Alexander’s death, he was sentenced to a fine of ten talents: 


? See ante, p, 103. 


828 APPENDIX IL 


for being the author of so base a decree. In the affair of Harpalus, 
we find Demades coming in for his share of the plunder, and con- 
fessing it without scruple; his maxim being, never to refuse what 
was offered him. 

During the Lamian war Demades was in disgrace; but when 
Antipater was marching upon Athens, he was again erhployed to 
mediate for the people. Yet with all his powers of persuasion, 
assisted by Phocion and Xenocrates, he could only obtain peace for 
Athens, on the terms of her receiving a Macedonian garrison and 
a new constitution, paying the cost of the war, and giving up Demos- 
thenes and other obnoxious orators. To the last condition we may 
presume Demades offered no objection; for he immediately after- 
wards moved the decree which sentenced those men to death. 

After this disgraceful peace, Phocion and Demades were the two _ 
leading citizens of Athens; the real governor being Antipater’s 
lieutenant Menyllus. Phocion preserved a moral, if not a political 
independence; while Demades was in every respect subservient to 
his foreign patron. Antipater used to say, that of his two Athenian 
friends, he could not get Phocion to accept any presents, and to 
Demades he could never give enough. Demades boasted of the 
source from which he got his supplies; and when he celebrated the 
marriage of his son, observed that the wedding-feast was furnished 
by princes. Yet all the liberality of Antipater did not satisfy him, 
and he at length brought about his ruin by his own treachery. He 
wrote a letter to Perdiccas, urging him to come and deliver Greece, 
which he said was “hanging by an old rotten thread.” The letter 
fell into the hands of Antipater. It so happened, that Demades was 
shortly after sent by the Athenians to Macedonia, to petition for the 
withdrawal of the garrison from Athens. Antipater, then in his last 
illness, admitted him to an audience, and produced the letter. De- 
mades, having not a word to say in his defense, was led away to 
execution. 


HEGESIPPUS, 


An orator of the war-party at Athens, He supported the Pho- 
cian alliance. He defended Timarchus, and seems to have been 
greatly disliked by Auschines and his friends, who gave him the 
nickname of Crobylus, from the manner in which he braided 
his hair.1 He was sent on the embassy to Philip, in 343, 3.c., 
to negotiate about the restitution of Halonnesus, the amendment 
of the peace, and other matters; on which occasion he gave such 
offense by his demands, that Philip banished the poet Kenoclides 
from Pella for showing him hospitality. He afterwards denounced 
' Philip’s conduct at Athens. The extant oration on Halonnesus is | 
generally attributed to him. 


? Perhaps in the fashion mentioned by Thucydides, i. 6. 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 329 


HYPERIDES. 


_ One of the most distinguished Athenians who flourished in the 
time of Demosthenes; with whom he was intimately connected, 
and whom he supported in all his efforts to support the sinking cause 
of Athens and of Greece against the king of Macedon. Though an 
honest and generous politician, in his private character he was not 
free from vice; and he was apt to display the violence of his passions 
both in the assembly and elsewhere. In early life he received a 
good education, having studied under Isocrates and Plato. Like 
Demosthenes, he prepared forensic speeches for other men; and he 
spoke and published many excellent orations, of which but a few 
fragments have come down to us. In style he was subtle and argu-: 
mentative ; occasionally bold and striking in his figures; yet, as 
Cicero says, very unlike Demosthenes. His delivery wanted ani- 
‘mation. 

Hyperides was one of the patriotic citizens who equipped galleys 
at their own expense, to carry troops to Euboea, when the Thebans 
invaded the island. We have seen that he impeached Philocrates 
for his treasonable conduct on the embassy. After the battle of 
Cheeronea he exerted himself with Demosthenes to put the city in 
a condition of defense, and moved a decree to restore the exiles and 
the disfranchised, to enfranchise aliens, and give liberty to slaves who 
fought in defense of Athens. For this he was indicted by Aristogi- 
ton, and acquitted. A fragment of his speech is preserved :— 

“What is it you reproach me with? Proposing to give slaves 
their freedom? I did so to save freemen from slavery. Restoring 
exiles to their country? I restored them that no man might be- 
come an exile. Not reading the laws which forbade the measure? 
I could not read them; for the arms of the Macedonians took away 
my eyesight.” 

He was one of the obnoxious statesmen whom Alexander de- 
manded to be given up to him with Demosthenes and Chares. The 
affair of Harpalus caused a rupture between him and Demosthenes, 
‘against whom he appeared as an accuser. When Demosthenes had 
gone into exile, Hyperides was the leader of the anti-Macedonian 
party at Athens; and after Alexander’s death, he and Polyeuctus 
proposed the warlike measures that were undertaken for the libera- 
tion of Greece. When envoys came from Antipater, and praised 
the mildness of his disposition, Hyperides answered, ‘‘ We do not 
want a mild master.” Upon the death of Leosthenes, who was 

killed in a sally from Lamia, Hyperides spoke the funeral oration in 
honor of the slain; of which the following remarkable sentence is 
preserved :— . 

“Tf death is like the state of the unborn, these departed ones are 
released from disease, and sorrow, and all the casualties to which 
humanity 15 subject. But if, as we believe, there still remains in the 


330 APPENDIX tf: 


invisible world a sense of the divine goodness, none surely can de- 
serve it so well as those who have vindicated the profaned sanctity 
of the gods.” , ; Ὶ 
The end of Hyperides is invested with the same melancholy in- 
terest as that of Demosthenes. After the submission to Antipater, 
they were both, on the motion of Demades, sentenced to death; but 
they had previously escaped to Aigina. Here Hyperides entreated 


his old friend to forgive him for his unkindness. They then took . 


a last farewell; Demosthenes retiring to the island of Calauria, Hy- 
perides to Hermione, where he sought refuge in the temple of Ceres. 
. Both were soon to be hunted down by the bloodhounds of the vic- 
tor. Hyperides, dragged from his sanctuary, was carried to Anti- 
pater, who ordered ,his tongue to be cut out, and his body to be 
thrown to the dogs. His bones were afterwards obtained by one of 
his kinsmen, and carried to Athens to be buried. 


LYCURGUS. 


An eminent statesman and orator, chiefly known to us as the au- 
thor of the speech against Leocrates, whom he prosecuted as a trai- 
tor for having deserted his country after the battle of Chzeronea. 
The case is remarkable, as showing what sort of offenses might be 
construed as treasonable at Athens; and the whole speech deserves 
to be read.! Leocrates was a man of some wealth, who, on. hearin 
of the signal defeat at Chzeronea, packed up all his effects, an 
sailed away to Rhodes, where he spread a report that Athens was 
taken by Philip. After staying abroad for seven years he returned 
home, and resumed his post as a citizen, but was immediately im- 
peached by Lycurgus, brought to trial, and convicted. Thirwall; in 
the seventh book of his history, where this circumstance is recorded, 
gives an admirable description of the life and character of Lycurgus, 
which I present, somewhat abridged, to my reader:— 


“Lycurgus, the prosecutor, was one of the few men then living | 


at Athens who could undertake such a task with dignity, as con- 
scious of a life irreproachably spent in the service of his country. 
There are few Athenian statesmen of any age who can bear a com- 


parison with him. Phocion equalled him in honesty and disinter- — 
estedness ; but in his general character, and in his political conduct, — 


seems to fall far below him. He was a genuine Athenian, his family 
_ being one of the oldest and most illustrious in Athens. He traced 


the origin of his house (the Eteobutads) to the hero Erechtheus. — 


By virtue of this descent his family possessed an hereditary priest- 
hood of Poseidon. In the Erechtheum, the temple dedicated in 
common to the hero and the god, the portraits of his ancestors who 
had held that office were painted on the walls. Lycophron, his 
grandfather, had been put to death by the Thirty, and both he and 


he 


' See my article Προδοσία, in the Archeological Dictionary. 


| 
‘ 
᾿ 
J 


4 
Σ 


a 





‘ ᾿ 
hs “el epee phan 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN a 831 


Lycomedes, another of the orator’s progenitors, had been honored 
with a public funeral. Lycurgus had studied in the schools both of 
Plato and Isocrates; but had not learned from the one to withdraw 
from active life into a visionary world, nor from the other to culti- 
vate empty rhetoric at the expense of truth and of his country. 
His manly eloquence breathes a deep love and reverence for what 
was truly venerable in antiquity. His speech against Leocrates, 
which is still extant, shows that he dwelt with a fondness becom- 
ing his birth and station on the stirring legends of older times; but 


his admiration for them had not made him indifferent or unjust 


towards those in which he lived. He possessed an ample hereditary 
fortune; but. he lived, like Phocion, with Spartan simplicity. In 
an age of growing luxury he wore the same garments through sum- 
mer and winter, and, like Socrates, was only seen with sandals on 
extraordinary occasions, Yet he had to struggle against the aris- 
tocratical habits and prejudices of his family. He was the author 
of a law, to restrain the wealthier women from shaming their 
poorer neighbors by the costliness of their equipages in the festive 

rocession to Hleusis; but his own wife was the first to break it. 

is frugality, however, did not arise from parsimony, and was con- 
fined to his personal wants. He was reproached with the liberality 


_ which he displayed toward the various masters of learning whom 


he employed, and declared that, if he could find any that would 


x 


make his sons better men, he would gladly pay them with half his 
fortune. He devoted himself to public life in a career of quiet, un- 
ostentatious, but useful activity. He was a powerful, but not a 
ready speaker: like Pericles and Demosthenes, he never willingly 
mounted the bema without elaborate preparation; and his writing 
instruments were constantly placed by the side of the simple couch 
on which he rested, and from which he frequently rose in the night 
to pursue his labors. But to shine in the popular assembly was not 
the object of his studies; he seems only to have appeared there on 
necessary or important occasions. His genius was peculiarly formed 
for the management of financial affairs; and the economy of the 
state was the business of a large portion of his public life. In the 
latter part of Philip’s reign he was placed at thé head of the treas- 
ury. The duties of his office embraced not only the collection, but 
the ordinary expenditure of the Athenian revenues, so far as they 
Were not appropriated to particular purposes. On the administra- 
tion of the person who filled it depended both the resources of the 
State and the manner in which they were regularly applied. The 
office was tenable for four years; a law dictated by republican jeal- 
ousy, and (it seems) proposed by Lycurgus himself} forbade it to re- 
main longer in the same hands. Yet Lycurgus was permitted to 
exercise its functions during twelve successive years, selecting some 
of his friends for the last two terms to bear the title. In the course 
of this period nearly 19,000 talents passed through his hands. He 


332 APPENDIX II. 


is said to have raised the ordinary revenue from 600 to 1,200 tal- 
ents. We hear of no expedients but unwearied diligence by which 
he effected this increase. It is only as to the application that we 
are more fully informed. It seems that the amount and the nature 
of the domestic expenditure were committed in a great degree to 
his discretion. As the surplus not required for war fell into the 
theoric fund, which was devoted to the transient gratification of the 
people, it required all the influence of the treasurer to apply as large 
a sum as possible to objects permanently useful. The administra- 
tion of Lycurgus was distinguished: above every other since Pericles 
by the number of public buildings which he erected or completed. 
Among his monuments were an arsenal, an armory, a theatre, a 
gymnasium, a paleestra, a stadium. After the example of Pericles, 
he laid up a considerable treasure in the citadel, in images, vessels, 
and ornaments of gold and silver, which at the same time served to 
heighten the splendor of the sacred festivals. It was in a different 
capacity, under a special commission, that he also built four hundred 
galleys, and formed a great magazine of arms. He-seems likewise 
to have taken Pericles for his model in a continual endeavor to 
raise the character and to refine the taste of the people. We find 
his attention directed to important branches of art and literature. 
He was the author of a regulation for the better management of 
the comic drama. But he conferred a more lasting benef on his 
country, and on all posterity, by another measure designed to pre- 
serve the works of the three great tragic poets of Athens. ‘The 
dramas of Sophocles and Euripides, if not of Aischylus, were still — 
frequently exhibited: they were acknowledged as the most perfect 
models of dramatic poetry; but this did not prevent them from un- 
dergoing a fate similar to that which has so often befallen the 
works of our early dramatists: they were frequently interpolated 
and mutilated by the actors. Before the invention of the press this 
was a serious evil, as it endangered the very existence of the origi- | 
nal works. To remedy it, Lycurgus caused a new transcript or 
edition to be made of them by public authority, in many cases 
probably from the manuscripts of the authors, and to be deposited 
in the state archives. The value of this edition was proved by its 
fate. It was afterwards borrowed by one of the Ptolemies to be 
copied for the Alexandrian library, and fifteen talents were left at 
Athens as a pledge for its restitution. The king however sent back τὸ 
the copy instead of the original, and forfeited his pledge. By the — 
decree of Lycurgus it was directed, that the players should conform — 
in their representations to this authentic edition. yy, 
“ All these works attest the influence of Lycurgus, while they 
show the spirit in which it was exerted. As the state intrusted 
him with its revenues, so private persons deposited their property 
in his custody. When a piece of ground was required for hisnew | 
stadium, Dinias, its owner, made a present of it to the people, with — 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 333 


the extraordinary declaration, that he gave it for the sake of Lycur- 
gus. His testimony was sought as the most efficacious aid in the 
courts of justice. He was once summoned by an adversary of De- 
mosthenes. Demosthenes said he should only ask, whether Lycur- 
gus would consent to be thought like the man whom he befriended. 
He could venture sharply to rebuke the assembled people, when he 
was interrupted in a speech by clamors of disapprobation.. We 
hear but of one case in which he may seem to have courted popu- 
lar favor by a deviation from his principles in the management of 
the public funds. He had convicted a wealthy man of a gross fraud 
on the state in the working of the mines at Laurium. The offender 
was put to death, and his whole estate confiscated, and Lycurgus 
consented to distribute the sum which it brought into the treasury 
among the people, as the whole produce of the mines had been dis- 
tributed before the time of Themistocles. The general tendency of 
his measures, ‘and the impression produced by his character, were 
rather of an opposite kind. He inspired a feeling approaching to 
awe by his antique Spartan-like austerity, as he publicly avowed 
his admiration of the old Spartan manners. When he was appoint- 
ed to superintend the police of the city, the measures by which he 
cleared it of rogues and vagrants were deemed so rigorous, as to be 
compared with the laws of Draco. On the other hand, one of his 
celebrated enactments was a provision against one of the grosser 
abuses of the slave-trade, by which it sometimes happened that free 
persons were sold under false pretexts in the Athenian market. 

“The account, to which every Athenian magistrate was liable, 
was rigidly exacted from one who filled such an office as Lycurgus 
discharged for twelve years in succession. He rendered one at the 
end of each quadriennial period, either in his own name, or in that 
of the titular minister for whom he acted. No flaw was ever de- 
tected in his reckonings, and it appeared that he had on various oc- 
casions borrowed between 600 and 700 talents for the public service. 
Still he himself was not satisfied with the ordinary inspection to 
which his accounts were liable; he justly considered them as one 
of his fairest titles to gratitude and esteem, and he therefore caused 
them to be inscribed on a monument which he erected in the pa- 
leestra founded by himself: and it appears that a considerable part 
of this inscription has been preserved to our day. A short time 
before his death, which seems to have a little preceded Alexander’s, 
he directed himself to be carried to the council- chamber, and chal- 
lenged a fresh scrutiny of his whole administration. The only per- 
son who came forward to lay any thing to his charge was one 
Meneszechmus, whom he had prosecuted, and he now refuted all his 
cavils. 

“Crowns, statues, and a seat at the table of the Prytanes, had 
been bestowed on him in his life. After his death he was honored 
with a public funeral, and with a bronze statue-near the ten heroes 


884 APPENDIX 11. 


of the tribes, and the distinction he had enjoyed as a guest of the 
state was made hereditary in his family.” ; 


PHOCION. 


Phocion is one of the heroes of Plutarch, who has written a very 
interesting life of him, in which, however, he greatly overrates his 
merits as a politician. He was born of humble parents in the year 
402 B.c., and lived to the age of eighty. During all this time he 
was remarkable not only for an inflexible integrity of conduct, but 
for an austere virtue and simplicity, exemplified in his manners, his 
dress, and his whole style of living. His early habits had accus- 
tomed him to the endurance of hardships; and the précepts of phi- 
losophy, which he imbibed from Plato and Xenocrates, under whom 
he afterwards studied, taught him to despise riches and other exter- 
nal advantages. Partly on such account, partly by his valor in the 
field, and by means of a fluent and natural eloquence, he became a 
favorite with the people, and was forty-five times elected to the 
office of general, and on five occasions at least intrusted with im- 
portant commands, in all of which he was successful. | 

At the battle of Naxos he served under Chabrias, and greatly dis- 
tinguished himself. Chabrias observed, that his courage was tem- 
pered with prudence, a quality in which he himself was somewhat 
deficient, and for want of which he lost his life afterwards in the 
action at Chios. He selected Phocion to execute an important com- 
mission, that of collecting contributions from the islands, and offered 
him a guard of twenty sail. Phocion said, if he was sent to ene- 
mies, the force was not large enough; if to friends, one vessel was 
sufficient. Accordingly he took a single ship, and managed things 
so well, that he gathered all the arrears due from the allies. -After 
the death of Chabrias, Phocion, in requital of his kindness, took the Ὁ 
utmost pains to reform the morals of his son Ctesippus, but found 
him incorrigible. 

His first important command was in Huboea, when he carried — 
succors to Plutarch of Eretria against Callias of Chalcis, who had 
received assistance from Macedonia. He found that Plutarch had _ 
deceived the Athenians with respect to the amount of support which : 
he could offer. His own force was small, and through the negli- 
gence or treachery of his ally he was brought into a perilous posi-_ 

ᾧ 


% 
te 


tion in the plain of Tamynz, where he was exposed to an attack by 
superior numbers. He chose some rising ground, and fortified his 
camp. Some of his men being mutinous, and straggling from the 
camp, he told his officers not to mind them, as they would do him 
more harm than good. When Challias advanced with his Macedo- 
nian auxiliaries, some of the Athenians were eager to charge: he — 
told them to wait till he had offered sacrifice; notwithstanding 
which, his cavalry and the Eubceans rushed impetuously forward, ε 
but were speedily routed, Plutarch being the first to fly. Callias, ; 


ns 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 335 


thinking the battle won, led his troops in some confusion up to the 
Athenian lines, when Phocion, informing his men that the sacrifices 
were propitious, gave the order for attack; and his small band of 
infantry, fallmg with fury upon their enemies, after an obstinate 
fight won the victory. Phocion afterwards expelled Plutarch from 
Eretria, in which he established popular government, and secured it 


. by a fort called Zaratra, which he occupied, on a neck of land pro- 


jecting into the channel. His successor Molossus managed things 
so ill, that he was taken prisoner by the enemy; and Hretria was 
lost to Athens. It fell soon under the tyranny of Clitarchus, a crea- 
ture of Philip. 

In the year 351 8.0., Phocion went to assist Evagoras in the ex- 
pedition for the reduction of Cyprus, which in the following year 
was re-annexed to the Persian empire. In 343, B.c., his services 
were required to secure Megara against the intrigues of Philip. He 
marched rapidly to the city with a large body of Athenians, and 
being welcomed by the Megarian people, he proceeded to fortify the 
harbor of Niszea and complete the long walls, thus bringing it under 
the protection of Athens, and defeating the plot of Ptoeodorus to in- 
troduce Macedonian troops. In 341, B.c., he restored Eubcea to his | 
country, driving out the tyrants and the Macedonian garrisons from 
Eretria and Oreus. And in the following year he achieved the sig- 
nal successes which preserved Byzantium and the Chersonese.? 

Seeing the warlike abilities displayed by Phocion, we can not help 


‘deeming it unfortunate that he was not oftener employed, and par- 


ticularly in the critical campaigns of Olynthus and Cheeronea. Had 
he been sent to assist Phalzecus in the defense of Thermopyle, the 
destiny of Greece might have been changed. He does not appear 
to have been intrusted with any important command until he was 
forty-eight years of age. For the cause of this we must look partly 
to his own unambitious temper of mind, partly to the politics of the 
time. Phocion was not a party man; both in private and in public 
life, his views and his acts were independent: he did not command the 
political influence, and he would have disdained to use the arts which’ 
elevated such men as Chares to honors and dignities. He was gen- 
erally opposed to the war-party; and it was but natural that, when 
they had the opportunity, they should select for the execution of 


_ their measures, the men who supported them. There is another 


thing also to be noticed.—Phocion was an orator as well as ἃ gen- 
eral: he is said to have been the last of the Athenians in whom 


_ those two functions were united. He never made long speeches; 


3 
i 


yet he commanded as much attention as any of those who mounted 
the platform. He spoke with a pithy and sententious brevity, which 
comported well with the gravity of his demeanor, and had the more 


‘ See ante, pp. 82, 35, 37, 109, 209: and see Vol. 1. pp. 107, 119, 
128, 308, 804. 


886 APPENDIX IL 


effect on account of the esteem in which his character was held. 
Without being ill-natured or discourteous, he had a dry, caustic hu- 
mor, which could administer very. sharp. reproof to those who, he 
thought, by their folly or presumption, or by the dangerous tenden- 
cy of their argument, deserved it. Even Demosthenes feared him, 
and once, when Phocion rose to speak, whispered to a friend— 


“Here comes the choppert of my harangues.” Nor did he spare the _ 


people themselves more than his competitors, but was constantly 
rebuking them for their follies. He told them once, he had given 
them a great deal of good advice, but they had not the wit to follow 
it. Yet for all that he was a favorite with the assembly ; for they 


respected his good qualities; and they always liked a man who 


threw life into their debates. 
A great number of his sayings are preserved by Plutarch; amnGng 
them the following :— 


Chares rallied him in the assembly upon the gravity of his coun- ; 


tenance: Phocion said, “ My grave looks never hurt the Athepiangg 
but your mirth has cost them many a tear.” 

Being asked, in the theatre, why he was looking so thoughtful ἢ 
“Tam considering,” said he, “how to retrench something in a speech 
I am about making to the people.” 

Demosthenes said to him, “The Athenians will kill you some day 
in one of their mad fits:” “And you,” said he, “if ever they come 
to their senses.” 

His speech having been received with applause in the assembly, 


he asked one of his friends, “if he had let drop any thing silly or 


impertinent.” 
Being reproached for defending an unworthy man, he said, “ The 


innocent have no need of an advocate.” 


4 


Aristogiton, a pettifogging orator, having been sentenced to a Ὶ 
heavy fine, requested Phocion to come and speak with him in prison. — 


His friends advising him not to go, Phocion said, “1 know no place 
where I would rather meet Aristogiton.” 


He reproved the people for their rejoicing at Philip's death, saying, ‘ 


ἐ Remember, the army that beat you at Cheronea is lessened only — 
by one man.” 

When Demosthenes was inveighing against Alexander, then be- 
fore the walls of Thebes, Phocion quoted the lines of Homer, i in 
tow the companions of Ulysses entreat him not to provoke Poly- — 
phemus: 


' Koric. This illustrates the passage in the Oration on the Embassy ~ 


(p. 450): Ἢ δὲ τοῦ λέγειν (δύναμις,) dv τὰ παρ᾽ ὑπῶν τῶν ἀκουόντων ἀν- 


τιστῆ, διακόπτεται. 


$ spat or ΗΝ la ai mos 


ORATORS AND ΒΤΑΤΕΈΘΜΕΝ. 837 


What boots the godless giant to provoke, 
Whose arm may sink us at a single stroke ?* 


It is necessary however to advert to the political character of 


Phocion, as to which there is some difference of opinion. Mitford 
regards him as the best of Athenian statesmen. Plutarch takes but 
little notice of those faults which Thirlwall and Grote comment on 
with not more severity than justice. Phocion as a statesman neg- 
lected the duty, which as a general he would have been the first to 
acknowledge; that of defending his country; defending her by his 
foresight and his counsel; descrying the danger that was approach- 
ing her, and advising the proper measures to avert it. He either 
did not see the peril, or, when he did see it, he despaired of safety. 
He gave up the game, while there was yet a chance of winning it. 


is proved even by the campaign of Cheronea, the issue of 


which was doubtful, and might have been different, if there had 
been abler commanders on the Athenian side. Phocion was keenly 
alive to the faults of his countrymen, but he did not strive to 
amend them: he was content to sneer and moralize, without 
endeavoring to instruct or improve. Athens, with all her faults, 
was the best governed of all the states in Greece, and secured the 
largest amount of rational happiness to her citizens. She was 
worth preserving for the sake of Greece and of the world. It was 
an injury to the cause of civilization and humanity, that such a state 
Should be overthrown by the brute strength, of a semi-barbarous 
power. Phocion should have co-operated with those who labored 
to save their country, and not have thrown difficulties in their way. 
What Athens wanted was the energy which animated her citizens 
of a former age, and the military training and organization which 
gives efficiency to an army. No man was better able than Phocion 
to advise the Athenians upon these subjects; yet we no where find 
him exhorting them to rouse from indolence and prepare for a 
struggle that was inevitable. Tamynz might have shown him that 
they were capable of doing something if properly directed. Still he 
persisted in looking at the dark instead of the bright side of things; 
and though he always did his duty in the field, he damped the 
spirits of his countrymen and fostered their apathy and idleness at 


? Pope’s translation of the Odyssey, ix. 494, where the companions 
of Ulysses entreat him not to provoke Polyphemus :— 
Σχέτλιε, tint’ ἐθέλεις ἐρεθιζέμεν ἄγριον ἄνδρα ; 
Ὃς καὶ νῦν πόντονδε βαλὼν βέλος, ἤγαγε νῆα 
Attic ἐς ἤπειρον, καὶ δὴ φάμεν αὐτόθ᾽ ὀλέσθαι. 
Phocion was probably right in his counsel here. Yet Demosthenes 
ight have rejoined, that Ulysses was not convineed by his companions, 
and quoted his words : 
Ὡς φάσαν'᾽ ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πεῖθον ἐμὸν μεγαλήτορα θυμόν. 
Vor. 11.-Ρ 


᾿ 
? 


338 APPENDEX IL 


home. His philosophy was one-sided, not teaching him to be a 
good patriot as well asa good man, LHven in his sayings we may 
discover an inclination to be smart rather than just, to sacrifice 
truth occasionally to repartee. When Demosthenes advised that 
_ Philip should be engaged in war as far as possible away from 

Attica, Phocion said, “Let us not be so careful about the place 
where we fight, as how to get the victory.” Here, as it appears to 
me, Demosthenes gave sound advice, and Phocion’s answer was 
not to the point. Demosthenes might have said, “Yes; I am also 
for taking every possible means to secure the victory; but still L — 
think it safer to fight Philip abroad than at home. Let us do this, — 
and not leave the other undone.” Phocion censured the measures 
of Leosthenes which led to the Lamian war; and being asked by 
Hyperides, when he would advise the Athenians to declare war, 
answered, “ When I see the young observant of discipline, the το 
ready to.contribute, and the orators abstaining from plunder,” This 
was ill-timed. eee ς 

Phocion seems to have thought, like Isocrates, that Macedonian ~ 
ascendency was not inconsistent with the freedom of the Greek — 
states. Cheeronea soon undeceived him. When Philip invited a — 
general congress to meet at Corinth, and Demades proposed that 
the Athenians should join it, Phocion advised them to wait until 
they knew what Philip would demand. Afterwards, when it was 
found that Philip demanded of them a contingent of cavalry and 
ships, the Athenians (says Plutarch) repented that they had not 
followed Phocion’s advice. Yet it may be doubted, whether they 
would have done any good by merely absenting themselves from 
the congress. 

In the debate upon Alexander’s demand of the orators, Phocio: 
advised the people to surrender them, and urged the orators 
yield themselves up for the public good. We may credit the decla- 
ration which Plutarch puts into his mouth, that he would have ~ 
been equally willing to resign his own life to insure the safety of 
his country; and yet it is-painful to see Phocion recommending the 
sacrifice of these distinguished men to his country’s enemy. Of the 
relations which existed between Phocion and Demosthenes we 
know but little. They were opposed in politics; yet it does not 
appear that they were enemies in private: not a word is ever 
uttered by Demosthenes in disparagement of Phocion;! and it is 
observable that three important cemmands (upon the expeditions to 
Megara, to Eubcea, and to Byzantium) were conferred upon him 
after Demosthenes had acquired political power. While we lament 







3 






' Phocion appeared to support Aischines on his trial: he was, as we — 
should say, a witness to character. Demosthenes, where he alludes to — 
his adversary’s supporters, does not name Phocion, though he addresses — 
Eubulus in language of strong reproof. See ante, pp. 189, 207, 208. 


- 


ΡΝ Tet he, ee 


ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 339 


_ Phocion’s mistaken views of duty, we can not suppose that he acted 
_ from any ill will towards Demosthenes or his friends. He went 






_ most favorably received by that prince, who is reported on that oc- 
-casion to have said, ‘‘The Athenians must keep their eyes open; 
for, if ay, thing’ should happen to me, they alone are worthy to 
mmand. 

exander during the short time that he conversed with Phocion 
conceived a great regard for him, and, after he had gone to Asia, 
- corresponded with him as a friend. In the letters which he wrote 
after his conquest. of the Persian kingdom he omitted the word 
Greeting (the common form of salutation) to all persons whom he 
addressed except Antipater and Phocion. He could not however 
induce Phocion to accept any presents from him. ΤῸ some officers 
who brought him a hundred talents Phocion said—“ How comes it 
_ that among all the Athenians I alone am the object of Alexander’s 
bounty ?” and being told, that it was because Alexander esteemed 
_ him alone to be a man of honor and probity; “then,” said he, “let 
him allow mé to continue so.” Craterus was ordered to offer 
_ Phocion his choice of four Asiatic cities: this also he refused. 
_ Alexander in some displeasure wrote to say, that he could not 
regard a man as his friend, who would accept no obligation from 
him; upon which Phocion requested him to pardon four persons, 















who for some offense were in custody at Sardis; and accordingly 
they were set at liberty. 
_ When Alexander sent for the ships which the Athenians had 
_ promised to furnish, and some opposition was made in the as- 
sembly, Phocion warned them to keep friendship with those in 
power, until they had greater power themselves. It does not 
appear what part he took upon the motion for deifying Alexander. 
_ When Harpalus came to Athens, Phocion rejected his bribes, but 
dissuaded the giving him up to Antipater. When the people 
- were in excitement upon the first news of Alexander’s death, 
_ some saying it was false, others crying out that it was true— 
“Well,” said Phocion, “if it is true to-day, it will be true to-mor- 
. row and the next day; and we shall have time to deliberate about 
it at our leisure.” 
| He opposed the Lamian war from the first, thinking the Athe- 
$ 








_ nians would not have the means to carry it on. In the midst of 
their successes in the first year he disheartened them by his gloomy 

_ forebodings. Those who judge by the event have praised“him; yet 
_ the history of the war itself proves, in spite of all that Diodorus and 
_ others have said to the contrary, that there was a very good chance 
_ of success, and that the Athenians were fully justified in com- 
_ mencing it. Had Phocion not shown so despondent a temper, he 


See ante, p. 327. 


with Demades on the deprecatory mission to Alexander,' and was | 


* 


840 APPENDIX IL 


would probably have been chosen to succeed Leosthenes as general 
of the allied army; and his military talents might have produced a 
different result. Once more only was he destined to lead his coun- 
trymen to victory. He had dissuaded them (perhaps prudently) 
from invading Beeotia, while the flower of their army was engaged 
in Thessaly. But when the Macedonian fleet, having been victo- 
rious at sea, made a descent at Rhamnus, and landed a large force 
which overran and ravaged the country, Phocion mustered all that 
were capable of bearing arms, and putting himself at their head, 
marched to the defence of Attica. Here again we find him, as in 
his younger days, checking the too forward eagerness of his soldiers, 
and exerting himself to keep them under command. Nor was this 
without effect. The Macedonians were routed, and their general 
Micion was slain. This was the last gleam of success which attended’ 
the Athenian arms. . 

When Antipater was approaching Athens with his victorious 
army, Phocion, as we have seen already, was sent with Demades 
and Xenocrates to appease him; but the only,erms which he could 


obtain were such as annihilated his country’s independence. Athens — 


was deprived of the few insular possessions which Philip had left 
her. She was forced to accept a new constitution, by which nearly 
two-thirds of her,citizens were disfranchised. Many of them emi- 
grated to Thrace, where Antipater offered them an abode. Some 
of the upper class were banished from the city. A Macedonian gar- 


rison was established at Munychia, to overawe any malcontents that ~ 


might remain. 
Amidst all the calamities and disgraces which had fallen upon his 


country, Phocion preserved his serenity of mind. He had survived — 


all that was great and noble in Athens. There however he lived, 


on friendly terms with the Macedonian governor, Menyllus, with — 
whom he had been formerly acquainted: while he reframed from 


all opposition to the ruling power, which then would have been 


useless, he refused all the proffered favors of Antipater, as he had 
once refused Alexander’s. The influence which he could exert at 


Athens was greater than at any former period, owing indeed as — 


a 


much to Menyllus as to himself. Yet even of this poor consolation 


he was soon to be deprived by the death of Antipater, which occa- — 
_ sloned a new revolution. ' 4 

Antipater, before he died, had nominated Polysperchon as his — 
successor in the regency: Cassander, his son, prepared to contest — 
this appofitment, and, among other precautions which he took to Fi 
_ secure his own power, sent his friend Nicanor to Athens, to receive — 


from Menyllus the command of the garrison. Menyllus, ignorant of | 


Antipater’s death, resigned his charge immediately. Polysperchon, — 


to counteract the efforts of Cassander, drew up an edict in the name 
of king Aridzeus, Philip’s son, making liberal promises in favor of — 
the Greek cities; and wrote a conciliatory letter to Athens, pro-— 


| 





ORATORS AND STATESMEN, | 841 


“posing to restore the democracy. At the same time he sent troops 
under his son Alexander to expel Nicanor from Munychia, and pre- 
pared himself to follow with a larger force. ; 

The Athenians, beguiled by the regent’s letter, were eager to get 
rid of Nicanor and his garrison; and a plot was laid to seize him in 
the Pirzeus, where he was invited to attend a meeting of the coun- 
cil. Nicanor, who was secretly collecting reinforcements to main- 
tain his position, attended the meeting, upon Phocion’s undertaking 
to be answerable for his safety; but hastily withdrew, upon receiv- 
ing a hint of his enemies’ designs. Phocion was reproached by the 
Athenians for not having seized Nicanor’s person, as he might have 
done. He asserted that there was no reason to suspect Nicanor 
of any hostile intention; but this only aggravated the displeasure 
of the people, when Nicanor, having received his reinforcements 
from Salamis, surprised Pirzeus in the night. He then offered 
to lead his countrymen against Nicanor, but they refused to 
follow him, and soon afterwards, when Alexander appeared with 
his troops before the walls, they deposed Phocion from his office © 
of general. 

The Athenians had imagined, that Alexander was come to liberate 
them from the garrison and to enforce the king’s edict; but they 
soon found themselves mistaken. Alexander was observed to hold 
private conferences with Nicanor. It was suspected that they were 
concerting measures together, and that Phocion, who had himself 
had interviews with Alexander, was at the bottom of the scheme. 
A number of exiles, who had followed the march of the Macedonian 
army, had got admission to the city, and helped to inflame the people 
against Phocion. One Agnonides accused him of treason: upon 
which he with some of his friends fled to the Macedonian camp. 
Agnonides persuaded the Athenians to send embassadors with an 
accusation against him to Polysperchon. Phocion was sent by 
Alexander with a letter recommending him to his father’s pro- 
tection. 

Notwithstanding this, Polysperchon, who had now advanced with 
an army into Phocis, received him with the utmost rudeness; and, 
when he was accused by the Athenian envoys, refused to hear any 
defense. An uproar being occasioned by’many of the Athenians 
speaking at once, “ Put us all into one cage,” said Agnonides, “ and 
send us to Athens to try our quarrel there.” This strange request 
was after a while complied with ; and Phocion and the other accused 
parties were put in a wagon, and sent in chains to Athens under 
the escort of Clitus. 

_ They were carried to the theatre, where the assembly was to sit 

in judgment upon them. A vast crowd was gathered, consisting in 
part of exiles, foreigners, and slaves. The exiles were peculiarly 
exasperated against Phocion, because he had been the friend of 

Antipater, Clitus read a letter from the king, which declared that 


342 APPENDIX L 


he believed all the prisoners guilty, but that he left their case to the 
free judgment of the Athenian people. The accusers charged Pho- 
cion with being the author of all the evils which had fallen upon 
them since the Lamian war; the overthrow of the democracy, the 
death and exile of so many citizens, the yoke of the Macedonian 
garrison. It was in vain that he attempted to speak. His voice was 
drowned by clamor. ‘“ Athenians”—at length he exclaimed :—“I 
myself plead guilty: but what have these my friends done ?”—“ It 
is enough”’—cried the people—“ that they are your accomplices.” 
. Agnonides moved, that they should decide at once, by show of 
hands, whether the prisoners were guilty; and if so, that they 
should be put to death. The sentence of condemnation was unani- 
mous. Torture was proposed; but even Agnonides declared, he 
could never consent to treat Phocion in such a manner: and one 
honest voice was heard to exclaim—“ You are right, Agnonides: 
for if we put Phocion to the torture, what may you not expect ?” 
Four of the condemned persons were carried with Phocion to 
execution. He was insulted as he passed along: one man spat in — 
his face: he turned to the archons and said—“ Will no one correct © 
this fellow’s rudeness?” He preserved his own calm composure to 
the last, and endeavored to cheer his companions. Being asked, if _ 
he had any message to his son, he answered—“ Yes: tell him to 
forget how the Athenians treated his father.’ Nicocles, who had 
been one of his dearest friends, entreated that he might drink the 
hemlock first. “Ah!” said Phocion; “of all the requests you ever 
made this is the most painful to me; but, as I never refused you 
any thing, I must grant this also.” The executioner had not mixed 
hemlock enough for all, and asked twelve drachms for a fresh sup- 
ply: “What?” said Phocion: “can’t one die free of cost at 
Athens ?”—and he requested one of his friends to give the man his 
fee. 
Such was the end of Phocion. It was compared to that of 
Socrates. It reminds one also of Sir Thomas More. | 


APPENDIX IIL 


THE COUNCIL OF AREOPAGUS. 


Tas council, so called from the Hill of Mars, where it held its 
sittings, near the Acropolis, was a judicial and deliberative body — 
greatly esteemed at Athens. It was from time immemorial estab- — 
lished as a court of criminal jurisdiction, to try cases of murder. 


THE COUNCIL OF AREOPAGUS. 343 


maiming, and arson. It sat in the open air, to escape the pollution 
of being under the some roof with the guilty. In its proceedings 
the utmost solemnity was observed. Both parties were sworn to 
speak the truth; and the facts alone were inquired into, without 
appeals to the feelings or oratorical display. 

The Areopagites used to be taken from the noble families of 
Attica. But Solon introduced a new law, that the Archons whose 
official conduct had been approved should be members of this coun- 
cil for life. At the same time he enlarged the power of the coun- 
cil, attaching to it political and censorial duties, in order that with . 
the council of five hundred it might act as a check upon the de- 
mocracy. 

In their censorial character the Areopagites kept watch over the - 
religion and morals of the city, maintained order and decency, 
looked to the education of the young, inquired how people got 
their living, and checked riotous excesses and debauchery. They 
had power to summon before them and punish offenders. They 
acted often from their own personal knowledge, without requiring 
testimonial evidence. We read of their entering houses on feast 
days, to see that the guests were not too numerous. Menedemus 
and Asclepiades, two poor young men, were called before the coun- 
cil, and asked how they could manage to live, when they spent all 
their days in idleness in company with philosophers: they proved 
that every night they earned two drachms by grinding at a mill; 
whereupon the council rewarded them with a present of two hun- 
dred drachms. 

As a political body, it was their province to inquire into offenses 
against the state and report them to the people. H the public safety 
required it, or if there was not time to wait for the ordinary course 
of law, they could interfere summarily to avert threatened danger, 
to prevent the consummation of crime, or bring the offenders to 
speedy justice. . 

For example : after the battle of Chzeronea, when it was expected 
that Athens would be besieged, the Areopagites caused certain men, 
who were preparing to leave their country, to be seized and put to 
death. So also, they put Antiphon to the torture and sentenced him 
to death, although he had been dismissed by the popular assembly ; 
and they deprived Aischines, suspected of being his accomplice, of 
an office to which he had been elected by the people. 

Or the people might give a special commission to be executed by 
the Areopagites. Thus in the affair of Harpalus a decree was 
passed, directing them to investigate what had become of the 
treasure which that officer brought to Athens. They instituted a 
rigid inquiry, searching the houses of the suspected parties; and 


' See ante, pp. 56, 118,181; and Vol. I. p. 168, note 3. 


444 APPENDIX IL 


then made a report, charging several persons with having received 
presents, and among them, Demades and Demosthenes. 

Had not the council maintained a high character for justice, pru- 
dence, and moderation, it would have been impossible for such 
inquisitorial and summary powers to have been tolerated in a free 
state like Athens. That they were exercised generally to the advan- 
tage of the people, and that public opinion supported them, appears 
from the express testimony of Isocrates, Aischines, and other writers. 
Isocrates in his Areopagitic oration contrasts the loose morals of 
, his own time with those of a former age, over which the Areopagus 
exercised a greater control: he says, that it was the most esteemed 
tribunal in Greece ; that even bad men,when they became members 
of it, discarded their own nature, and conformed to the character 
of the institution. : ; 

In the time of Pericles the democratical party, of which tha 
statesman was at the head, looked with jealousy upon the council 
of Areopagus, on account of the support which they thought it gave 
to the aristocratical or conservative interest: and they exerted them- 
selves to bring it into discredit with the people, and to weaken its 
authority. The opposite party, headed by Cimon, resisted this 
attempt; and the poet Alschylus engaged his pen in the same 
cause. The tragedy of the Eumenides is said to have been com- 
posed for the express purpose of upholding the authority of the 
Areopagus. He there shows how it was established by the tutelary 


’ 


goddess of Athens; how its first sitting was appointed for the trial ἡ 


of Orestes, pursued by the vengeful Furies for shedding his mother’s 
blood ; how it pronounced his acquittal with the aid and sanction of 
the goddess; how Orestes vowed for himself and his country eter- 
nal alliance with Athens; and how Pallas declared that the court 
and council, composed of the best and worthiest Athenian τως 
revered for its wisdom and incorruptibility, should endure to 

ages and be the safeguard of the country.! The inference was that, 


1 See the Eumenides, 465 :-— 
Kpivaca δ᾽ ἀστῶν τῶν ἐμῶν τὰ βέλτατα 
ἥξω, διαιρεῖν τοῦτο πρᾶγμ᾽ ἐτητύμως, 
ὅρκον περῶντας μηδὲν ἔκδικον φρεσίν. 
And 651—670 :--- . 
Κλύοιτ᾽ ἂν ἤδη θεσμὸν, ᾿Αττικὸς λεως, 
πρώτας δίκας κρίνοντες αἵματος χυτοῦ. 
ἔσται δὲ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ᾿Αργείῳ στρατῷ ; κ' 
ἀεὶ δικαστῶν τοῦτο βουλευτήριον. 
Ε * Ἂς x % 
τοιόνδε τοι ταρβοῦντες ἐνδίκως σέβας, 
ἔρυμά τε χώρας καὶ πόλεως σωτήριον 
ἔχοιτ᾽ ἄν, οἷον οὔτις ἀνθρώπων ἔχει 
οὔτε Σκύθῃσιν, οὔτε Πέλοπος ἐν τόποις. 


THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED. 345 


. instead of seeking to encroach upon the power of this solemn and 
awful tribunal, the people of Athens ought to regard it with venera- 
tion, and maintain it im all its integrity. However, notwithstanding 
this powerful appeal, and all the opposition of Cimon and his party, 
Hphialtes in the year Β.0. 458 carried a decree, which to some extent 
abridged or limited the powers of the council. The exact nature of 
the change which he introduced is a matter of controversy. That 
the criminal jurisdiction of the court was not interfered with, appears 
from the testimony of Demosthenes, who in the oration against 
_ Aristocrates says, that neither tyrants nor people had ever deprived 
it of that jurisdiction, and that even the condemned had never com- 
plained of its verdicts. ‘That it still continued to exercise large and 
undefined powers of an inquisitorial and political character, appears 
from the examples above mentioned, occurring in the age of Demos- 
thenes. It is not unlikely, however, that some of the censorial 
functions of the Areopagus may have been taken away altogether. 

ut what is still more probable is, that the Areopagites, as a politi- 
cal body, were made accountable to the people for the proper dis- 
charge of their duties. This would be a regulation perfectly just of 
“itself, and in accordance with the spirit of the Athenian constitution, 
which did not permit the existence of any irresponsible function- 
aries. Under the check of such a law, they would be more cautious 
how they interfered on ordinary occasions with the rights and lib- 
erties of their fellow-citizens: but it would not prevent them from 
taking strong measures for the public safety or advantage, when 
. necessity required it.! wee 


APPENDIX IV. 


THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED. 


Tue council or senate of five hundred was an executive and de- 
liberative body, appointed to manage various departments of the 
public business, more especially that which related to the popular 
assembly. As established by Solon, it consisted of four hundred 
members, a hundred from each of the four tribes into which the 
Athenians were then divided: but when the ten tribes were substi- 


κερδῶν ἄθικτον τοῦτο βουλευτήριον, 
αἰδοῖον, ὀξύθυμον, εὐδόντων ὕπερ 
ἐγρηγορὸς φρούρημα γῆς καθίσταμαι. ' 
1 See Thirlwall’s History of Greece, iii. 18, 22; and Whiston’s article 
on the Areopagus, in the Archeological Dictionary. 
ἜΣ 


346 APPENDIX IV. 


tuted by Clisthenes for the four, the number of counselors was raised 
to five hundred, fifty being taken from each of the tribes. They 
were annually chosen by lot—in Solon’s time from the three first 
classes only, but afterwards from the whole body of the people—with 
no other restriction than that they must be genuine citizens on both 
- the father’s and the mother’s side, and of the age of thirty. To 
insure the legal qualification, the counselors elect underwent a 
scrutiny! before the existing council, and if any one was rejected, 
another was chosen in his room from the same tribe. Having passed 
the scrutiny, they took an oath to observe the laws-and consult for 
the good of the commonwealth. At the expiration of their year of 
office they had, like all other functionaries, to render an account of 
their official conduct to the auditors: and during the term any one 
was liable to be expelled by his colleagues for misbehavior. 

For the more convenient dispatch of business, the tribes appor- 
tioned the year among them, and took the duties in rotation. The 
council was thus divided into ten bodies of fifty men, who were 
called Prytanes, or Presidents, and who for the time represented the 
whole council. Their term of office was called a Prytany, or Pres- 
idency. As the lunar year at Athens’ consisted of 354 days, it was 
so arranged, that there were six Prytanies of thirty-five days each, 
and four of thirty-six, the supernumerary days being assigned to the 
four last Prytanies. This was a little modified in intercalated years. 
The turns were determined by lot. From the Prytanes again were 
taken for every seven days of their term of office an executive com- 
mittee, called Proedri. They had an Hpistates, or chairman, chosen 
for each of the seven days, by whom were kept the public records 
and seal. 

Besides the committee thus taken from the presiding tribe, the 
chairman had to form a committee of nine counselors from the other 
tribes, choosing one from each by lot. This mixed commitee attended 
all the meetings of the council and the assembly, and nothing could 
be done without their sanction. The object of this regulation was, 
to give the other tribes a check upon the presiding tribe. And it 
appears that in later times the mixed committee performed the duties 
anciently appropriated to the committee of the single tribe; which 
was a better arrangement.? ς 

The council was to be, according to Solon’s design, a sort of direc- 
torial committee, to assist the people in their deliberations, and to 
guide and control their acts in assembly. It was their duty to dis- 
cuss beforehand, and also to prepare and draw up in proper form, 
the measures that were to be submitted to the people, whether they 


A Pee ye Ax es 


emanated from themselves, or were proposed by any private indi- 


1 Δοκιμασία. ‘ ‘ : 
5 Such is the explanation of Schémann. De Comitiis, p. 84. Anti- — 
quitates Juris Publici, p. 217. : - “4 


5 


--. 
᾿ 
~*, 


THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED. - 8345 


viduals. This afforded some guarantee, that no ill-considered meas- 
ures would be brought before the assembly. The proposition to be 
introduced, having received the sanction of the council, was called 
a Proboulewma, a decree or order of council, and when it was ratified 
by the assembly, it became a Psephisma,' or decree of the people. 
Thus, as we have seen, Ctesiphon’s decree in honor of Demosthenes 
first passed the council, and afterwards the assembly. It would have 
been impossible however, in a democracy such as that of Athens: 
became, to adhere to the ancient rule, which required every decree 
moved in the assembly to have been first approved by the council. 
This therefore was soon dispensed with. Amendments were proposed 
during the discussion of a bill, which-the people could adopt if they 
pleased. And any citizen was at liberty to move a decree, upon first 
applying to the committee of council, and either getting them to pre- 
pare it for him, or obtaining their assent to it as prepared by himself, 
The form of the ancient practice was thus still preserved; for every 
motion was made through the council, though they might not actually 
have formed an opinion of its merits. And if it appeared to the com- 
mittee of council, that any motion was objectionable, either in point 
of form or on more serious grounds, they might refuse to bring it 
before the assembly; for which refusal, if improper, they would of 
course be responsible to the people. 

It was the business of the Prytanes in general to convene the 
popular assembly, and to give public notice of the business to be 
_ transacted. Their committee attended with the chairman and pre- 

sided over it. They proposed the subject of discussion; caused to 
be read by the usher any bill which had been proposed; permitted 
the orators to speak; put the question to the assembly ; and took the 
votes.” 

Besides preparing questions for the general assembly, the council 
had a right to issue ordinances of their own, which, if not set aside 
by the people, remained in force for the year. And sometimes, for 
the sake of convenience, the people specially delegated to the Council 
of Five Hundred, as they did to the Areopagus, extraordinary 
_ powers, which they could not have ventured to exercise of their own 
authority. Of this we have seen an example in the case of the em- 
bassy to’Philip, when the council issued that order, which Demos- 
thenes complains of his colleagues for disobeying.® 

The executive duties of the council were very numerous. The 


1 But the decree of the council was called sometimes ψήφισμα. ' 
_ * They were βαϊα---γρηματίζειν (to open the business of the assembly); 
γνώμας προτιθέναι (to give leave to address the assembly) ; ἐπιψηφίζειν, 
or ἐπιχειροτονίαν διδόναι (to put the question to the vote). De Sché- 
mann, De Comitiis, 89, 91, 120; Ant. Juris Publici, 221. For more on 
the subject of the Assembly, see the following Appendix. 

* See ante, p. 306. 


348 APPENDIX IV. a . 


whole financial department of the administration was under their 
control. They superintended the letting of the public revenues." 
They exacted payment from the lessees, and had power to send 
defaulters to prison. The collectors and receivers accounted to them 
for the public moneys. ‘The treasurers of the revenue received the 
moneys handed over to them by their predecessors in the presence 
of some members of the council. In every Prytany an account of 
the revenue was laid by the council before the people. 

They had the charge of building a certain number of galleys every 
year; and of rewarding those captains who had been most expedi- 
tious in the equipping and launching of their vessels. It was their 
peculiar duty to see that the horsemen whom the city maintained 
were properly trained and exercised, and their horses kept in good. 
condition. And they attended in some measure to the musters of 
infantry and seamen. ; δ τὸ 

We have seen that the counselors of the year examined the coun- 
selors elect as to their qualification for office. They had also to 
examine the archons elect, to see whether they were qualified by 
law, and worthy in all respects to undertake that important magis- 
tracy. Any citizen might come before them to show grounds of 
disqualification; and the council might hear arguments on both sides, 
and send the case, if they pleased, to be determined by a court of 
justice. The speech of Lysias against Evander is an example of a 
case of this kind heard before the council. 

Impeachments? for any grave misdemeanors, which could not so — 
well be dealt with by the ordinary processes of law, might be pre- 
ferred to the council, who took. cognizance of them in the first im=> 
stance, and could themselves impose a penalty not exceeding five 
hundred drachms; but if the offense demanded a heavier punishment, 
they had to bring it before the popular assembly or a jury. Seal 

The council sat every day in the year, except holidays, for the 
transaction of business. To the multifarious character of their occu- 
pations Xenophon bears testimony in a remarkable passage in his 
treatise on the Athenian republic, as follows: 

“T find some persons complain, that a man may wait a twelve- 
month at Athens before he can get an audience of the council or the 
people. The fact is, they have so much to do at Athens,*they are 
obliged to send away some without hearing them. How could it be 
otherwise, when they have more festivals to keep than any city in ~ 
Greece, during which it is not easy to dispatch public business; and — 
they have more lawsuits, prosecutions, and audits, than all the rest 
of the world? ‘The council has a multitude of questions to consider, 
about war, about supplies of money, about the passing of laws, about 


t 


? A board of officers, called wAjra:, acted under their superintend- — 
ence.. . 
* Eloayyediat, 


- 


THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. 349 


the daily affairs of the city and those of their allies. They have also 
to receive tribute, and attend to the arsenals and the service of the 
temples. Is it‘at all wonderful, that, with so many occupations, they 
are not able to transact business with every body ?” 

The council-chamber was open to the public, and strangers some- 
times attended to hear their consultations,! but might be directed to 
withdraw. 

To assist them, the council had two secretaries; one? of whom 
was chosen for each presidency, whose business it was to keep the 
decrees and other records drawn up during that particular term; and 
another,* elected for the whole year, who had custody of the laws. 
There was also a checking-clerk,* whose especial duty it was to take 
an account of the moneys reeeived by his employers. And these 
doubtless had under-clerks® to assist them. 

The members received two drachms a day for their services, be- 
sides dinner at the public cost in the Prytaneum, or city-hall, which 
was close to the council-chamber.® During their year of office they 
were exempt from military service: and, as a further mark of dis- 
tinction, principal places in the theatre were assigned to them. At 
their meetings they wore a wreath of myrtle; and at the end of the 
year, if they had given satisfaction, it was customary for the people 
to reward the whole body with a golden crown. 


eet pe 


APPENDIX: V.. * 


THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. 


2 


Tue will of the sovereign people of Athens was expressed in the 
Ecclesia, or Assembly. Here were brought before them all matters 
which, as the supreme power of the state, they had to order or dis- 
pose of; questions of war and peace, treaties and alliances, levying 
of troops, raising of supplies, application of the revenue, religious 
ordinances, bestowing of citizenship and other honors, privileges, or 
rewards: likewise, the revision of the laws, the election of a great 


' See an example, ante, p. 127. 

5 Ῥραμματεὺς κατὰ Πρυτανείαν. See, as to this officer and the others 
mentioned below, Schémann, De Comitiis, 319, 320. 

5 Τραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς. Ἶ 

* ἸΑγντιγραφεὺς τῆς βουλῆς. 

δ᾽ Υκογραμματεῖς. 

* As to the Prytaneum, see ante, p. 180. 


350 , APPENDIX VY. 


variety of magistrates and public functionaries, embassadors or other 
persons intrusted with special commissions; impeachments and in- 
formations for treason and high misdemeanors, which they either 
determined finally themselves, or sent before a judicial tribunal. 
Indeed, there was no question which could not ultimately be dealt 
with by the assembled people, if they chose to exert their plenary 
authority, though by the ordinary constitutional practice the duties 
of the Ecclesia were pretty well defined. 

Anciently the people used to assemble once only in each Prytany, 
or ten times a year. After the democracy had grown stronger, and 
the business to be done by the whole people increased in magnitude 
and importance, they met four times in each Prytany. These were 
called the ordinary or regular assemblies. On what days they were 
held, is not known; but it is thought they varied m the different 
terms.? The Athenians avoided meeting on holidays or unlucky* 
days. Assemblies, however, might be convened for other besides 
the regular days, if any emergency required it. These were called 
extraordinary.* ; 

The Assembly used anciently to be held in the market-place. 
Afterwards it was transferred to the Pnyx,® and at a later period to 
the theatre of Bacchus. But it might be held any where, either in 


the city, or the Pirsus, or elsewhere. The Pnyx, which was the — 


common place of meeting in the time of Thucydides and Demosthe- 
nes, was an open semicircular piece of ground, opposite the Areo- 
pagus. It was naturally on an incline; but to make it level; the lower 
end was raised by a stone pavement. Here was the entrance for 
the people.7_ The other end was skirted by a wall, from the centre 
of which projected the Bema, or speaker’s platform, which was cut 
out of solid rock® ten feet from the ground, and to which there was 


1 Κυρίαι, or νόμιμοι. 


2 See Schémann, De Comitiis, chapters i. and ii: Antiq. Juris Pub- 


lici, p. 219. 

5 "Arodpddec. Nefasti, as the Romans would say. 

4 Σύγκλητοι. 

° Hence the joke in the Knights of Aristophanes, where Demus (the 
impersonation of the Athenian people, like our John Bull) is called Aj- 
μος Πνυκίτης, Demus of Pnyx, as if the Pnyx were a township which 
gave him his legal addition. . 

° Hence the name of the Pnyx, according to Suidas, παρὰ τὴν τῶν 
λίθων πυκνότητα (on account of its being. thickly paved with stones). 
Οἴμοι have thought it took its name from the dense congregation of 
people. 


7 Hence the expression, ὠναβαΐνειν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν (because they 


had to ascend). See ante, p. 68. 
* Hence it is called, the stone, in Aristophanes, Pax, 680: 


Ὅστις κρατεῖ viv τοῦ λίθου τοῦ ᾽ν τῇ Πνυκί. 


ἔν. 


THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. 351 


an ascent by eight steps. There were stone seats for the people 
next the wall, and wooden benches in the middle. 

The assemblies were usually convened by the presidents of the 
council, who published a notice four days before, specifying the day 
of meeting and the business to be transacted.!_ Extraordinary as- 
semblies were called by the generals. All citizens of the age of 
twenty, who had been duly registered, were entitled to attend and 
vote. In early times it was considered by the greater number of 
them a burden rather than a privilege, as we may see by the regula- 
tions adopted to enforce attendance. A crier went round on the day 
to collect the citizens. ‘Those who absented themselves were liable 
to a fine, which six officers called Lexiarchs were authorized to en- 
force. The police carried a rope stained with ruddle round the 
market and other public places; with this they drove the idlers to 
the assembly, or marked them if they would not go; at the same 
time blocking up the passages, to prevent their getting away.? To 
encourage the attendance of the poorer citizens, a regulation was 
introduced by Pericles, allowing a fee of an obol to those who came 
early. This was afterwards increased to three obols. A ticket was 
given to them on entrance, which entitled them afterwards to de- 
mand their fee from the Thesmothete. The Lexiarchs took care, 
after the business had begun, to keep the voters from coming out, 
and prevent the intrusion of strangers. 

The assembly was presided over by the Proedri, that is, the com- 
mittee of the tribe in office, assisted by the mixed committee, as be- 
fore mentioned. They sat.on the steps before the speaker’s platform, 
and maintained order among the people, with the assistance of the 
police, who were at hand to remove either from the platform or the 
seats any person who violated the prescribed rules, or offended 
against decency or propriety. They had power to impose on the 
instant a fine of fifty drachms: graver offences were referred to the 
council or the next assembly. At a later period a further regulation 
was adopted, owing to the outrageous conduct of Timarchus, who 
made an assault with his fists upon some of those about him. A 
special body of men was appointed for every assembly day, to sit in 
the front benches, and assist the presiding counselors in keeping 
order. ach tribe took its turn of making the appointment. ὃ 


1 Hence the expressions, προγράφειν ἐκκλησίαν, προτιθέναι ἐκκλησίαν. 

* Provided they were not under ἀτιμία. The age, SchOmann thinks, 
was eighteen. (De Comitiis, 76.) 

3 Aristophanes, Acharn. 22: 


Oi δ᾽ ἐν ἀγορᾷ λαλοῦσι κἄνω καὶ κάτω Ν 
Τὸ σχοινίον φεύγουσι τὸ μεμιλτωμένον. 


* See the last Appendix. on : 
* Hence called, 7 προεδρεύουσα φυλή. Schémann, De Comitiis, 88. 


352 Ἐπ)" APPENDIX V. 


Before the business of the day commenced, a sacrifice of purifi- 
cation was offered. The lustral victims were young pigs, whose 
blood was carried round and sprinkled on the seats,’ while at the 
same time incense was burned in a censer. The crier then pro- 
nounced a form of prayer and commination, of imploring the gods 
to bless and prosper the consultations of the people, and imprecating 
a curse upon all enemies and traitors.?* 5 

The chairman then opened the business of the day. If any bill 
had been prepared by the council, it was read by the crier or usher, 
and the people were asked if it met their approbation. If there was 
no opposition, it passed. Any citizen, however, might oppose it, or — 
move an amendment. If the council had no decree framed by them- 
selves, any citizen might propose one on the instant: it was neces- 
sary only that it should be in writing and ina proper form. He 
then delivered it to the presiding committee, to be read as a motion 
to the assembly; and if the committee saw nothing objectionable 
in it, they complied with his request. Cases occurred, where some 
one or more members of the committee opposed the reading of a 
motion, as being either illegal, or grossly improper, or irrelevant to 
the question before them. They were responsible, however, to 
the people, if they threw any vexatious impediment in the way of 
a citizen moving a decree ; and sometimes the assembly itself would 
insist upon the question being put to them, notwithstanding the veto 
of the counselors. Auschines in his speech on the Embassy gives 
us an example. He says that Aleximachus moved a decree, au- 
thorizing the deputy of Cersobleptes to take the oath of peace to 
Philip; that the decree was delivered to the committee, and read to 
the assembly; that Demosthenes, being one of the committee, got 
up and declared he would not allow the question to be put; the peo- 
ple, however, were clamorous on the other side, and he was obliged to 
yield. 

Every member of the assembly was at liberty to speak, but only 
once in the debate. According to the institution of Solon, those 
who were above fifty years old were first called upon, and after- 
wards the younger men. But this custom fell into disuse. We find 
Demosthenes alluding to it in the opening of the first Philippic. 
Although all citizens had the right of speaking, the privilege was 
of course exercised by a few only, who felt themselves competent 
to the task; and in the time of Demosthenes, when rhetoric was 
studied as a science, the debates were mostly confined to a few 
practiced orators and statesmen, as they are generally elsewhere.* 


* Young pigs were considered by the Athenians to have peculiarly 
expiatory powers. ‘ 
See ante, p. 102. 
* See Schémann, De Comitiis, 119. 
* Hence the ῥήτορες or δημήγοροι are distinguished from the ἰδιῶται, 
or general body of citizens, who took no part in the debates, They are 


THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. 353 


Whoever rose to speak, put on a wreath of myrtle, as a token that 
‘she was performing a public duty, and entitled on that account to 
respect. It was a breach of decorum to interrupt the speaker ; yet 
one which it must have been impossible to prevent, except where it 
proceeded from a small number of persons. How Demosthenes 
‘was put down by the clamors of Philocrates and others, he himself 
describes. ἢ 

When the debate was ended, the chairman put the question to 
the vote. The method of voting was either by show of hands,? or 
by ballot. Show of hands was the most common. The ballot was 
resorted to in a few cases, where it was expedient to ascertain the 
number of voters as accurately as possible, or to insure secrecy. 
These were chiefly cases of privilegia, such as ostracism and con- 
demnation of state criminals, granting of citizenship or exemption 
from taxes, or restoration of the franchise. In all those cases the 
law required that there should be at least six thousand voters in fa- 
vor of the motion. Generally speaking, however, the questions 
before the assembly were decided by a majority of votes. The 
chairman declared the numbers.* 

When all the business was concluded, the crier by command of 

_the presidents dismissed the assembly. If the business could not 

be finished in one day, it might be adjourned to the next day, or to 
the one after.’ This happened sometimes on a sudden shower of 
rain or a thunder-storm. Any thing of this sort was considered as 
an unlucky omen among the Greeks.® 

A decree having been carried by the votes of the people it was 
copied on a tablet, and deposited by the secretary among other pub- 
lic records in the ‘temple of Cybele.7 Sometimes it was engraved 
on brass or stone, and set up in a conspicuous place, to be seen by 


not to be confounded with the συνήγοροι, or public advocates; as to 
whom, see the seventh Appendix. 
τ See ante, p. 128. 
3 Χειροτονία. 
᾽ ἡ Fidos. 
_* He was said, ἐναγορεῦειν τὰς χειροτονίας. 
2 Aristophanes, Acharn. 171: 


τοὺς Θράκας ἀπιέναι, παρεῖναι δ᾽ εἰς ἔνην. 
οἱ γὰρ Πρυτάνεις λύουσι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. 
5 Such a phenomenon was called διοσημίαᾳ. Any individual might 


eall the attention of the presidents to the occurrence; as Dicxopolis 
does in the Acharnians, 168 : 


ἀλλ᾽ ἀπαγορεύω μὴ ποιεῖν ἐκκλησίαν. 
τοῖς Θρᾳξὶ περὶ μισθοῦ" λέγω δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὅτι 
διοσημία ’στι, καὶ ῥανὶς βέβληκέ pe. 


7 Τὸ Μητρῷον. 


354 APPENDIX VIL 


all. As-to the form in which decrees were* drawn up, the reader 
may consult Schémann.' The mover’s name was usually inserted, 
he being responsible for the measure, as we shall presently see. 

We have to distinguish between decrees and laws,? in the Athe- 
nian sense. Decrees are measures of government, relating to par- 
ticular matters or oceasions; as for example, the election of magis- 
trates, or the punishment of offenders; a declaration of war, or a 
resolution to make peace. They had indeed the force of laws for. 
the time being, so far as regarded the obedience due to them. But 
by laws we are to understand the permanent institutions and ordi- 
nances of the commonwealth, by which every man knows how he 
is governed, and what are his franchises and rights, How these 
might be enacted and repealed at Athens, is explained in a follow- 
ing appendix, ; 


APPENDIX VI... 


THE OPINION OF POLYBIUS, 


Potystvus, in the seventeenth book of his history, defends against 
the attack of Demosthenes those Greek statesmen, especially of 
Messene and Megalopolis, who took the Macedonian side in politics, 
and dissuaded their countrymen from taking arms against Philip. 
The passage is as follows :-— 

“Demosthenes, deserving as he is of praise in many respects, 
must be condemned for the reckless and indiscriminate manner in 
which he reviles the most eminent Greek statesmen; saying, that 
in Arcadia, Cercidas and Hieronymus and Hucampidas were traitors 


to Greece, because they joined alliance with Philip; in Messene, the — 


sons of Philiades, Neon and Thrasylochus; in Argos, Myrtis and 
Teledamus and Mnaseas: likewise in Thessaly, Daochus and Cineas, 


and among the Beeotians, Theogiton and Timolaus. And besides — 


these, he has given a long list of others, with their names and coun- 
tries. Now all the above-mentioned statesmen have good and am- 
ple grounds of justification for their-conduct, but especially those of 
Arcadia and Messene. For they, having invited Philip into Pelo- 


ponnesus and humbled the Lacedzemonians, gave repose and security 


to all the inhabitants of the Peninsula: further, by recovering the — 


1 De Comitiis, ce. 12. 
2 Ψηφίσματα and νόμοι. , 


3 The principal passages of Demosthenes will be found ante, 23, 9ὅ, 


29, 106, 109, 209. 


z 


7 
, 


ζ 


THE OPINION OF POLYBIUS. 355 


territory and towns, which the Lacedeemonians in their days of 
prosperity had taken from the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans 
and Argives, they unquestionably promoted the welfare of their 
countries. So far therefore from going to-war with Philip and the 
Macedonians, they were bound to use every exertion to increase 
their honor and glory. I grant, if at the same time they received 
a garrison in their countries from Philip, or overturned the laws 
and deprived their fellow-~citizens of their rights and liberties, from 
motives of avarice or ambition, they deserved the reproach cast 
upon them. But if in the honest discharge of their duty as citizens 
they differed in judgment with Demosthenes, not considering the 
interests of Athens and of their own countries to be identical, 
surely he ought not to have called them traitors on that account. 
Measuring every thing by the interests of his own commonwealth, 
and thinking that all the Greeks should have looked up to the Athe- 
nians or else be stigmatized as traitors, it seems to me, he has taken 
a very wrong and mistaken view. My opinion is confirmed by the 
events that happened in Greece, which show that the true foresight 
was exercised, not by Demosthenes, but by Eucampidas and Hier- 
onymus and Cercidas and the sons of Philiades. For the Athe- 
nians by their contest with Philip incurred signal disasters, being 
defeated in battle at Cheeronea; and, but for the king’s magnanim- 
ity and regard for his own honor, they would have suffered still 
more grievously than they did through the counsels of Demosthenes ; 
whereas those other statesmen enabled the confederate Arcadians 
to enjoy perfect security against Lacedzmon, from which their re- 
spective countries reaped many important advantages.” 

If Demosthenes has been too severe upon the Greek statesmen, 
Polybius has not been quite just to Demosthenes. Polybius, looking 
at the state of Greece in his own time, argues as if the struggle 
against Philip was desperate, forgetting that it was rendered so by 
the very supineness and want of combination of which Demosthe- 
nes complains. Had the Athenians been assisted at Cheeronea by 
such a force of Peloponnesians as afterwards battled with Antipa- 
ter, Greece might have been saved. Again:—the facts of the case 
are not exactly as Polybius represents them. Messene and Mega- 
lopolis were capable of defending themselves against Sparta with- 
out Philip’s protection. Even if it were not so, they but exchanged 
one master for another. Though they might not feel the weight 
of his yoke immediately, it was a yoke destined to gall them at no 
distant time. The humiliation of Sparta was a poor consolation to 
freemen who were humiliated themselves. The congress of Corinth 
and Philip’s victorious progress through Peloponnesus, are evidences 
to the world that Grecian independence was gone. The Peloponne- 
sians follow Alexander to his wars, as they had anciently followed 
Sparta, but less in the character of allies than-of vassals. Alexan- 
der insults and terrifies them by his edicts, A tyranny is estab- 


588 APPENDIX VI 


lished in Messene. The Arcadians gain neither security nor repose 
by their fidelity to a foreign potentate. Two bloody wars, and 
Megalopolis twice besieged, first by Agis, and afterwards by Poly- 
sperchon, are the speedy-and bitter fruits of Macedonian protection ; 
disproving the foresight which Polybius claims for his mares 
men. ἢ 

It is true, that grievous faults were committed both by pack 
and Athens. Sparta should have abandoned her pretensions to 
Messenia and her aggressive designs against her neighbors. Athens 
(not to speak of other errors) missed an excellent opportunity of 
gathering to her side a Peloponnesian confederacy, when the Mega- 
lopolitans solicited her aid against Sparta in the year B.c. 353. She 
should then have stood boldly forward, and declared that she would 
not permit Sparta to threaten the independence of her neighbors. 
This was what Demosthenes advised. ‘The Athenians chose a timid 
course, which was not forgotten when she herself needed assistance. 
Unfortunately, the patriotism of the Greeks, in general, was too 
narrow, and their wisdom too short-sighted, to perceive that the 
cause of Athens against Philip was their own. - 

- Polybius himself, in reference to the conduct of the Messenians at 

a later period, reasons more justly. Censuring generally that policy 
which is determined to have peace at any sacrifice, he says the Mes- 
senians had been guilty of such an error; and the consequence was, 
that, although they escaped some trouble and danger for the time, 
they incurred still greater misfortunes in the end. Having two 
powerful people for their neighbors—the Lacedzemonians and the 
Arcadians; the former of whom nourished an implacable hostility 
against them, while the latter were their friends and well-wishers— 
the Messenians did not meet either the enmity of the one, or the 
friendship of the other, with a generous and brave spirit. When 
their neighbors were at. war, the Messenians kept aloof, and, as their — 
country lay out of the way, they were free from annoyance. But 
when the Lacedzemonians had nothing else to do, they attacked the — 
Messenians, who had not the courage to resist by themselves, and — 
through their system of neutrality were deprived of auxiliaries. 

He goes on to declare that, if there should be a new revolution in — 
Peloponnesus, the only chance of safety for the Messenians and 
Megalopolitans would be, to form an intimate union for mutual pro- — 
tection, according to the original design of Hpaminondas, and to 
stand firmly and faithfully by one another in all difficulties and — 
dangers. 

Jacobs has expressed his opinion to the following effect, in the 
preface to his translation of Demosthenes :— 

“The patriotic feelings which inspired Demosthenes were not 


1 Polybius was a Megalopolitan. é 
? Lib. iv. 32, 33. = 


¢ 


THE OPINION OF POLYBIUS. 357 


equally felt by all the leading statesmen in Greece; but these feel- 
ings did not allow him always to be just towards men, who, being 
placed in different circumstances from himself, espoused a different 
line of politics. He frequently complains of the number of traitors, 
who sprang up like a crop of weeds in the states and cities of Greece, 
and attached themselves to the interests of Macedonia. If the words 
of the orator are to be taken in their literal sense, there must have 
been such a depth of corruption among the Greeks, that Heaven it- 
self could not have saved them. There can be no doubt that Philip, 
in order to rule by division, availed himself of the party strife which 
De hai as well at Athens as in most of the other states; and that 
e fomented it, both by his gold, and by the skillful manner in which 
he flattered the passions of the political antagonists. Even repub- 
lican Greeks were not insensible to the favor of a crowned head, es- 
pecially if polished speech and manner lent their influence to capti- 
vate them:' and it 15 probable enough, that many men of the best 
intentions were caught in this net, without being in the least degree 
conscious that their acts were treasonable. Where party spirit pre- 
vails, the judgments of men are necessarily one-sided. Every man 
thinks his own views alone are just, and looks upon one of different 
sentiments as an enemy to the good cause for which he is striving. 
That which at first is a contest of opinions becomes at length a con- 
test of passions; which in their zeal for the cause which they espouse 
finds an excuse even for lawless violence. So in relation to Athens, 
it appears to me, that what Demosthenes so vehemently denounces 
as a crime, is, in regard to many of the accused parties, to be viewed 
in a milder light, as an error of party; and we would fain believe, 
for the honor of the Athenian people, that the greater number of 
the Philippising citizens intended to render the best service to their 
country. With reference to the friends of Philip in other states, es- 
pecially the Peloponnesian, whom Demosthenes stigmatizes as trai- 
tors, the judgment of Polybius appears by no means unfair.” 
He then cites the following remarks of Valckenaer :— 
“Proditorum atrum catalogum ex ingenio suo Demosthenes am- 
lificavit: nam inter illos, quos Atticus orator turpi héc nomine de- 
onestavit, fuisse credibile est, non pecunia sed humanitate regis 
captos, qui hujus imperium anteponerent speciosve libertati qua dice- 


' Compare, Justin, ix. 8; who says of Philip—“Blandus pariter et 
insidiosus alloquio ; qui plura promitteret quam preestaret: in seria et 
jocos artifex. Amicitias utilitate, non fide colebat. Gratiam fingere in 
odio, instruere in concordantes odia, apud utrumque gratiam querere, 
solemnis illi consuetudo. Inter hee eloquentia et insignis oratio, acu- 
minis et solertiz plena; ut nec oratui facilitas, nec facilitati inventio- 
num deesset ornatus.” And Cicero, De Officiis, 1. 26—*“ Philippum re- 
bus gestis et gloria superatum 4 filio; facilitate et humanitate video su- 
periorem fuisse.” 


358 APPENDIX VIL 


batur, et supurbis dominis, plebi, quique plebem ducerent conciona- 
toribus.” ᾿ 

This is but a sorry defense for traitorous correspondence with the 
enemy. Such arguments would justify any kind of treason. What 
the Philippising party gained by exchanging plebeian rule for Mace- 
donian, is shown by the fate of Demades and Phocion. 





APPENDIX VIL 


REVISION OF LAWS. ; 






TE enactment of laws (distinguished from decrees, as mentioned 
in Appendix V.) was not left by Solon to the people at large, but 
confided to a select body of them under an arrangement which has ~ 
drawn praise from many modern critics and historians. That wise 
legislator was anxious to secure the stability of his institutions, 
knowing that laws which have been consecrated by long usage are 
more readily and cheerfully obeyed:! while on the other hand he 
foresaw, that the best constitution in the world might in course of 
time require amendment and adaptation to existing circumstances. 
Under the democracy which he created there would have been a 
danger of exposing the laws to perpetual change, had it been left to — 
the multitude, upon the motion of any demagogue suddenly rising in 
the Assembly, to make and unmake statutes at their pleasure. He 
therefore so contrived matters, that, while his laws were subject to 
constant revision, a check should be put upon crude and hasty ~ 
legislation. a 

There were annually chosen by lot six thousand citizens, of ποῦ 
less than thirty years of age, who formed a judicial court called He- — 
lizea,? and whose functions corresponded in great measure with those — 
of our jurymen. From them were taken not only the ordinary juries — 
for the trial of civil and criminal causes, but also a select body of — 
men called Nomothete, or law-revisors,* to whom the people referred — 


' This is a truth frequently enunciated both by ancient and modern 5 
philosophers. Compare Aristotle, Politic. ii: ‘O γὰρ νόμος ἰσχὺν οὐδε 
μίαν ἔχει πρὸς τὸ πείθεσθαι, πλὴν παρὰ Td ἔθος" τοῦτο δὲ οὐ γίνεται, εἰ μὴ 
διὰ χρόνου πλῆθος" ὥστε τὸ ῥᾳδίως μεταβάλλειν ἐκ τῶν νόμων εἰς ἑτέρους 
νόμους καινοὺς, ἀσθενῆ ποιεῖν ἐστὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου δύναμιν. And Thucy- — 
dides, ili. 37: Χείροσι νόμοις ἀκινήτοις χρωμένη πόλις κρείσσων ἐστιν ἢ 
καλῶς ἔχουσιν ἀκύροις. ῷ 

* ‘HAcaia (an assembly). The whole body were called Heliaste. 

* The term νομοθέτης (legislator) was given κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν to Solon — 


diel in! 


REVISION OF LAWS 359 


- all questions of legislation that came before them. -And further, if 
_ any new statute had been passed by these law-revisors, it might be 
_ impeached before a jury taken from the same Heliastic body, who had 
_ power to determine finally whether such statute should be abrogated 
or confirmed. The method of proceeding was as follows :— 
: It was a part of the business in the first ordinary assembly, which 
_ was held on the eleventh of Hecatombzon, to consider the state of 
_ the laws, and to receive proposals for their amendment. Any citizen 
was at liberty to make such proposal, having previously obtained 
leave from the council: but in order to insure a constant revision 
_~ of the laws, the Thesmothetze' of each year were directed to examine 
the whole code, and to see if there were any statutes contradictory, 
or useless, or improper to be retained. The people heard whatever 
proposal either these magistrates or any private citizen had to offer 
for an alteration in the law; and if they deemed it worthy of further 
consideration, they consented that it should be referred to a court of 
revisors, and they elected five advocates? to defend the old law 
against the new one. A fair copy of the new law was put up before 
_ the statues of the Heroes,* that every man might have an oppor- 
: tunity of seeing it: and to give it still further publicity, it was read 








aloud in every assembly before the revisors held their court. The 
third of the ordinary assemblies (towards the end of the month 
_ Hecatombzeon (was appointed for the election of the revisors; of 
_ which notice was to be given by the presidents of the council; and 
_ the committee of council were directed (under severe penalties in case 
᾿ς of neglect) to consult the people as to the number of persons to be 
elected, and as to their remuneration, duties, and term of office, 
which of course depended chiefly upon the amount of business to 
- come before them. The number of the revisors was commonly about 
_ athousand; but it might be more or less. 
_ ΠῺΘ various legislative questions referred by the people were tried 
; on particular days appointed for each. The revisors were impaneled 
like a jury; though their court very much resembled a popular as- 
_ sembly, the presidents of the council being there as assessors, and 
the committee presiding with their chairman. Arguments were ad- 
dressed to the court with the same formalities as upon a legal trial, 


law ; and clearly the whole legislative body might properly be so called. 
- The court of the νομοθέται at Athens was peculiarly constituted, having 
_ no power of originating laws, and being judicial rather than legislative 
ῇ in our sense of the term; and there was, in effect, an appeal from them. 
_ They may aptly be styled revisors of the laws, 
-  ' As to this, see Schémann, De Comitiis, 259. 
3 Σύνδικοι, or συνήγοροι. 
᾿ς 3 Called Eponymi, ’Exdvvuor, because they gave name to the ten 

tribes. ‘Their statues were in front of the council-chamber. 


. But it was applicable to any individual who moved the passing of a 





860 APPENDIX VIL 


first by the supporters of the new law, next by the defenders of the 
old; and to prevent collusion, any one might appear as defender, 
besides the advocates specially chosen for that purpose. After hearing 
all that could be said on both sides, the question was put by the 
chairman, and the revisors decided by show of hands, whether the 
old law should stand, or the new be accepted. Their judgment was 
drawn up in the shape of a decree; and if the new law was passed, 
it became forthwith a binding statute, subject however to be im- © 
peached in the manner to be mentioned presently. _ 
Thus we see, while all law-making orginated with the people, and ἡ 
the humblest citizens were at liberty to propose new enactments, the 
task of examining them at leisure, and considering all the questions 
to which they might give rise, was delegated to a superior tribunal, 
clothed with a judicial character, and more capable of exercising a — 
calm and deliberate judgment on such matters than the full assembly ~ 
of Athenian citizens. : 
That the general scheme was due to the genius of Solon we are 
expressly assured, though it is most probable that improvements — 
were made in the details since his time. And here it may be ob- 
served, generally, with respect to the Attic laws, which are quoted — 
by the orators and attributed by them to Solon, that we must ποῦ 
suppose all the extracts which they cite to be the actual words of 
the ancient law-giver: for not only did they receive additions and 
amendments from time to time, but it is very likely, as Schémann 
suggests,’ that when the code was remodeled, after the expulsion of — 
the Thirty Tyrants, or possibly upon some other occasion, the anti- — 
-quated phraseology of Solon’s time was translated into the language © 
of the day. In a few years it would become difficult to distinguish 
what part of the code belonged to Solon, and what to a later period; — 
and so the whole body of statutes were, both by orators and other — 
persons, commonly spoken of as the laws of Solon. 
Besides the regular time of holding the courts of revision, the 
people might, doubtless, if they pleased, appoint them to be hel ¢ 
extraordinary occasions. One such occasion happened after the ex- 
pulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, who, having abolished many of Solon’s 
laws, and corrupted them by interpolations, it was thought advisable ~ 
to restore and remodel the ancient code; and a decree was passed — 
authorizing the council to select a body of men to frame the neces- 
sary amendments, and send them afterwards to be considered by ἃ " 
court of revision in the usual way. We find Demosthenes, in his _ 
Olynthiac oration, recommending the appointment of revisors, for 
the special purpose of repealing the laws concerning the 1C 
fund.? One of the charges against Timocrates is, that he ced 
the people to appoint revisors out of the usual time. For thus the 











1 De Comitiis, 267. § 
ὁ See Vol. 1. p. 54; and Schomann, De Comitiis, 270,271. τ 


REVISION OF LAWS. 361 


thing really stood :—It was competent for the people to pass a decree 
dispensing with the regular course of law; and it was impossible to 
call them to account for it. But, as in our own country, the maxim 
that the king can do no wrong does not shield from responsibility 
the minister who advises him, so at Athens, the author of an un- 
constitutional measure was not protected by the fiat of the sovereign 
people who decreed it. And this brings us to another important 
- branch of the subject, viz., the proceeding by indictment against the 
- movers of bad laws.' ‘ 

As a further precaution against rash legislation, a power was 
given, after the passing of a law by the court of revision, to indict 
the author of it at any time within a year, and thus to procure both 
his punishment and the repeal of the law itself. The law might be 
impugned either for matter of form, as for the omission of some nec- 
essary step in the procedure; or upon the merits, as being incon- 
sistent with some other law that was not repealed, or opposed to 

. the general spirit of the Athenian laws, or for any cause whatever, 
mischievous in its tendency, or adverse to the interests of the com- 
monwealth. Any citizen was at liberty to prefer an indictment 
against the author of a new law, alleging it to be bad in any of these 
respects. The case was then brought for trial before a jury, taken 
from the same Heliastic body, who reviewed the law once more, 
examining it in all its bearings upon the rest of the Athenian code, 
and the general’ welfare of the state. If they thought it open to 
the charges made against it, or any of them, they gave their verdict 
accordingly, pronouncing the law to be bad and void, and sentencing 
the author to such penalty as the nature of the case deserved. 
After the expiration of the year, although the author could not be 
punished, the law itself might still be impeached before a jury; but. 

in such case the people appointed advocates to defend it. Of this 

_ the oration of Demosthenes against the law of Leptines is an ex- 

_ ample. The law, which prohibited all exemptions from public ser- 

vices, was repealed as being unjust and derogatory to the dignity 
of Athens; but Leptines himself was safe by the lapse of time.? 
The same proceeding might be instituted to rescind illegal or im- 
proper decrees, which had been passed in the popular assembly, and 
to punish the movers of them. As there was a greater facility of 
procuring decrees than laws, so, it appears, the indictments preferred 
in these cases were much more numerous; and, in impugning a de- 
cree, every possible ground of objection might be taken, in regard 
either to legality or expediency. Very frequently, prosecution was 
but a method of trying the question over again, or perhaps of pun- 
ishing the author for the evil consequences of his measure. We 






? Tpad?) παρανόμων. 
-? See Vol. 1. Appendix V. p. 314. Schémann, De Comitiis, 278— 


280. 
Vou. II.—Q 


862 , APPENDIX VIL 


have seen that Aristophon was seventy-five times indicted for having 
moved improper decrees, and every time acquitted, Cephalus, on 
the other hand, boasted that he had never once been indicted.! To 
prevent vexatious prosecutions, the accuser, if he failed to obtain a 
fifth part of the votes, was liable to a fine of a thousand drachms, 
and was rendered incapable of bringing any such accusation in future. 

Divers examples, illustrating this Athenian practice, are furnished 
by the orators. 

Timocrates passed a law, allowing public debtors to be released on 
’ bail. Diodorus indicted him on these (among other) grounds—that 
he had not obtained the sanction of the council before he introduced 
his law to the people: that he had got the court of revision to be 
appointed for the twelfth of Hecatombzeon, immediately after the 
first. assembly, instead of waiting for the regular time, and that he 
had never put up his law in the usual way for public perusal: that 
it was contrary to other existing laws: and that it was bad on the 


merits. From the speech composed by Demosthenes in support of 


the prosecution we get most of our information upon the subject of 
the Nomothetce. Amd here we find him complaining of a practice 
which had grown up, in contravention of Solon’s regulation; 
whereby legislative measures were brought before the popular as- 
sembly out of the appointed time, and the people were persuaded to 
pass them in the shape of decrees. It is clear, as I have before ob- 
served, that the people could allow this to be done as often as they 
pleased: public opinion alone could effectually check it, by insuring 
the condemnation, ina court of justice, of the demagogue who mis- 
led the assembly.? 


The case of Aristocrates, indicted for his decree in favor of Chari- 
demus, is a memorable example ; of which I have spoken elsewhere? — 


But the most familiar of all is the prosecution of Ctesiphon by Als- 


chines; the grounds of which are fully explained in the argument 


to the Oration on the Crown, and in the last appendix to this. vol- 
ume. 


? See ante, pp. 92, 328. 


* Through this abuse (as Demosthenes says, Adv. Lept. 485,) ψηφισ- 
μάτων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν διαφέρουσιν οἱ νόμοι. See Schdmann, De Comitiis, — 


264, 265, 268, 269. 
* Vol. I, Appendix III. pp. 282, 288. 


. 


' 
) 


_ well described in the oration of Isocrates, entitled Archidamus; 


7 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 363 


APPENDIX VIIL 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 


Arter the battle of Mantinea, Peloponnesus, as Demosthenes 
Says, was divided.1 Sparta could no longer domineer over her 
neighbors, as she had used to do; yet her enemies were unable to 
crush her entirely.. The oligarchical states remained still attached 
to her—Corinth, Phlius, Epidaurus, Troezen, Elis, and the Achaian 


cities, excepting Sicyon. But the powerful league originally formed 


under Theban protection, between the Messenians, Arcadians, and ~ 


Argives, maintained the balance of power in the peninsula. The 
independence of Messene was acknowledged by the allies of Sparta 
at the general peace of B.c. 362. Sparta herself protested against it, 


refusing to accept as binding an arrangement by which she was hu- 


miliated and degraded. For not only was the fairest portion of her 
territory, which she had ‘held. for three centuries, taken away from 
her ;? but she saw established on her confines a race of men whom 
she regarded as sfaves and rebels, dangerous from the implacable 
hostility which they were sure to cherish against their late oppressors, 
and by the encouragement which they held out for further revolt 
among the Laconian Helots. But Sparta stood alone in her oppo- 
sition, and could only protest and wait for better times.® 

The feelings of the Spartan people upon this subject are pretty 


which was, in fact, a pamphlet published to vindicate the title of 
the Spartans to Messenia, but is in the form of a speech addressed 
by Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, to his countrymen, and seems to 
have been composed on the occasion when Corinth, Phlius, and 


1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231. 

3 The fertility of Messenia, as contrasted with the Laconian soil, is 
described by the lines of Euripides, cited in Strabo, viii. 366. Of Laco- 
nia, he says :— 

πυλλὴν μὲν ἄροτον, ἐκπονεῖν δ᾽ ov ῥᾷδιον" 
κοίλη yap, ὄρεσι περίδρομος, τραχεῖά τε 
δυσείσβολός τε πολεμίοις. 


Of Messenia :- 


Καλλίκαρηπον: .. 26s 
κατάῤῥυτόν Te μυρίοισι νάμασι, 
καὶ βουσὶ καὶ ποίμναισιν εὐβοτωτάτην, 
οὔτ᾽ ἐν πνοαῖσι χείματος δυσχείμερον, 
ν τ 4 i” 7 x ν 
οὔτ᾽ αὖ τεθρίπποις ἡλίου θερμὴν ἄγαν. 


8 Pausanias, iv. 27; viii. 21, Polybius, iv. 88. Diodorus, xv. 66, 89. 


~ 


364 | APPENDIX VIIL 


Epidaurus seceded from the Spartan alliance, and made a separate 
peace with the enemy, B.c. 366.1 The sybstance of his advice is as 
follows :— | 

He contends that it would be disgraceful to let their revolted 
slaves retain possession of their land—the allies who urged them to 
abandon it had given both weak and dishonorable advice—their title 
to Messenia was unquestionable, being founded not only on length 
of time, but on a valid gift, confirmed (as he shows from history) 
by the Pythian oracle—the people who had been planted in Mes- 
- gene were not real Messenians, but Helots and vagabonds—their 
own cause was just, and they should defend it to the last—great, 
things had been effected by individual Spartans in the defense of 
other cities, 4s*by Brasidas at Amphipolis, and Gylippus at Syracuse; 
they should not then despair in-the cause of their own country— 
the sympathies of the Greeks would probably be with them; even 
the democratized states of Peloponnesus would find they needed 
Spartan superintendence, for they had got nothing by their defection 
from Sparta but war, and anarchy, and intestine broils. Should 
their enemies insist on such hard terms as the emancipation of Mes- 
senia, and should the rest of the Greeks give their consent, then he ~ 
advises his countrymen to remove their parents, Wives, and children 
to Italy, or Sicily, or Cyrene, or some other place of safety, to sally 
forth from their home, as their ancestors had done in days of yore, 
to enter the land of their enemies as an invading army, and there to 
seize upon some stronghold, and commence a war of plunder and 
devastation, until their enemies would be only too glad to purchase 
peace by the restoration of Messenia. . He argues that it would be 
impossible for peace to be maintained on the basis desired by their 
opponents—that the settlement of the Messenians on their confines — 
would lead to perpetual quarrels and disturbances—that it would be — 
such a degradation as Spartans, accustomed to pre-eminence in — 
Greece, could never endure—that it might be well enough for Co- 
rinthians, Epidaurians, and Phliasians, to care only for life and safety, — 
but for Spartans death was preferable to dishonor. How could they, 
go without shame to the Olympian and other national festivals: 
where formerly every individual Spartan was received with as Ti : 
honor as the victors at the games, but now they would be looked — 
upon with scorn; their revolted slaves would bring from the land — 
which their fathers had bequeathed to them richer offerings than — 
they did, and would insult them in revenge for their past sufferings? — 
From such disgrace he calls upon them to rescue their country; to 
struggle through their present difficulties, as the Athenians and 
Thebans had out of theirs; and lastly, toremember that they had — 


Fac. 
~ 


? Tsocrates, Archidamus, 135. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. 6. 4, ss. 8—10. 
Bp This passage reminds me of a similar one in Demosthenes, De Synt. 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 865 


never been defeated, when a king of his line had commanded 
them. 

This singular pamphlet, which the renewal of friendship between 
Sparta and Athens encouraged Isocrates to publish, produced but 
little effect. It served as a manifesto to the Grecian world of the 
feeling, which for many years continued to animate the Spartans; 
but the coalition against them at this time was too strong to heed 
any of their threats, much less the desperate one contained in the 
pamphlet. 

The emancipation of Messenia was not the only cause of discon- 
tent at Lacedzemon. The Arcadians from attached allies had been 
converted into jealous and hostile neighbors, and were the more © 
. likely to continue so on account of the political revolution which 
they had undergone. The aristocracies, which had maintained them- 
selves in their respective cities by Spartan influence, and secured 
the connection of their country with Sparta, had been broken up or 
reduced to insignificance by the establishment of Megalopolis. To 
form this new city, designed to be the capital of the united Arca- 
dians, and their barrier against the aggression of Sparta, a popula- 
tion was drawn from forty different communities, chiefly those 
bordering on Laconia. Of the smaller towns which contributed, 
some were deserted, others were reduced to villages. The larger 
cities were left in possession of their local governments, which for 
ordinary purposes they carried on as before, but they were required 
to send deputies to a federal congress held in the capital, which 
exercised “a controlling power over all the concerns of the union, 
‘and represented the whole Arcadian body in their transactions with 
foreign states. Of the formation of this congress we know little 
more than that it was of a democratical character, consisting alto- 
gether of ten thousand members sent by the various constituents. 
From hence it took its name, and was called The Ten-thousand.* 
Herza and Orchomenus were the only cities which refused to join 
the union. Tegea had at first opposed it, but through a revolution 
effected by the popular party she was brought over to the other 
side. This was a great blow to Sparta: for Tegea had been 
one of her warmest adherents, and was near to the north-eastern 
frontier of Laconia. Megalopolis was not far from the north-west- 
ern: so that Sparta was cut off from her friends in both of those 
directions. 3 

In the year 363 B.c. dissensions arose in the Arcadian congress, 
chiefly through the mutual jealousies of the leading cities, though 


"Οἱ μύριοι; and also τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων. Xenophon, Helle... 
vii. c. 1, 5. 88; 6. 4, ss. 2,85; ο. ὕ,5. 1. Adschines, De Fals. Leg. 38. 
Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 344. Pausanias, vi. 12. 

* Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 6. 4, ss. 6—11, 22. Diodorus, xv. 59, 72. 
Pansanias, viii. 27; ix. 14. 


366 APPENDIX VIIL 


the immediate cause of dispute was concerning the Olympian treas- 
ure which had been taken by the army. An aristocratical party 
sprang up, adverse both to the federal union and to the Theban 
alliance. The Mantineans, notwithstanding the zeal with which 
they had originally promoted the union, took the lead in a counter- 
movement which would have dissolved it, and sought to renew 
their connection with the Lacedzemonians, by whom their city had 
formerly been destroyed. Τὺ was owing to the measures taken by 
this party that Epaminondas led his army for the last time into 
Peloponnesus, the effect of which was to check the counter-revolu- 
tion attempted in Arcadia, though the death of that great man pre- 
vented the completion of any further designs which he nay have 
had for the settlement of Peloponnesian affairs.! 

In the year following, however, the disturbances in Arcadia were 
renewed. Some of the families who had been settled in Megalopo- 
lis became dissatisfied with their change of residence; and taking 
advantage of a clause in the general peace, which ordered all parties 
to return to their respective countries, (a clause evidently framed 
with a different view,) they chose to migrate from the capital to 
their ancient towns. The Megalopolitan government insisted that 
they should come back: upon which they applied for aid to the 
Mantineans and other Peloponnesians who had assisted them in the 
late war. Theban intervention again became necessary; and Pam- 
menes was sent with three thousand foot and three hundred horse 
to Arcadia. He reduced the malcontents to submission, but not 
till he had besieged and taken some of their towns; after which 
‘they returned quietly to Megalopolis, and the dissensions were ap- 

eased.? 
τ In the last movement Sparta had not interfered. Her losses in 
the war with Thebes had greatly exhausted her. To recruit the 
finances of his country, Agesilaus at the age of eighty went over to 
Egypt, and engaged in the service first of Tachos, afterwards of 
Nectanabis, whom he established on the throne, and received a. 
recompense of two hundred and thirty talents. On his return home 
he was taken ill and died on the coast of Africa. The money was 
doubtless acceptable at Sparta: yet for the present she was not 
strong enough to attempt any hostile measures against her neigh 4 


3 ΠΟΥ Renae Hellen. viii. ὁ. 4, ss. 88----40 ; 6. 5, 8s. 1—3 ; Pausanias, q 
viii. ᾿" 

3 Diodorus xy. 94. It scarcely needs argument to show that ᾿Αθη- 
vaiove in this passage is a mistake. See Vol. I. p. 209, note 2. Thirl- ; 
wall, Hist. of Greece, v. 287. Grote, x. 494. 

- Diodorus, xv. 93. Pausanias, iii. 10. Plutarch, Vit. Agesil. 40. — 
Xenophon, Agesil. ii, 29, d&e.; who says that one of the causes of his — 
going to Egypt was, to punish “0 king of Persia for ordering that Mes- — 
sene should be free. 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 367 


bors; nor did she receive the least encouragement to do so from 
her old allies, who were anxious only for neutrality and repose. For 
nine years after the battle of Mantinea the Peloponnesians enjoyed 
internal peace, disturbed only by events which happened beyond the 
a, in Which the Spartans alone had a diregt interest. I al- 
ude to the proceedings of the Sacred War; in which, as we have 
seen, the only peninsular states that took an active part were the 
Spartans and Acheeans, the latter partly influenced perhaps by their 
enmity to the Locrians. | 
Soon after the breaking out of the Sacred War the Spartans 

began to conceive that it might turn to their private advantage. 
Fear of the Thebans had in great measure restrained them from at- 
tempting to recover their lost dominion. Yet to the hope that they 
should be able to recover it at some future time they still most tena- 
ciously clung.t. Archidamus inherited all the courage and ambition 
of his father, and burned with the desire both to reconquer Mes- 
senia, and to break-up the federal union, which made Arcadia inde- 
pendent of his country. A great point was gained, if the Thebans, 
by being employed elsewhere, could be kept away from Pelopon- 
nesus.2, Yet even then Sparta would scarcely with her own force 
alone be able to accomplish her designs. It was desirable to rally 
round her as many as possible of her former allies, and attach them 
to her cause by the bonds of a common interest. To effect this, 
Archidamus conceived a scheme (which would be more or less 
attractive to all of them) for a general restitution of rights; by 
which Athens should recover Oropus, Elis the Triphylian towns, 
Phlius Tricaranum, and she herself Messene; and further that Or- 
chomenus, Thespize, and Platzsa, which the Thebans had destroyed, 
shotld be re-established, and the Arcadians who wished it restored 
to their ancient abodes. The announcement of this project was 
made in the year B.c. 353, when the tide of success had turned so 
strongly against the Thebans, that they were unable to hold their 
ground in Boeotia, and it seemed almost impossible that they could’ 
spare any troops for the assistance of their friends in Peloponnesus. 
It soon became known, with what view the Spartans were canvass- 
ing their allies; nor could the warlike preparations in Laconia 
remain a secret. That very year indeed they commenced war 
against the Argives, whom they defeated, and took the town of 
Ornez, probably with a view to cut off their communication with 


* Xenophon, Hellen. vii. 6. 4, 5. 9. Polybius, iv. 82. 

2 Their fear of the Thebans is strongly stated by Isocrates, Philipp. 
92: Aedtore γὰρ διατελοῦσι μὴ Θηβαῖοι διαλυσάμενοι τὰ πρὸς Φωκέας 
πάλιν ἐπανελθόντες μείζοσιν αὐτοὺς συμφοραῖς περιβάλωσι τῶν πρότερον 
γεγενημένων. 

Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 1, 8. 26; 6. 2, 8.1; 6. 4, Β.11. Demosthe- 
nes, Pro Megalop. 208, 206, 208. And see ante, pp. 246, 261, 271. 


368 APPENDIX ὙἹΠἹΠ. 


Ατοδαᾶϊα The Megalopolitans, alarmed at the danger which 
threatened them, and having at this time little hope of assistance 
from Thebes, sent an embassy to Athens, to solicit the protection of 
the Athenian people. They were supported by envoys from Argos 
and Messene, and opposed by a counter-embassy from Lacedzemon. 
A warm debate took place in the Athenian assembly: for an ac- 
count of which, and especially of the view which Demosthenes took 
of the question, I may refer to the Oration for the Megalopolitans, 
and to the argument and notes in the first volume. The result was, 
that Athens determined to be neutral: a policy unfortunate in its 
results, as will hereafter appear.? 


. 


The Megalopolitans, being disappointed of Athenian aid, could — 


only look to Thebes; but affairs took such a turn, that, when the 
time came, Thebes was able to assist them. The Lacedsemonians 
in their endeavor to negotiate an offensive alliance entirely failed, 
both at Athens and in Peloponnesus. ~This delayed their operations. 
They may have been promised assistance by Onomarchus, as soon 
as he could dispose of his enemies in the north. The battle of Pa- 


gasze overthrew such hope, and rendered it necessary for them to — 


send succor into Phocis. But soon afterwards the exertions of 
Phayllus, together with the support which he received from his 
allies, enabled him to renew the war in Beeotia. The Lacedzemo- 
nians readily seized this opportunity for commencing the long 
meditated attack upon their neighbors. ‘ruth. 
Archidamus opened the campaign by invading the Megalopolitan 
territory, which he ravaged for some time without opposition. The 
Megalopolitans sent for succor immediately to Argos, Sicyon, and 
Messene, and also to Thebes. From the three first-mentioned cities 
a large force was soon collected, and Thebes sent to their aid four 
thousand infantry and five hundred horse under the command of 
Cephision. Thus reinforced, they marched out and pitched their 
camp near the sources of the river Alpheus. Arehidamus, instead 
of attacking them, led his troops off towards Mantinea, and took up 


a position near that city, which he may have hoped was still friendly — 


to his cause. The allies advancing against him, he marched into 
Argolis, surprised Ornez, which appears to have been retaken 
since his last expedition, and routed a body of Argives who were 
sent to its relief. But now the united force of the allies came up 


1 Diodorus, xvi. 34. Ξ 

3 Pausanias, iv. 28, states that the Athenians promised to assist the 
Measenians, if their country should be invaded, but declared they would 
not join them in any invasion of Laconia. If so, they made a distinction 


« 
¥ 
- 
ἥ 


, 


3 


between them and the Megalopolitans, whom we know they did not assist. — 


Compare however Demosthenes, Pro Megalop. 204; from which it would 


rather appear, that the engagement entered into with the Messenians — 


took place before this occasion, 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 369 


with him, and offered him battle. He had been reinforced by 
three thousand Phocian mercenaries and a hundred and fifty of the 
‘horsemen whom Lycophron had brought from Phere: yet his num- 
bers were but half thee of the enemy. An obstinate battle was 
fought, in which the Spartans by their superior discipline made up 
for the disparity of numbers: both sides, however, claimed the vic- 
tory.. The Argives and other Peloponnesian allies having returned 
to their homes, as was customary with citizen-troops in Greek war- 
fare, Archidamus took advantage of their absence to renew his 
ravages in Arcadia, and take by storm the city of Helissus, with 
the spoils of which he returned to Sparta. Not long afterwards the 
Thebans and their allies, falling upon Anaxander, who commanded 
a Lacedemonian division near Telphusa, defeated and made him 
prisoner. This battle was followed by two others, in which the 
Spartans were vanquished with much loss. In the next they gained 
a victory, which fairly’ retrieved their honor; but immediately 
afterwards they retreated to their own country. Archidamus, 
weary of a contest which promised him no advantage, and in which 
he had suffered no less damage than his adversaries, made over- 
tures of peace, which the Megalopolitans accepted; and the foreign 
auxiliaries on both sides retired from Peloponnesus. The ill- 
advised project of Archidamus had no other effect, than to exhibit 
the unabated animosity of the Spartans against Megalopolis and 
Messene.! ᾽ 
Not many years after these events the Peloponnesians were ap- 
prised, that a more powerful enemy than Sparta was threatening 
_ the independence of Greece. Before the battle of Pagase they 
knew little of the king of Macedon besides his name. This brought 
‘ him prominently before them as an able general, commanding 
troops formidable by their numbers and discipline. As yet how- 
ever these troops had not been tried against the heavy-armed in- 
fantry of the leading states; and Philip was still looked upon as a 
mere northern potentate, protecting Thessaly, as his brother Alex- 
ander had done, and extending the frontiers of his own native king- 
dom, but with no thought of pushing his conquests south of Ther- 
πποκῷ HKven the capture οἵ Olynthus did not open the eyes of 
the Peloponnesians, although Athens sent her envoys round to their 
cities, and Auschines in his philippic at Megalopolis denounced the 
king of Macedon as a savage barbarian, who was rising up to be 
the plague of the Grecian world. They heard indeed that he had 
razed to the ground twenty or thirty Chalcidian cities, and they 
saw with their own eyes the Arcadian Atrestidas bringing to the 
slave-market a hérd of Olynthian women and children. Yet all 
this, though it may have excited pity or indignation, did not con- 
vince them that Philip’s progress was a thing to excite alarm, The 


. * Diodgrus, xvi. 89. Pausanias, viii, 27. 
2 


340 APPENDIX VIIL 
conqueror of Olynthus had become a dangerous neighbor to the 
Athenian dominions in Thrace: they themselves were too far re- 
moved from the scene to have much interest in it. So they rea- 
soned. Nor did there want orators to sugort these short-sighted 
views. One Hieronymus is said to have opposed Aischines and 
spoken on Philip’s behalf in the Megalopolotan assembly Aischines 
reported of the Arcadians, that they were glad to hear that Athens 
was bestirring herself: but whether this was true or not, they 
showed no desire to assist her.* Ae ei 

By the termination of the Sacred War Philip was raised to ‘a po- 
‘sition both novel and imposing, in which the magnitude of his power 
‘was apparent to all. He stepped forward into the midst of Greece ~ 
as the elected general of the Amphictyons, the avenger of outraged 
religion, the arbiter of peace and war. He was at once. king of 
Macedonia and Tagus of Thessaly: the mountain tribes of Olym- © 
pus and Pindus, Othrys and Cita, were ready to flock to his stand- 
ard: the Thebans and Locrians were his grateful and devoted allies. 
North of the Isthmus there were none to oppose him but the 
“Athenians; and they by themselves could offer but feeble resistance 
to his power. Under these circumstances the Athenians turned 
their eyes to Peloponnesus, as the quarter from which they might 
reasonably hope to obtain support; it being now obvious that, if 
Athens should succumb to Philip, the Peloponnesians would have 
no barrier against him. Little was to be expected from the Lace- 
deemonians, disgusted with Athens for her weak and seemingly 
treacherous conduct in abandoning the Phocians. The best chance 
was with the other peninsular states, and to them the Athenians de- 
termined to apply, to form a league for mutual protection against © 
Philip. | 

If the Athenians, however, imagined that Philip intended to leave” 
the game of diplomacy in their hands, they were completely mis- 
taken. Philip was no less active in negotiation than in war. Where 
he designed to extend his influence and power, his emissaries went — 
like skirmishers before him, winning and seducing both statesmen 
and people to his side by every species of corruption and intrigue. 
It was soon found that he had been beforehand with the Athenians — 
in Peloponnesus; and circumstances had happened which greatly _ 
favored his designs. - | 

In a short time after the end of the Phocian war some territorial 
disputes arose between the Lacedzmonians and their neighbors. 
Pausanius says, that from early times it was the custom of the 
Lacedeemonians, when they had nothing to occupy them out of 
Peloponnesus, to raise a border quarrel with thesArgives.? It was 


' See ante, pp. 291, 292. The apathy of the Greeks is forcibly de- 
scribed by Demosthenes, in Philipp. iii. 119, 120. 
2. Pausanias, ii. 20. Φ 


> 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS, 371 


not likely that the Messenians would fare much better with them. 
Philip having now established agents in these countries, they 
persuaded the people to solicit his support. There were plausi- 
ble arguments for it. The Thebans, their former protectors, had 
been befriended by Philip; while the Athenians had rather dis- 
played a sympathy with Sparta.! Philip eagerly availed himself of 
this favorable opportunity for putting himself at the head of the old 
Theban confederacy.2, He sent a body of mercenaries and a sup- 
ply of money to the Messenians and Argives, and promised to come 
in person, if necessary, to their assistance. At the same time he 
sent a peremptory message to the Spartans, requiring them (among 
other things) to abandon their pretensions to Messenia, and threat- ἢ 
ening them with war, in case of refusal. To this he received ἃ la- 
conic answer of defiance: yet his measures seemed to have had the 
desired effect of securing his allies against Spartan aggression, and 
establishing his own popularity not only at Argos and Messene, but 
also among their confederates in Arcadia. We read that shortly 
afterwards both the Arcadians and Argives erected statues to Philip, 
conferred crowns of honor upon him, and passed resolutions to re- 
ceive him in their cities, if he came to Peloponnesus. Pausanias 
declares, that the hatred of the Arcadians to Sparta was one of the 
principal causes to which Philip and his kingdom owed their aggran- 
dizement.* 

These proceedings quickly excited attention at Athens. Demos- 
thenes carried a decree for sending an embassy to Peloponnesus, 
and was himself put at its head.t He went to Argos and Messene, 
and in both of those cities made instructive speeches, setting forth 
the danger of their connection with Philip. He has*given us in the 
second Philippic an extract from his speech to the Messenians, in 
which he bade them take warning by the example of Olynthus, 
which Philip first befriended and then destroyed, and also by that 
of Thessaly, which he had reduced to vassalage: he conjured them 
not to be deceived by the gifts or promises of Philip, not to trust a 
man of such notorious bad faith, and not to ally themselves with a 
despot, the natural enemy of republics.5 This harangue was re- 


1 Demosthenes, De Pace, 61. 

? Demosthenes, Orat. ad Epist. 153; from which it appears, that the 
Thebans were not well pleased at his interference with their allies. 

* Pausanias, viii. 27. Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 68,69; De Fals. Leg. 
424, 425. Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 8. Cicero, Tus. Qu. V. 14. 

* Demosthenes, De Coron. 252: Πρῶτον piv τὴν εἰς Πελοπόννησον 
πρεσβείαν ἔγραψα, ὅτε πρῶτον ἐκεῖνος εἰς Πελοπόννησον rapediero, This 
expression does not necessarily import, that Philip was coming in person 
to Peloponnesus, and therefore it may be referred to the occasion men- 
‘tioned in the text. 

* Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 70. 


372 APPENDIX ὙΠ. 


ceived, as he tells us, with great applause; yet its effect was tran- 
sient. The Peloponnesian allies of Philip could not be induced to - 
break with him by any Athenian arguments. They had an advan- 
tage in Macedonian protection, which they doubted whether Ath- 
ens was willing or able to afford.!. The prospect of danger held 
out to them by Demosthenes was (in their view) remote: but there 
might be an immediate danger in offending Philip: as he was now 
a powerful friend, so he might be a powerful enemy. Things had 
already come about as Demosthenes feared they would. At first 
people could not imagine that Philip’s power would ever be felt in 
southern Greece: all of a sudden he appears before them as a giant 
‘whom none can withstand: then the minor states are either desir- 
ous of his protection, or afraid to provoke his hostility. Such was 
his present influence over the Argives and Messenians, that he in- 
duced them to send embassadors in company with his own, to de- 
mand of the Athenians an explanation of their late embassy to 
Peloponnesus. A joint remonstrance was prepared, identifying the 
cause of Philip with that of his allies. The Athenians, it was al- 
leged, had violated the treaty of peace by sending agents to stir up 
the Greeks against Philip; and at the same time they were encour- 
aging the Spartans in their aggressive projects. Python of Byzan- 
tium was Philip’s principal envoy, and it may perhaps have been on 
this occasion that he poured out that torrent of invective against 
Athens, which Demosthenes says he triumphantly answered, so as 
_ to vindicate his country from the calumnies of Philip. A reply was 
sent to the remonstrance, which left the dispute between Philip and 
the Athenians unsettled.? 
Elis was next the theatre of intrigue. This city, formerly the 
best. governed of any in Greece, was thrown into strife and disor- 


1 See what Demosthenes says about the selfish policy of the Argives, — 
Messenians, and Areadians, De Coron. 246. 

2 Argumentum ad Philipp. ii.: De Coron. 272. The occasion upon — 
which this contest of eloquence took place between Python and Demos- 
thenes is matter of controversy. Some assign it to a later period, when 
Python came to adjust disputes about the peace. Diodorus (xvi. 85) 
refers it to the debate at Thebes. In the passage cited from the Oration — 
on the Crown, it is mentioned that Auschines spoke on Python’s side; — 
which indicates the debate to have taken place at Athens. It is men- 
tioned also, that Philip’s allies were present, and that, after hearing 
Demosthenes, they got up and admitted Philip to be in the wrong; 
which rather points to this occasion, when the Messenians and Argives — 
accompanied the Macedonian embassadors. The second Philippic, it 
seems clear enough, was spoken in support of a motion for a reply to © 
this embassy. (See Philipp. ii. 72. Dionysius, ad Ammzum, s. 10, p. 
737.) It can not however have been the oration in which Demosthenes 
me τὴν ern answered Python; for it contains no answer to him 
at all. 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. ees: 


der by the corrupting arts of Philip. A Macedonian party got the 
upper hand, not without violence and bloodshed, and drove a large 
body of their opponents into exile. Elis was then transferred from 
_ the Lacedzmonian alliance to that of which Philip was at the head. 
The exiles afterwards, hiring the remnant of that mercenary band 
which had followed Phalecus into Crete, invaded the country and 
were defeated, as I have already mentioned, by the Hlean and Ar- 
eadian troops.! Demosthenes in the third Philippic speaks of Hlis 
as being virtually in the power of Philip.? 

Τὺ was Philip’s design to surround with enemies both Sparta and 
Athens, so that, being cut off from support, they must ultimately 
yield to his demands. Sparta was already isolated; and so would 
Athens be, if Hubcea, Megara, Corinth, and Achaia were either sub- 
dued or gained over to his alliance. To make these acquisitions, 
Philip laid his plans in the year Β.0. 343. The enterprises against 
Euboea and Megara were left to his generals: that against Pelopon- 
nesus he resolved to conduct in person. It would have excited 
alarm, if he had marched by the ordinary route to the Isthmus, es- 
pecially as he had no ostensible cause of war: he therefore purposed 
to take a westerly course through Epirus and Acarnania to the Co- 
rinthian gulf. The kingdom of Epirus seems at this time to have 
- been divided between his uncle Arymbas and his brother+in-law 
Alexander.* Philip led his army to the Cassopian coast, and took 
by storm three cities, Hlatea, Pandosia, and Bucheta, Elean col- 
onies, which he annexed to the dominions of Alexander. He then 
advanced to the Ambracian gulf, meditating an attack upon the Co- 
rinthian colonies of Ambracia and Leucas; and it seems that he 
was negotiating an alliance with the Attolians, to whom he prom- 
ised to give Naupactus, as soon as he had taken-it from the Achaw- 
ans.* He would then have passed through Acarnania to join the 
Aitolians, and after taking the Achzean fortresses on the northern 
coast of the Corinthian gulf; might have transported his forces over 
to Achaia. It is not unlikely that the Achzans and Corinthians got 
information of these projects, and communicated them to Athens, 
᾿ς The Athenians by unwonted exertions contrived to baffle Philip at 

this point, and arrest his further progress. An embassy, at the head 
of which “were Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Hegesippus, Clitomachus, 
and Lycurgus, was sent to Acarnania and Peloponnesus, where they 


1 Ante, p. 318. . 

* Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 118; iv. 188: De Fals. Leg. 424, 48. 
Pausanias, iv. 28; v. 4. 

* See Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 16, note 8. 

4 The possession by the Achzans of Naupactus, Dyme, and Calydon, 
was an annoyance to the Aitolians. Epaminondas had expelled them. 
They regained possession after his death, See Diodorus, xv. 75. Xe 
nophon, Hellen. iv. c. 6, 5. 14. 


814 APPENDIX ὙΠ αν 
a etn 

succeeded in forming a league and organizing active measures for 
defense. Athcnian troops were promptly sent into Acarnania. Me- 
gara also promised assistance, having been secured against Macedo- 
nian attack by the measures of Phocion, as already mentioned. 
Philip, either not being prepared, or not wishing to attack the Athe- 
nians at present, or failing in his negotiations with the Aitolians, 
desisted from his attempt and retired to Macedonia. ἢ 

No further movement oceurred in Peloponnesus, until the cam- 
paign of Cheeronea. Philip then invited his Peloponnesian allies to 
join him; but none of them came. The Achzans and Corinthians 
fought for Athens.? After the battle, having completed the subju- 
gation of northern Greece, Philip led his army into the peninsula, to 
consolidate his power among the states, and enforce the submission 
of those which held out against him or wavered. He then designed 
to unite them all in a common league against Persia. None were 
inclined to dispute his will but the Lacedemonians; and them he 
resolved to humble, both for the satisfaction of his allies, and as a 
measure of precaution against future disturbance. At the head of an 
overpowering force he entered Laconia, ravaging it on all sides, and 
pillaging or destroying some of the rural townships. The Spartans 
behaved worthily of their ancient reputation. Though not strong 
enouglt to encounter the enemy’s whole force in open field, they 
still refused to capitulate. We read of one victory which they gained 
over a detached body of Macedonians at Gythium. Philip forbore 
to attack the capital. He sought to cripple the power of Sparta, not 
to crush her entirely; perhaps, as the Acarnanian envoy says in 
Polybius, he checked the more violent counsels of his Peloponnesian 
followers.* The end of it was, that he stripped Sparta of territory 
on every side, giving one portion of it to the Argives, another to the 
Tegeans, a third to the Megalopolitans, and a fourth to the Messenians. 


1 Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 118—120, 129; iv. 188: De Halonn. 84: 
De Coron. 305, 806, 308. From the last of these passages, it would 
appear that Demosthenes had encountered Philip’s agents at Ambracia. 
He justly boasts of his own zealous activity in executing, as well as de- 
signing and advising, these important missions (ibid. 801). © Auschines 
(Contr. Ctesiph. 67) charges Demosthenes with giving a false account 
of his success on these expeditions. The charge is a mere calumny. 
That troops were sent into Acarnania, appears from the incidental men- 
tion of them in Demosthenes, Contr. Olympiodorum, 1173. And the 
harsh measures aftewards taken by Philip against the Ambraciots and 
Acarnanians, are evidence of their successful resistance before. (Dio- 
dorus, xvii. 8:) 

3 Pausanias, iv. 28; v. 4; viii. 27. And see the next Appendix. _ 

3 The Eleans, though they declined to aid him at Cheronea, are said 
to have followed him in this invasion from hatred of the Lacedzemonians. 
Pausanias, v. 4. ? erg 


‘ 


, 


AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS. 375 


᾿ His acts were ratified afterwards by the Greek congress, though they 


were never acknowledged by the Lacedemonians. ! 

On his return*from Laconia, he visited some-of the friendly states; 
making stay among the Arcadians, whom he wished to attach firmly 
to himself and draw entirely away from the cause of the Greeks. 
How well he succeeded, was fully proved by subsequent events: at 
this time it appeared in homage and flattery. At a village near 
Mantinea, where he pitched his camp, a spring received the name 
of Philip’s spring. The Megalopolitans gave his name to a portico 
in their market-place. Similar compliments were paid him by the 
Hleans. He erected on the sacred ground at Olympia a circular 
building surrounded by a colonnade, which was named after him 
Philippeum.? The gracious and winning manners of the king helped 
doubtless to increase his popularity.* 

He next proceeded to the Isthmus of Corinth, where he had in- 
vited a congress of all the Greeks to assemble. It was attended by 
deputies from all the chief cities, except Sparta. The dream of 
Isocrates was now about to be realized, though not exactly in the 
manner which that philosopher would have desired. Philip proposed 
to make war against the Persians, and take vengeance upon them 
for their profanation of the Greek temples in days of old. The 
deputies passed an unanimous vote, in accordance with his desire. 
War was declared. Lach state was ordered to furnish a contingent 
of ships or land force: and Philip was elected general of the national 


- army.* 


- 1 Pausanias, ii. 20; iii, 24; vii. 11. Polybius, ix. 28, 83. Strabo, 


“vill. 365. 


2 Pausanias, v. 17, 20; viii. 7, 30. 

® As to this, see ante, p. 357, note 1. 

4 Diodorus, xvi. 89. Justin, ix. 5. .“Compositis in Grecia rebus, 
Philippus omnium civitatum legatos ad formandum rerum presentium 
statum evocari Corinthum jubet. Ibi pacis legem wniversze Greecize pro 
meritis singularum civitatum statuit, conciliumque omnium, veluti unum 
senatum, ex omnibus legit. Soli Lacedemonii et legem et regem con- 
tempserunt, servitutem, non pacem rati, que non ipsis civitatibus con- 
veniret, sed a victore ferretur. Auxilia deinde singularum civitatum 
deseribuntur, sive adjuvandus e4 manu rex oppugnante aliquo foret, seu 
duce illo bellum inferendum. Neque enim dubium erat imperium Per- 
sarum his apparatibus peti.” ° 


816 APPENDIX IX. 


APPENDIX IX. 


CH ZRONEA. 


Dioporvs thus commences his narrative of the year 338 B.c.:4 

“Philip, having won over the greater number of the Greeks to 
his alliance, was anxious to strike terror into the Athenians and hold 
without a rival the leadership of Greece. He therefore suddenly 
took possession of Elatea, and there gathering his forces resolved to 
attack the Athenians. As they were unprepared, by reason of the 
treaty of peace, he expected that he should easily conquer them: 
and such was the event.” . 

Justin, after relating Philip’s expedition into Scythia, his victory 
over Atheas the Scythian prince, and the bloody battle fought on 
his return with the Triballi, in which he was severely wounded, (the 
date of which event seems to be in the spring or early summer of 
339 B.c.) continues thus :? 

“Ubi vero ex vulnere primum convaluit, diu dissimulatum bellum 
Atheniensibus infert.” | 

The treaty of peace referred to in the passage of Diodorus is that 
which he relates to have been concluded in the year B.c. 340, when 
Philip raised the siege of Byzantium.* This, as I have before men- 
tioned,* has given rise to controversy among modern historians. 
The testimony of Diodorus, confirmed apparently by certain records 
cited in the oration on the Crown, has induced some writers to ac- 
cept the peace as an historical fact. Others, who deem it irrecon- 
cilable with the language of Demosthenes, which represents the war 
of 340 B.c. as continuing long-after the date of the supposed peace,°® 
and who also consider the records in the oration on the Crown to be 
spurious, and the authority of Diodorus not sufficient of itself to 
prove a doubtful point—and swayed also by some other arguments— 


‘ Diodorus, xvi. 84. Wesseling justly observes in his note, that the 
seizure of Elatea took place in the year 339 3.c. Diodorus has con- 
fused the dates, as well as the other circumstances of this war. 

2 Justin, ix. 3. - 

5. Diodorus, xvi. 17: Διόπερ Φίλιππος καταπλαγεὶς τῇ συνδρομῇ τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων, τὴν πολιορκίαν τῶν. πόλεων ἔλυσε, καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ τοὺς 
ἄλλους “Ἕλληνας τοὺς ἐναντιουμένους συνέθετο τὴν εἰρήνην. 

* Ante, p. 17, note 1. 

* Demosthenes, De Coron. 275, 276: Οὐκ ἦν τοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολέμου 
πέρας οὐδ᾽ ἀπαλλαγὴ Φιλίππῳ, εἰ μὴ OnBaiove καὶ Θετταλοὺς ἐχθροὺς 
ποιήσειε τῇ πόλει" ὧδ. Compare p. 262, where he speaks of the suc- 
cessful results which attended his regulation of the trierarchy during 
the whole of the war (πάντα τὸν πόλεμον). Also, p. 804. 


5 
CHARONEA. ᾿ 377 


reject the peace altogether.! Grote takes a middle view of the 
question, supposing that Philip concluded peace with the Byzantines, 
Perinthians, and some other of the Greeks who had assisted them, 
but not with the Athenians and their more intimate allies.2 This 
may seem to reconcile Diodorus with Demosthenes: yet it is hardly 
probable in itself, that the allies would consent to make such a dis- 
tinction. Perhaps the simplest account of the matter is, that a mere 
armistice was concluded between the parties, leaving a more formal 
treaty of peace to be afterwards decided on; and that a naval war, 
chiefly of a privateering character, was irregularly carried on between 
Athens and Macedonia in spite of the armistice.? 

The words of Justin (diu dissimulatum bellum Atheniensibus infert) 
throw no light on this question of the peace. They have reference 
to the long forbearance of Philip to attack the Athenians in their 
own country, which at length he determined to do. 

It is further to be remarked, that neither Diodorus nor Justin 
makes the slightest mention of those extraordinary proceedings at 
Delphi in the year B.o. 339, which kindled a new Sacred War, and . 
were, according to both of the Athenian orators, Demosthenes and 
Zischines, the immediate cause of Philip’s march into Phocis and all 
the calamities that followed. 

Demosthenes informs us (I give the sum of what he says) :+— 

That Philip was suffermg greatly by the maritime blockade which 
the Athenians kept up around his coast, and by the depredations of 
their privateers: it therefore became desirable to carry the war into 
Attica; which could not well be done, unless the Thessalians were 
on his side, and the Thebans gave him a passage through their 
country. Neither of these people would have liked to assist him in 
a private quarrel; but if a new Sacred War could be stirred up, he 
might be chosen to conduct it as before, and so gather round his 
standard many of the Amphictyonic tribes. To accomplish this he 
engaged the services of Aischines; who, as the first step in the busi- 
ness, got himself appointed Amphictyonic deputy, no one at Athens 
in the least suspecting what his design was; then proceeding to the 
spring meeting at Delphi, and taking his place in the assembly, pre- 


' See Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 59. The objections are there 
very clearly stated. Is it possible that Diodorns confounds this with 
the peace of 346 8, σ.ιἵ It is remarkable that he gives no account of 
the latter. : 

3 Grote, History of Greece, xi. 688. 

" Chiefly perhaps to the advantage of the Athenians, as Demosthenes 
asserts; yet that Philip resorted to privateering, in order to recruit his 
finances, is related by Justin, ix. 1: “Igitur Philippus, longd obsidionis 
mora exhaustus, pecunize commercium de piraticad mutuantur. Captis 
itaque centum septuaginta navibus mercibusque distractis, anhelantem 
inopiam paululum recreavit.” 

* Demosthenes, De Coron. 275—278. 


3 ‘ 
378 APPENDIX IX. 


ferred a charge of impiety against the Locrians of Amphissa, for 
cultivating a portion of the Cirrhean ground. He made such an 
inflammatory speech, appealing to the religious feelings of the depu- 
ties, that they were persuaded to go in person and take a view of the 
sacred ground. ‘The Locrians speedily came and drove them off, not 
abstaining from acts of violence. The council, resenting such an 
insult offered to its members, declared war against the Locrians, 
choosing Cottyphus for their general; but as it was found impossible 
by the voluntary exertions of the Amphictyonic states to get an 
army strong enough to enforce their authority, it was contrived by 
Philip’s agents and partisans at the ensuing Pylean congress, that 
he should be elected general. Philip then, collecting an army, and 
marching to Thermopyle with the professed intention of chastising 
the Amphissians, suddenly took possession of Elatea. . 

If the statement of Demosthenes rested on his sole credit, one 
might be inclined to suspect that he had greatly magnified the im- 
portance of these transactions, or misrepresented the real truth. 
When, however, we find his statement confirmed in all its main fea- 
tures by Auschines, we can do-no otherwise than accept it as his- 
torical evidence; and it proves to us, how little such writers as 
Diodorus and Justin are to be depended on for a correct outline of 
the events which they profess to relate. 

AMschines describes the scene at Delphi and the subsequent pro- 
ceedings, in which he himself took an active part, with much greater 
prolixity of detail than Demosthenes. He gives a somewhat dif 
ferent color to the affair; yet, so far from denying that his own 
charge against the Locrians brought on a new Sacred War, he boasts 
of it; and contends that Athens might and ought to have put her- 
self at the head of the movement, and that it was owing to the 


treacherous counsel of Demosthenes, that Philip was chosen to be 


Amphictyonic general. The bold manner in which Aischines 


launches into the history of this affair, denouncing his rival as the — 
prime author of the whole mischief, gives the idea, as it was in-* 


tended to do, that he himself brought the matter forward as an 


accuser only, and not because he felt the necessity of defending : 


own conduct. There is, however, no doubt, that his object was 


more to exculpate himself than to attack Demosthenes; and this, — 


with all his craft, he can not help betraying. We have to bear in 
mind, that Auschines was not for the first time in the oration on the 


δ κι 


Crown charged by his opponent with having kindled the last Sacred 


War. That charge had been urged against him frequently before, — 


both in public and in private; and Aischines knew perfectly wel 


' Plutarch, writing biography, not history, does not profess always : 


to follow the course of events. He makes a passing allusion only to 
the Amphissian war. (Vit. Demosth. 18.) 


CHARONEA. 379 


what Demosthenes would have to say upon the subject in his reply.’ 
For this very reason he prefers a counter-accusation, by which he 
hoped to beget a prejudice in his own favor; but which, as we shall 
see presently, is based upon little but the assertion of the accuser. 
. The account which Atschines gives of the whole proceeding is to 
the following effect :?— 
_ That the Locrians of Amphissa were cultivating and turning to 
profane purposes the holy ground of Cirrha, notwithstanding the 
solemn oath sworn in the first Sacred War, which forbade it ever 
again to be appropriated to the use of man; that they had repaired 
the harbor of that ancient town, and built houses round it, and were 
taking tolls or duties of the visitors who landed there; that they 
had bribed some of the Amphictyonic deputies, among others 
_ Demosthenes, to say nothing about it; that Demosthenes had been 
paid a thousand drachms in the first instance, when he was sent 
as deputy from Athens, and they had engaged for the future to pay 
him twenty minas a year, if he would constantly support them at 
Athens. 
- That in the year 339 3.c. Midias, Thrasycles, and himself were 
elected to serve the office of Pylagore, and sent to Delphi, together 
with Diognetus the Hieromnemon. That soon after their arrival 
Diognetus and Midias were seized with a fever; the Amphictyons 
had already assembled, when a message was brought to Aischines, 
informing him that the Amphissians, to please their friends the 
Thebans, were about to move a resolution against the people of 
Athens ; which was, to fine them fifty talents for having hung up 
in a new chapel, before it was finished, some golden shields with the 
following inscription :* “ΒΥ the Athenians, out of spoil taken from 


* That Aischines was all along anticipating an attack upon himself, 
that he well understood the course of argument which Demosthenes 
would pursue, and that he greatly feared the prejudice of the people in 
his opponent’s favor, will appear from a careful, perusal of the oration 
against Ctesiphon: see pp. 61, 62, where occurs the artful illustration 
which Demosthenes exposes, De Coron. 303: p. 71, where he anticipates 
the charge of having caused Philip’s invasion: pp. 74, 77, where, from 
the words ἃ πῶς ποθ᾽ ὑμεῖς © σιδήρεοι ἐκαρτερεῖτε ἀκροώμενοι, One Would 
imagine he perceived signs of disapprobation among the jury: p. 81, 
he forestalls the argument of Demosthenes, De Coron. 330, 331; (pp. 
84, 85,) he betrays his dread of what Demosthenes will say about: his 
political life: οὕτω δὲ ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐνέφραξας τὰς κατὰ σαυτοῦ τιμωρίας, 
«ὥστε τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι μὴ σοὶ τῷ ἀδικήσαντι ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐπεξιοῦσι, πολὺν 
μὰ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον καὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐν ταῖς διαβολαῖς φερῶν.. 

4éschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 69—72. 

* According to the words of Aischines (p. 10), the charges were two; 
one relating to the time or mode of presenting the shields, the other to 
the inscription. It would seem, that a new fane or chapel was in the 
course of erection at Delphi, and the Athenians had exhibited their of- 


480 APPENDIX ΙΧ. 


the Persians and Thebans when they fought against the Greeks.” 
That Diognetus sent for him, and begged that he would-go to the 
council, and defend his country before the Amphictyons. He did so; 
but scarcely had he begun to speak, when one of the Amphissians 
rudely interrupted him, crying out, “Men of Greece, if you were 
wise, you would not allow the name of the Athenians to be men- 
tioned on these days, but would drive them from the temple as a 
people under a curse.” At the same time he brought up the Phocian 
alliance and other matters of accusation against Athens; all which 
so enraged Aischines, that in the heat of the moment he retorted 
the charge of impiety against the Locrians, and reproached them 
with the use which they had made of the consecrated plain. The 
plain itself and the port of Cirrha were visible from the spot where 
they were assembled. Aschines pointed them out to the deputies. 
“ Amphictyons!” he cried: “you behold yonder plain cultivated by 


the Amphissians, with the pottery works and farm-houses which — 


they have built upon it. You see with your own eyes the fortifi- 
cations of the devoted harbor. You know yourselves, and need no 
witnesses to tell you, that these men have taken tolls and are mak- 
‘ing profits from the sacred harbor.” He then bade them read the 
oracle, the oath of their ancestors, and the solemn imprecation, (all 


which were before their eyes, inscribed on ἃ tablet;) and having . 


first declared his determination, on behalf of the people of Athens, 
himself, his children, and his family, to stand by the god and the 


sacred land, as that ancient oath required, he solemnly adjured the — 


Amphictyons to do the same, and to free themselves from the curse 
that must otherwise hang over them as the abettors or tolerators of 
sacrilege. he 
The speech of Aischines—so he goes on to state—caused a great 
tumult and uproar in the council, All question of the shields was 
forgotten, and nothing thought of but the punishment of the Locri- 
ans. ΑΒ the day was far advanced, a proclamation was made by the 


herald, commanding that all the Delphians of military age, both free- 


men and slaves, should assemble the next morning with spades and 
pickaxes at the place of sacrifice, and that the Hieromnemons and 
other deputies should be at the same place to assist in the cause of 
Apollo and the sacred land: and further announcing that, whatever 


ferings before it was completely finished, or before some ceremony of 
consecration had been peformed. The inscription was necessarily offens- 


Aww 


ive to the Thebans; and, although the Athenians had probably prey — 


sented these shields in lieu of others similarly inscribed, which 
Phocian generals had destroyed, it gave a handle for censure, that 


should at this time have taken a step which would hurt the feelings of ; 


their neighbors. See Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 54. Grote, xi — 


650; who gives a somewhat different explanation. . 


CHARONEA. | 381 


people failed to attend, would be excluded from the temple, and re- 
garded as execrable and accursed. 

At the time appointed, he says, the full multitude came together 
_and went down to Cirrha, where they quickly demolished the har- 
bor and set fire to the houses which had been erected: but a large 
body of Amphissians coming with arms to attack them, they took 
to their heels, and with difficulty escaped to Delphi. The next day 
Cottyphus, a Pharsalian citizen, who officiated as president of the 
congress, called a general assembly of Amphictyons, composed not 
only of the representative synod, but of all who came to take a 
part in the sacrifice or consult the oracle. Here, after much abuse 
vof the Locrians and praise of Athens, a resolution was passed, that 
the deputies should assemble at Thermopyle on a certain day before 
the next ordinary meeting, to pass sentence on the Locrians for 
their acts of sacrilege and insult to the Amphictyons.” | 

When this resolution was first communicated to the Athenians, 
Aischines declares, they fully acquiesced in its propriety, and 
expressed their readiness to comply with it. Demosthenes raised 
some opposition, in pursuance of his engagement with the Locrians; 
but he (4éschines) completely set him down.! Upon which Demos- 
thenes had recourse to a maneuvre: he got a degree first secretly 
passed by the council, and then carried in the assembly after the 
regular business was all over, and when hardly any citizens were 
present ; which decree was to the effect :—‘“‘ That the deputies of 
Athens should go regularly to Thermopyle and to Delphi at the 
times appointed by their ancestors; and that they should take no. 
part whatever in the extraordinary meeting about to be held at 
Thermopylez.” The consequence was, that Athens took no part in 
the ensuing measures of the Amphictyons. The special meeting was 
attended by representatives from all the other states except Thebes. 
War was declared against the Amphissian Locrians, and Cottyphus 
was elected’general. The Amphictyonic army marched into Locris, 
but behaved with the utmost moderation, imposing a fine only on 
the people, to be paid on a given day, banishing the principal 
advisers of the sacrilege, and restoring the opponents who had been 
driven into exile. As the fine, however, was not paid, and the Am- 
phissians reversed the acts of Cottyphus after his troops had been 
withdrawn, the second expedition against them took place after a 
long interval, when Philip had returned from Scythia. ‘“ And so,” 
says /ischines, “when the gods had given the lead in this pious 


? This quite agrees with what Demosthenes says (De Coron. 275): 
Καὶ τότ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐμοῦ διαμαρτυρομένου καὶ βοῶντος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ““πό- 
λεμον εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν εἰσάγεις, Αἰσχίνη, πόλεμον ᾿Αμφικτυονικόν" of 
μὲν ἐκ παρακλήσεως σνγκαθήμενοι οὐκ εἴων με λέγειν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐθαύμαζον Kae 
κενὴν αἰτίαν διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἔχθραν ἐπάγειν pe ὑπελάμβανον αὐτῷ. 


382 APPENDIX IX. 


enterprise to Athens, she was deprived of it by the corrupt act of 
Demosthenes.” x 
Here Adschines breaks off, just at the time when we should have 


been glad to hear the rest of his narrative. Instead of giving any — 


explanation about Philip's appointment and the circumstances 
attending it, he quits these matters of fact, and runs into a rhapsody 
of declamation, by which, as he had played upon the weak under- 
standings of the Amphictyonic council, he might hope to excite the 
feelings of the Athenian people: but he had not the same success. ἢ 
The accounts of Demosthenes and Aischines, agreeing in their 
main outlines, and especially in the important result of Philip’s elec- 
tion to conduct the new Sacred War, differ in the following particu- 
lars: 1. As to the Locrians having preferred a charge of impiety 
against the Athenians: 2. As to the motives which each of the two 


orators imputes to his rival: 3. As to some of the details of the 


first Amphictyonic campaign. , . 

That the Locrian people should have brought a formal accusation 
against the Athenians, such as that. mentioned by Aischines, is 
improbable, not merely for the reason assigned by Demosthenes, 
that no record is produced of a citation to answer the charge; but 
also because the alleged offense is not one which the Locrian people 
were likely to have cared about; and further, if (as Alschines says) 
they were conscious of being themselves trespassers upon the sacred 
land, this would naturally have deterred them from raising such 
questions against others. If it be said, that they were instigated by — 


the Thebans, we may answer first, that there is no evidence of this; — 


secondly, it is disproved by the conduct of the Thebans themselves, 
who showed pretty clearly by their keeping aloof from the special 
meeting at Thermopyle, that they had had quite enough of Sacred 
Wars and Amphictyonic quarrels. It is very possible, however, 
that some individual Amphissian, either at Philip’s instigation or 
from other motives, got up in the council to complain ®f what the 
Athenians had done; and this led to an angry debate, in which 


Adschines retorted the charge of impiety upon the countrymen of — 


his opponent. 


And what time the Amphissians began to take possession of the 


port and plain of Cirrha, Aischines does not inform us: and modern 
historians do not agree upon the subject. Grote says,? it appears 
both from Demosthenes and Aischines, that it was an ancient and 
established occupation. The passages which he cites however do 
not bear him out;* on the contrary, the whole narrative of Aischines 


? The whole of the passage beginning at page 72, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ προύλεγον, be 


and ending at page 18, ἐκ τῆς τούτου πολιτείας, is wretched affectation — 
and bombast. 7. 
3. History of Greece, xi. 648. | ᾿ aol 
* Demosthenes, De Coron, 277. Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 69: Οἱ 







͵ CHARONEA. 383 


tends to prove, that it was a recent intrusion of which the Amphissians 
were accused. Had it been otherwise, it would not have been easy 
to excite a tumult against them at Delphi: nor would there nave been 
any color for the charge which /Mschines brings against Demosthenes, 
of having received bribes from the Amphissian people. Though we 
may have no hesitation in rejecting the truth of that charge, it is 
difficult to suppose. that it could have been advanced, unless the 
Amphissians had some assignable motive for offering a bribe. If 
what they were doing at Cirrha had been acquiesced in for so long a 
period, they could have had little to fear, and had no occasion to 
purchase the silence of the Amphictyonic deputies, If this usurpa- 
tion had been recent, one can understand their motives in so doing. 
But further, it is distinctly asserted by Aischines, that the Amphictyons, 
when they invaded Locris, banished the principal authors of the sacri- 
lege, and restored those who had been driven into exile for their 
piety, that is, for their opposition to the sacrilege: a statement which 
implies, as Tr conceive, that the alleged sacrilege had been recently 
committed and was the subject of contest among the Locrians them- 
selves.1 

That after the first Sacred War it became necessary to renovate 
_in some degree the port and town of Cirrha, for the accommodation 
of visitors coming by sea to Delphi, we may with Grote very fairly 
assume: but I see no reason for supposing that the Amphissian 
Locrians took this duty upon them. It is more likely that the 
_ Delphians provided the convenience of a harbor for their guests, 
_ regarding i it both as a duty and a privilege of their own. When the 
second Sacred War broke out, Cirrha fell into the hands of the 
_ Phocians; and we have no historical account of what they-did with it. ~ 
When however the Amphissian Locrians submitted to Onomarchus, 
it is very possible that he permitted them to occupy that ancient 
seaport under an arrangement beneficial to both parties. The 
Locrians may then have enlarged and improved the harbor, built 
new houses in the town, and plowed up and farmed a considerable 
portion of the surrounding plain. We hear of no more war between 
them and the Phocians after the peace made with Onomarchus; nor 
could he have taken a better way to disarm their hostility than by 
making to them such a concession. At the end of that war the 
Locrians must have felt that their title to this newly acquired district 


Λοκροὶ οἱ ᾿Αμφισσεῖς, μᾶλλον δὲ οἱ πρσεστηκότες αὐτῶν ἄνδρες παρανομώ- 
τατοι, ἐπειργαζόντο τὸ πεδίον, καὶ τὸν λιμένα τὸν ἐξάγιστον καὶ ἐπάρατον 
πάλιν ἐτείχισαν καὶ συνῷχισαν, καὶ τέἕλη τοὺς καταπλέοντας ἐξέλεγον, καὶ 
τῶν ἀφικνουμένων εἰς Δελφοὺς πυλαγόρων ἐνίους χρήμασι διέφθειραν. The 
connection of the last clause with the preceding clauses proves that 
Aaschines is speaking of recent acts. 

‘ Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 72; Kai τοὺς μὲν ἐναγεῖς καὶ τῶν πεπραγ- 
μένων αἰτίους μετεστήσαντο, τοὺς δὲ δί εὐσέβειαν φυγόντας κατήγαγον. 


384 APPENDIX IX. 


was questionable and precarious. Although the Delphians in the 
first rejoicing after victory might not wish to disturb them in their 
possession, yet in the course of a short time they may have begun to” 
think more seriously of it, especially if the improvements of the 
town and neighborhood of Cirrha were of such ma itude as 
excite attention. As soon as the title of the Locrians becam 
subject. of discussion, they would naturally be alarmed, ‘aig 
endeavor by intrigue or otherwise to make interest for th selves | 
with the Amphictyonic deputies. This may have afforded a color 
for the charge of Aischines against Demosthenes. ' 
That there was any thing more however then a colorable pre- 
tense for such charge against Demosthenes, I altogether disbelieve. 
The only ground alleged by Aischines is, that he dissuaded his coun- 
trymen from taking any part in the hostile movement against the 
Locrians. But in this he only exhibited the zeal and foresight of 
a good statesman. His prediction was but too true, that Aischines 
was bringing an Amphictyonic war into Attica. The Athenians, 
though at first they disregarded the warning; considering it to mee 
been dictated by private enmity, shortly afterwards came over to 
views, and passed a resolution virtually condemning the acts of the 
| Amphictyons. /Xschines, to persuade his hearers that this ιοπολαϊοαῖ 
was not the genuine opinion of the Athenians, resorts to the stale 
device of asserting that it was irregularly and clandestinely obtained. 
But it is far more likely, that the people of Athens upon further in- 
quiry and reflection became convinced, that the violent measures of — 
the Amphictyons were uncalled for and unseasonable, that the affair — 
of Cirrha did not concern them, and the most prudent plan was 
_ to keep themselves quiet, as Demosthenes advised. ἢ « 
Of Aischines the least we can say is, that he acted with great ine 
discretion, and showed himself not a very fit person to manage any — 
important business of state. Whether he was stimulated by the 
base motives which have been imputed to him, is a problem which 
no mortal can solve. Difficulties present themselves, whatever 
view we may be inclined to take. It can hardly be supposed that — 
the course which things took was planned by Aischines; for no one ~ 
could have foreseen that such results would flow from such causes, Σ 
or that by the contingency which happened Philip would get the 
advantages which he did. Upon the Athenians declining to act 
against the Locrians, Philip had no casus belli against them as er 
phictyonic leader, while he involved himself in a war with the & 
Locrians, his former allies, at the risk also of displeasing the Thebans, 
The only compensation for this was, that he took the Athenians bya 
SHADTING. It may however be thought, that the event which actually 

















1 Mitford, who is always adverse to Demosthenes, thinks that bis 
silence on the subject of this charge proves his oes (History “7 
Greece, iv, chap. xl 8, °) 


CHARONEA. 885 


happened was not the most favorable one for Philip, who rather 
hoped that he should embroil the Athenians with the Locrians, and 
step in himself as the protector of the latter, drawifig to his side the 
Thebans and other allies. Yet one would imagine it would better 
have suited Philip’s purpose to get up a religious cry against the 
Athenians, so as to bring them into odium and disgrace with the 
Amphictyons, and excite perhaps a Sacred War against them, of 
which he might have the conduct. It is thus possible that the 
Locrian who declaimed so fiercely against Athens at Delphi was 
acting under his instigation, and that the reply of A‘schines, made 
‘on the spur of the moment, accidentally turned the wrath of the 
assembly into another channel. It is by no means impossible, 
however, that the Locrian and Alschines were both Macedonian 
hirelings; yet that they had no definite object further than to 
create discord and confusion among the Amphictyons, which Philip 
- might turn to his advantage according to circumstances. It is in 
this vague way that Demosthenes shapes his accusation.! : 
From a comparison of the two orators it appears, that the extra- 
ordinary meeting of Amphictyons was held at Thermopyle at the 
time appointed, and attended by deputies from most of the states 
except Athens and Thebes. Cottyphus, being elected general, 
summoned the Amphictyonic tribes to take arms; their contingents 
however came in slowly, and not in sufficient numbers for*the 
required purpose.. Putting himself at the head of such force as he 
could muster, Cottyphus made a show of opening the campaign; 
but, not being strong enough to reduce the Locrians to submission, 
he contented himself with imposing terms upon them, in particular 
a pecuniary fine to be paid on an early day. These terms were 
not complied with; it was never desired by Philip’s friends that 
they should be: accordingly at the ensuing autumnal? congress of 
Amphictyons it was proposed, as had been concerted by the Mace- 


* Demosthenes does not pretend to say, that Philip marked out any 
particular course for Aschines or his other agents to pursue. Any war 
or confusion among the Amphictyons would be a gain to him; for he 
was sure then to be wanted: ᾿Επιχειρεὶ θεάσασθ᾽ ὥς εὖ, πόλεμον ποιῆσαι 
τοῖς ᾿Αμφικτύοσι καὶ περὶ τὴν Πυλαΐαν rapayny’ εἰς γὰρ ταῦτ᾽ εὐθὺς αὐτοὺς 
ὑπελάμβανεν αὑτοῦ δεήσεσθαι. De Coron. 216. ᾿ 

3 Grote has taken the correct view of the chronology of these events. 
(See the learned notes to his History of Greece, xi. pp. 657, 664.) The 
extraordinary congress of Amphictyons was held at some time between 
the spring and autumn, but at what particular time does not appear. 
Philip was appointed general at the autumnal meeting, εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν 
πυλαΐαν, (Demosth. De Coron. 277.) The ἐαρινῆς πυλαίας in the second 
Amphictyonie decree (ibid. 278) is clearly a mistake, except upon the 
improbable supposition that there were two decrees for the election of 
Philip, one in the spring of 339 Β.0., and one in the autumn. The rec- 
ords cited in the oration of Demosthenes are certainly not to be relied 

Vor. IT.—R 


386 APPENDIX IX. 








na 


aT 


donian party, that Philip should be invited to subdue and punis 
the refractory people, who had dared to defy the general council o: 
Greece. It doesnot appear by what deputies this motio 1 was su] 
ported, or whether or by whom it was opposed: as however 
tribes north of Thermopylee formed a majority in the council, it was. 
certain to be carried in the affirmative. Philip was invited; and 
eagerly embracing the opportunity, for which doubtless he was well — 
prepared, he set out with his army for the south, proclaiming that. 
he had taken arms in the cause of religion as the Greeks had 
requested him. He was speedily joined by the Thessalians and cir- 
cumjacent tribes, and passing Thermopylee with a force which neither 
the Locrians nor any single Grecian state could have resisted, he 
entered the north-eastern part of the Phocian territory. Had his 
sole purpose now been to prosecute the war which he had profess- 
edly come to conduct against the Amphissian Locrians, he would 
have pursued his march through Phocis towards their frontier. In- 
stead of doing so, he halted suddenly at Hlatea, and began to repair 
its ruined fortifications. By this step (as Elatea was on the confine 
of Boeotia, and commanded the entrance to that country) it became 
manifest, that his designs were against the Athenians, or the The- — 
bans, or both. 

How the Athenians viewed it, is plain enough from the cele- 
brated description of Demosthenes. Whether Philip was openly at 
war with them or not, mattered but little. Had there been ten 
thousand treaties of peace between them registered on stone, the 
result would have been the same. Philip’s approach was not the 
less dangerous, because he had made no proclamation of hostility. 
He had recent failures to avenge, losses at sea, and insults to his 
coast. Yet these were nothing compared with the intense desire 
which he felt to strike a mortal blow at the power of Athens. It 
was indeed a necessity, unless he meant to forego his ambitious 
schemes. The moment the Athenians received intelligence that he 
had occupied EHlatea, the whole truth flashed upon them at once. 
Here at length was that terrible king of Macedon, whom Demos- 
thenes had been so many years alarming them about. He was — 
now ready to fall upon Attica, as he had fallen upon Olynthus; and 
where were they to look for defense? The whole city was para- 
lyzed, until Demosthenes came forward to rouse the people from 
their stupor, and point out to them what means of defense and what 
hope remained. The Athenians were passive in his hands. 

1 shall not seek to describe in language of my own those scenes 
of excitement and terror, which are so vividly brought before our — 
eyes by Demosthenes himself. The circumstances under which he 
rose to address his countrymen, his own counsel, and all the pro- 








on for their dates, if they are for any thing else. I see no evidence for 
supposing that Alschines advocated the appointment of Philip, 


᾿ CHARONEA. 387 

-céedings of the popular assembly, are fully set forth in his most in- 
teresting narrative, to which I refer the reader.! Suffice it here to 
say, that under his advice, which was unanimously agreed to, a de- 
cree was drawn up,” offering alliance on the most honorable 
terms to the Thebans: an embassy was dispatched instantly to 
Thebes, with Demosthenes at its head; and the Athenians with a 
full muster of their military strength marched to Hleusis, in order to 
encourage their friends in Thebes, and to second the efforts of the 
embassadors. 

The advance of Philip into their neighborhood was a thing by no 
means welcome to the Thebans. They had signified their disap- 
proval of the late Amphictyonic movement by absenting themselves 
from the special congress. The appointment of Philip to conduct 
the war must have increased their uneasiness; and still more, his 
fortification of Hlatea.* For some time past the Thebans had re-. 
garded Philip with no friendly eye. They were oppressed by the 
weight of their obligation to him, and felt a jealousy and a dread of 
his growing power, which they dared not exhibit or express. His 
garrison at Nicaea, which he had nominally given to the Thessalians, 
both gave them -offense and kept them in awe.* He had taken 
possession of Hchinus, a town on the Malian gulf, which formerly 
belonged to them.* He had transferred to himself the Peloponne- 
sian confederacy, of which they had once been at the head. The 
relation in which they stood to him was altogether painful and hu- 
miliating.1 Yet whatever their grievances might be, there seemed 
no help for them: they were isolated from all alliances except those 
which were devoted to Philip. Athens was the only independent 


' See ante, pp. 68—74. Orig. pp. 284—291. Diodorus, xvi. 84, has 
this description before his eyes. 

3 The decree cited in the oration (De Coron. 288—291) is clearly er- 
roneous as to the archon and the month; perhaps also in the number 
of embassadors; for there are only five, and Demosthenes had proposed 
ten. See Grote, History of Greece, xi. 673, note 2. As to the merits 
of the decree itself there is a difference of opinion among critics. Schae- 
fer and others think it verbose and inflated. ἕῳ ante, p. 72, note 3.) 
Lord Brougham and the Edinburgh Reviewer (cited by me, ante, p. 76, 
note 1,) think it a fine piece of composition. Grote considers it improb- 
able that intermarriage should be offered by the Athenians to the The- 
bans in that state of the negotiation. But it was a great point with 
Demosthenes to make the most liberal and friendly proposals. 

3 How this would be regarded at Thebes, appears from Demosthenes, 
Philipp. ii. 69. 

+ ᾿τϑυμβ ΦΑΝΡΕ Orat. ad. Epist. 1538. ὐβομίποβ, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. 

5 Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 120. | 

δ See ante, p. 371, n. 2. 

7 See the remarks of Demosthenes upon their position after the peace, 
De Pace, 62. : 


888 : APPENDIX ΙΧ, 


power to which they could have recourse; but, though there grad- 
ually rose up at Thebes a party favorable to the Athenian connec- 
tion, the prejudices against it were for a long time so strong asto . 
render it almost hopeless. Ancient animosities had been increased 
by the events of the Sacred War, and especially by the course — 
which things had taken at its close.1 The Thebans had reason to 
complain of Athens for her intrigues with Philip, the violent lan- 
guage of her orators, and her endeavors to dismember Beeotia; 
while they were conscious that the retention of Oropus was an act 
of injustice on their own part.2 Since the peace there had been 
little intercourse between the two cities. Border disputes had 
arisen, and troops were sent to guard the frontiers, though without 
leading to any actual conflict. The inscription on the Athenian 
offerings at Delphi, whatever may have been the motive which 
prompted it, was an act hurtful to national feelings, and likely to 
aggravate Theban ill will to Athens.* 

There had long been at Athens a party anxious for reconciliation 
with the Thebans; but it had not been popular. -Aischines re- 
proaches Demosthenes for belonging to it. Since the spring meet- 
ing of the Amphictyons this party had been gaining strength, 
chiefly through the exertions of Demosthenes, who foresaw danger 
to Athens from the disturbances which had taken place at Delphi.® 
Divers embassies were about this time sent to Thebes, conducted 
by statesmen supposed to be most popular in that city. They were 
instructed (we may fairly presume) to offer an explanation of the 
affair of the shields—to sound the Thebans as to their views of the 
new religious question which had been agitated—to appeaseany 
hostile feeling which might have sprung up against themselves— 
and .lastly, when the Amphictyons had passed the fatal decree 
which invited Philip into Greece, to bring about, if possible, a de- 
fensive alliance between Thebes and Athens. Meanwhile, however, 
all these attempts were counterworked by an opposite party. 
Philip kept his spies and agents in both cities, who informed him 


1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 237. 

? See ante, pp. 260, 307, 808, 312. 

* Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 446; ¢. Con. 1257. . 

* At the time when the Athenians presented these shields, they were 
flushed with their successes in Eubcea and the Propontis ; and it is 
sible they may have given way to a foolish feeling of pride. Auschines, 
an anti-Theban, calls the inscription τὸ προσῆκον ἐπίγραμμα. (Contr. 
Ctesiph. 70.) é 

° Aschines, De Fals. Leg. 42: Καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς Botw- 
τιάζει. Compare pp. 46, 47, and Contr. Ctesiph. 73, where he says of 
Aristophon, πλεῖστον χρόνον τὴν τοῦ βοιωτιάζειν ὑπομείνας αἰτίαν, See 
ante, p. 281. na 

5 Demosthenes, De Coron. 275, 281. 


͵ 


CHARONEA. 889 


of all that was going on.! Whilst he lay in apparent inaction at 
Pella, recovering from his wound, he was laboring by every engine 
ae acy to defeat the Athenian negotiations, and prevent 
a conjunction which might put a check upon all his ambitious 
schemes. And so well did he manage things, with the help of his 
ministers and partisans; so artfully did he work on the jealousies, 
the hopes, and the fears of the Theban people, that they were 
induced to pass decrees in his favor, rejecting the overtures of 
the Athenians: and when Philip set out on his march, it seemed 
impossible that any union could take place between Thebes and 
Athens.? In one thing, however, he failed. The Thebans refused 
‘to send any aid to the Amphictyonic expedition. They desired 
neutrality and peace. f 

At length, Demosthenes and his colleagues arrived at Thebes. 
Philip’s embassadors were already there, together with those of his 
allies, Thessalians, A‘tnianians, AXtolians, Dolopians, Phthiots. The 
Macedonian party were full of confidence, the friends of Athens in 
despondence and alarm. Demosthenes, at first, seeing how things 
stood, sent discouraging letters to Athens; but he quickly collected 
his energies to meet the exigency of the case. It was plain, the 
confidence of his adversaries was owing not merely to the assurances 
which the Thebans had lately given of their adhesion to the Mace- 
donian alliance, but in a great measure, also, to the presence of 
Philip and his army. This, however, might operate in two ways. 
It intimidated the people; yet it also suggested thoughts favorable 
to a union with Athens. So long as Philip kept himself at a distance, 
the Thebans were content to be quiet, and not provoke his hostility 
by forming new connections. But if theywere not to have the 
benefits of peace; if their territory was to be traversed by Philip’s 
armies, or be made the theatre of war; and still more, if he designed 
to coerce them by keeping a strongly garrisoned fortress on their 
borders; his alliance was no longer the advantageous thing which it 
promised to be in the beginning. Such thoughts were sure to arise 
in the breasts of the Theban multitude, who had no corrupt interest 


* Dinarchus (Contr. Demosth. 99) speaks of the traitors in Thebes. | 
Compare Demosthenes, De Coron. 241, 286. 

* Aschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. Demosthenes, De Coron, 281—284. 
Supposing the documents cited here to be partially genuine, it is certain 
that we have not all the documents referred to by Demosthenes in the 
oration. There must have been some decrees or answers of the Thebans, 
to which he refers by the words: Τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς τοῖς ψηφίσμας καὶ ταῖς 
ἀποκρίσεσιν. 

5 Demosthenes, De Coron. 279: Ὥς οὐχ ὑπήκουον οἱ Θηβαῖοι. I pre- 
sume that Philip, soon after his nomination to be Amphictyonic general, | 
solicited the Thebans to join him. They declined ; and then he solicited 
the Peloponnesian states, 


200 APPENDIX IX. 
in Philip’s friendship: and of these Demosthenes prepared to take 
advantage. ! 

A popular assembly was held, to consider whether the proposal 
of Philip or that of the Athenians should be accepted. The embas- 
sadors on both sides were introduced to the people. The Macedo- 
nians, holding already the character of allies, were allowed to have 
the first word.?_ They extolled the merits of the king of Macedon, 
enlarged upon the services which he had done the Thebans, enumer- 
ated the various causes of antipathy and jealousy which ’ subsisted 
between Thebes and Athens, the many injuries which the Athenians 
had in a long series of years inflicted upon the Theban people. Now 
was the time, they said, for'the Thebans to show their gratitude to 
Philip, and take vengeance upon long-standing enemies. But if 
they were unwilling to join in the invasion of Attica, Philip would 
be satisfied with their neutrality: let them only allow a passage to 
his army, and he would himself chastise the Athenians. If Philip 
had asked this of them before he lent them his aid in the Sacred — 
War, they would have promised it easily: it would be unjust to re- 
fuse it because Philip had been generous and relied upon their 
honor.? By adhering to Philip’s friendship they had every thing to 
gain; their own country would be secure, and they would share in 
the plunder of Attica; whereas, if they joined the Athenians, Boeotia 
would be exposed to warfare and pillage.* 

Demosthenes rose to combat these arguments. Not a fragment ~ 
of his speech is preserved. In the oration on the Crown he dis- 
creetly abstained from repeating any portion of it to the jury; as 
however gratifying the recital might have been to his own feelings, 
it could at that time ha¥e answered: no useful purpose. The position 
of affairs suggests to us the topics upon which he must have princi- 
pally dwelt; and the substance of What he said may have been as 
follows:— 

Men of Thebes, if this were a question only of punishing Athens, 
or even of destroying her, I might never have ventured to address 
this assembly. But it is a question which deeply concerns you and 
your own safety. Thebes is in no less danger than Athens; and as 


1 The seizure of Elatea turned. the tide of Theban feeling in favor of 
Athens: Μετέγνωσαν εὐθὺς, ὡς τοῦτ᾽ εἶδον. Demosthenes, De Coron. 278. 

2 Amyntas and Clearchus were the chief Macedonian envoys, accord- 
ing to Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. 18. Python is mentioned by Diodo- 
rus, Xvi. 85. But queere, whether he does not confound this with another 
occasion. See ante, p . 81 3. 

* Aristotle, Rhein: li, 23. 6. Philochorus, apud Dionysium ad Amm. 
s. 11, pp. 739, 742: Ei πρὶν βοηθῆσαι εἰς Φωκεῖς ἠξίου, ὑπέσχοντο ἄν" 
ἅτοπον οὗν, εἰ, διότι προεῖτο καὶ ἐπίστευσε, μὴ διήσουσιν. Aristotle cites 
this to illustrate a point of rhetoric—that a man should do out of grati- 
tude for a past favor that which he would have promised to obtain μῦν 

* Demosthenes, De Coron. 298, 299. 


CHARONEA. 991 


the Athenians would consider your subjection to Philip as one of the 
greatest calamities to themselves, such they conceive should be your 
feelings with regard to Athens. For if (which heaven forbid!) we 
shor e disabled from lending assistance to you in the hour of need, 
what alliance, what protection will remain to you? All your Pelo- 
ponnesian confederates have gone over to Philip. He commands 
the pass of Thermopyle. He has surrounded you with his garrisons. 
The Thessalians, all the tribes of Pindus and Olympus, Oeta and 
Othrys, are devoted to him. Why do they come to invade Attica, 
and what mean they by this present embassy? We have no quarrel 
with the people of Thessaly, or with the Atolians or Giteans or any 
of them. They follow the king of Macedon against us, because they 
are his vassals; and they come here to dictate to you, what votes 
you shall give to-day. Dolopians and Perrhzebians would compel 
you, a free people, to render the same obedience to Philip which they 
are content to pay themselves. Their very presence here is an insult; 
and the whole conduct of Philip proves the light estimation in which 
he regards you. His envoys have reminded you of the obligations 
which you are under to him, and demand that they should be re- 
quited. The merit of an obligation depends on the motives of the 
party who confers it. Philip has shown, that the aid whicli he lent 
you was to further his own ambitious schemes and to make you 
subservient to them. There can be no gratitude, where there is no 
equality. He imagines that, having once assisted you, he is entitled 
to treat you as his inferiors. If he regarded you as allies on equal 
terms, he would have consulted you before his march; he would 
have asked leave for a passage through your territory before he ap- 
proached the frontier. He has come without your permission, in- 
tending to make Boeotia the marching-road for his army; and he is 
now fortifying a post on your confines, in order to intimidate you. 
His conduct agrees with the language of his ministers. They threaten 
Beeotia with pillage, if you dare to refuse compliance with his will. 
The occupation of Elatea is the strongest proof, what Philip’s opinion 
is both of himself and you. It proves that he distrusts you, that he 
regards you as doubtful friends; and for the best of all reasons, be- 
cause he is conscious that he deserves not your friendship. It is but 
a short step from a suspicious ally to a declared enemy. At this 
very moment you are esteemed in no other light than as enemies, to 
be crushed on the first favorable opportunity. It is enough that you 
have deliberated about alliance with Athens; this alone he will never 
‘ forgive: he expects from every people an unconditional and unhes- 
itating obedience. Bethink you, how he treated the unhappy Olyn- 
thians. They assisted him against Athens; they helped him to 
deprive us of our Thracian dominions: yet, notwithstanding this, he 
attacked them without any provocation, and razed their city to the 
ground. Philip’s enmity is the more to be dreaded, when it is not 
open and avowed. Every Grecian city is infested by his spies and 






392 . APPENDIX IX. 


agents. Among you, as among us, there are miscreants who would 
sell their country to Philip, that they may rule in it by his influence. 
These are the men who have hitherto contrived by their artifices to 
keep you and the Athenians asunder. They know that com of a 
free republic are the natural allies of the Theban people, whereas 
Philip will help his own hirelings to oppress their fellow-countrymen. 
Philip has the same motive for overthrowing your commonwealth 
that he has for destroying ours; for we both set an example of free- 
dom to the other Greek states, which is an obstacle in his way to 
empire. But he declares no war against Thebes. He would be 
foolish to do so, if he can gain his objects without it. There will be 
no necessity for war, if, as he seems to expect, you submit to his 
commands without a murmur. If you are inclined, like us, to dispute 
Macedonian supremacy, then he considers it better to deal first with 
us, and with you on a more convenient occasion. It is thus that 
he proceeds step by step to reduce every Greek city to subjection. 
Can you be blind to his projects? Or are you afraid to resist them? 
I know not whether he calculates on your credulity or your fears. 
He came hither under a religious pretense, to chastise the Locrians 
for sacrilege: he never told the Amphictyons, whom he summoned 
to join ‘his standard, that he was about to lead them against Attica: 
not till he is in within two days’ march of our frontier, does he avow 
his real object. Who can safely trust a man, who thus ever dissem- 
bles his plans, till they are ripe for execution? Honor and good faith, 
which prevent other people from committing acts of wanton aggres- 
sion, are no manner of restraint to Philip. He pays an ill compliment 
to your state, by supposing that you will aid and abet him in his 
treachery. It is plain, he imagines you are no longer the soldiers of 
Leuctra: he ranks you already among his dependents. Let him see 
that he is mistaken in his estimate. Prove to the Greeks, that you 
have the courage to stand up for their independence and your own. 
No middle course is open to you. These envoys indeed say, that ~ 
Philip will be content with your giving him a passage through 
Beeotia. Mark the insidious nature of their argument, and the con- 
tempt which it shows of the Theban people’ If the Thebans (they ~ 
say) are unwilling to share with Philip the dangers of the field, he 
kindly permits them to stay at home. Why, if the war with Athens 
were just and beneficial to Thebes, and Philip had for the Theban 
people that respect which he ought to have, he would not be satisfied 
without their hearty co-operation. But he knows it is a war which 
by aggrandizing him must injure you; and therefore he tempts you 
to your ruin by offering you this base alternative. His orators are 
instructed to suggest this timorous counsel, in the hope that you will 
sacrifice your country to the desire of present ease. If Philip can 
succeed without your help, flatter not yourselves that, you can be 
neutral with impunity. No! You must either be with us for Greece, 
or with Philip against her. If corrupt statesmen have already ac- 


ΟΗΖΦΒΟΝΈΑ, 393 


quired such influence over your counsels, that they can persuade you 
to forget what.is due to yourselves, and to disregard the dignity of 
the commonwealth, hearken to the call of Philip, obey his summons 
to arms, follow him to the walls of Athens, and be content, like 
Dolophians and Perrhebians, to be the subjects of a prince whom 
Pelopidas brought as a hostage to Thebes. But if you would rather 
imitate those gallant men who raised your country to greatness and 
renown, then join with us in resisting an aggressor who comes to 
despoil us of all that is most dear and valuable. You have now the 
opportunity, which may never come again, of defending Hellenic 
liberty against barbarism, of blotting out other painful memories in 
the glory of one heroic struggle for your father-land. Arouse ye then, 
men of Thebes! Let the spirit of Epaminondas awaken in the 
bosom of every man sentiments worthy of his country. The Athe- 
* nians will fight by your side. They that helped you when the 
Spartan had seized your acropolis, will not desert you now. Are 
there any in this assembly who look on Philip as invincible? Have 
we not driven him in confusion from the walls of Perinthus and 
Byzantium? Have we not expelled his tyrants from Eretria and 
Oreus? And shall we not now chase him from your frontiers, from 
the strongholds which he has chosen for his sallying-places against 
the Greeks? What need of many words? Our troops are already 
at Eleusis: at your call they will march to Thebes, and enable you 
to bid defiance to this man who now so insolently threatens you. 
Nor do we stand alone in the conflict. Achaia, Corinth, Megara, 
other states are our allies, who will not permit the sacred soil of 
Greece to be trampled on bya barbarian. Butif you, men of Thebes, 
adopt that course which your true welfare requires, the war will 
speedily be brought to an issue. For when Philip sees that Athens 
and Thebes are firmly united, he will lower his arrogance, he will 
yield as he did at Byzantium, to a.combination too powerful for him 
to conquer. His hopes are founded on our discord. Let that cease; 
and he will retire in haste to Macedonia. That you, men of Thebes, 
understand your duties, and that all which I have said is in accord- 
ance with your own honest judgment,% know full well. There is 
but one thing which gives me any anxiety: the remembrance of 
those jealousies which have divided us, and which have brought so 
many evils upon Athens and upon you and the rest of the Greeks. 
They indeed would have long since died away, but for the traitors in 
both cities, who, bribed by the gold of Macedonia, have made it their 
business to foment and keep them alive. It is these persons that 
you should view with jealousy and suspicion; aye, that you should 
execrate and abhor: and when they appear to support by their voice 
or their presence the foreigner who has hired their services, let them 
see by unmistakable signs, that you know them, and that you will 
not suffer yourselves to be deceived and betrayed. The people of 
Athens have by this resolution, which has been read to you, deliber- 
R 2 


394 APPENDIX IX. 


ately recorded the feelings with which they regard the people of 
Thebes. It is their sincerest wish, that all former animosities be 
buried in amnesty and oblivion. They will remember only the mu- 
tual kindnesses which have passed between you; and that the The- 
bans are Greeks of the same nation as themselves, for whose dignity 
and prosperity they will consult as they would for theirown. They 
offer you alliance, friendship, brotherhood. I conjure and implore 
you, men of Thebes, to receive this solemn act of the Athenian people 
in the same spirit in which it was decreed. You have heard from. 
my lips the sentiments of my countrymen; and with a few more 
words I shall have discharged my duty. Beassured, O ye Thebans, 
that union with Athens brings you security and honor; connection 
with Macedonia is but another name for servitude. You are about 
to give your votes on a question of the deepest moment to yourselves 
and your posterity. May the gods so direct your counsels that you ~ 
may decide as becomes Greeks and freemen! 

These and other arguments, expanded into the glowing language 
and delivered with the energy of Demosthenes, carried the day. 
The Thebans voted alliance with Athens, and invited her troops into 
the city. A large body of their own civic force was encamped 
without the walls, while the Athenians were quartered’in their 
houses among their women and children, and received with the 
kindest hospitality, of which by their strict discipline and good be- 
havior they proved themselves fully worthy. It is touching to see 
these two people, late such deadly foes, now in the expiring day of 
Grecian freedom united as friends and brothers, preparing to issue 
forth to their last common battle-field, and to shed their blood to- 
gether in the same sacred cause.} κ᾿ 

Aaschines, in the impotence of his malice, will not allow to his 
adversary the least share of merit in the success of this negotiation ; 
urging that it was the force of circumstances, and not the eloquence 
of Demosthenes, which prevailed upon the Thebans to take the side 
of Athens. This wretched piece of sophistry, which it is not worth 
while to refute, has not found much favor either at Athens or else- 


where. Modern readers of ftistory lament only that a speech which _ 


achieved so signal a triumph should be lost. 


1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 299, 300. 

2 Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 18. He says also here, that the Thebans 
sent for the Athenians to join them, before Demosthenes proposed one 
word of a decree for an pibadbe Of course the treaty was not finally 
decreed until the return of Demgsthenes from Thebes. But A®schines 
insinuates something more. Demosthenes frequently boasted of his 
triumph at Thebes, and not without reason. See De Coron. 278, 288, 
308. His remarks in p. 298 are most just and forcible—that Alschines, 
while he allowed him no credit as an orator or an adviser, attributed to 
him all the failures in the war. Compare Dinarchus, Contr, Demosth. 


\ 


CHARONEA. Η 395 


At the time when all the Athenians were rejoicing in the con- 
summation of the Theban alliance, Aischines never muttered a word 
of complaint against it; but long afterwards he found cause of re- 
proach against his rival in the terms of the treaty, which he con- 
ténded were too favorable to Thebes. It was agreed, he says, that 
the Athenians should assist the Thebans in maintaining their soy- 
ereignty over Boeotia; that two thirds of the expenses of the war 
were to be defrayed by Athens; that the command at sea was to 
be shared between the two countries, though Athens was to pay 
the whole expense; and the supreme command by land was given 
virtually to Thebes: there could be no necessity for making such con- 
cessions, because the Thebans were in much greater peril than the 
Athenians, and were only too’ glad to obtain their succor. ΤῸ all 


this, however, Demosthenes himself furnishes a complete answer; 
‘that it was neither prudent nor possible, to stand bargaining about 


conditions, when Philip was ready to outbid them, and when there 
was not a moment to be lost. We may add, that a liberal and gen- 
erous policy was not only the best means for securing the immedi- 
ate object, but the wisest thing also for the future, that there might 
be an end to the jealousies which had so long kept Thebes and Ath- 
ens at variance. | 

The Thebans having thus decided in favor of alliance with Ath- 
ens, both sides prepared for war. Of the events of the war a very 
imperfect description is given us in the few ancient works that re- 
main. Of English historians, Grote is the only one who has taken 
a correct view of the campaign. Others, misled by the brevity of 
Diodorus, and also by the records cited in the oration on the Crown, 
have conceived that the whole war occupied but two months, from 
Scirophorion to Metagitnion (June to August), 338 B.c It has been 
already noticed, how inaccurate Diodorus is in the connection and 
general outline of history. Not only does he omit many important 
events, but he observes no proportion of length and brevity in his 
narrative, sometimes wearying us with prolixity of description, at 
other times cutting short matters about which we are curious to ob- 
tain her information. And as to the records in the published 


91. Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. 18, cites the words of Theopompus: 


“Τὸ μὲν οὖν συμφέρον ob διέφυγε τοὺς τῶν Θηβαίων λογισμοὺς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὄμ- 


μασιν ἕκαστος εἶχε τὰ τοῦ πολέμου δεινὰ, ἔτι τῶν Φωκικῶν τραυμάτων νεα- 
ρῶν παραμενόντων' ἡ δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος δύναμις, ὥς φησι Θεόπομπος, ἐκριπῖ- 
ζουσα τὸν θυμῶν αὐτῆν, καὶ διακαίουσα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐπεσκότησε τοῖς 
ἄλλοις ἅπασι" ὥστε φόβον καὶ λογισμὸν καὶ χάριν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς, ἐνθου- 
σιῶντας ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου πρὸς τὸ: καλόν. 

1 ΖΕ βομῖπθβ, Contr. Ctesiph. 18,74. Demosthenes, De Coron. 306, 807. 
A crown of gold was conferred by the people of Athens on Demosthe- 
nes: De Coron. 302. ‘ 

* Mitford, in his History of Greece, vol. iv. ch. xlii. s. 4, says with 
justice :—“ The narrative of Diodorus seems to imply that, before the 


896 ef APPENDIX IX, kis 
editions of the oration on the Crown, we have seen that the dates 
are incorrect; and if this be so, it is impossible to draw from them ~ 
any conclusions which are opposed to other and better evidence. 
From the comparison of various passages in Demosthenes, Ais- 
chines, Dinarchus, Pausanias, Plutarch, and Polyzenus, it appears 
beyond all question, that a protracted war was carried on in Phocis, 
Amphissian Locris, and Beoeotia; during which there was much 
maneuvering on both sides, and three or four battles were fought 
before that of Chzeronea with various success, one of them occurring 
in the winter season;! that Amphissa was taken by Philip; that 
embassies were sent to Peloponnesus and other parts of Greece 
both by Philip and his. adversaries, and the latter succeeded in ob- 
taining auxiliaries; that negotiations for peace were opened by 
Philip; and that the Athenians and their allies exerted themselves 
to reassemble the scattered population of Phocis, and to fortify 
some of their more important towns. All this argues not only ex- 
tended military operations, but diplomatic proceedings, councils of 
war, plans, preparations, and arrangements, requiring a much longer 
period of time than what Clinton and those who follow him allow 
to the campaign of the Cheronea. That Philip began his march 
from Macedonia soon after the autumnal congress of B.c. 339, at 
which he was appointed to be Amphictyonic general, and that the 
war lasted for ten or eleven months from that time to the August 
of the following year is the opinion of Grote, formed upon a juster 
view of the historical data which are left us.? 

Philip, disappointed of that success at Thebes which he had rea- 
son to expect, redoubled his efforts to procure assistance from the 
Peloponnesians. They had already been requested to send contin- 
gents in aid of the religious war against Amphissa; but none of 
them had complied with the summons. His letters were now more 


competition of oratory between Python and Demosthenes at Thebes, the 
army of the Athenian confederacy had taken that station near Cheronea 
which it occupied to the time of the decisive battle. But Diodoru: 
abridging greatly, and perhaps often writing from memory, no# unfre-. 
quently manages narratives so that it is difficult to guess whether he 
intends that the reader should take what precedes or what follows as 
prior in time; and he still: oftener omits, as here, to notice intervening — 
transactions necessary to connect parts of his story.” It is fair to state, — 
that Mitford has not fallen into the error of omitting the winter-and 
autumnal campaign: (ibid. ss. 4, 5.) τῇ 
1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 800: Τὰς πρώτας μάχας, τήν τ’ ἐπὶ τοῦ 
ποταμοῦ καὶ τὴν χειμερινήν. Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, 271), in order to 
make this square with his chronology, says: “The word χειμερινῆν is 
probably corrupt; perhaps capable of another interpretation.” It has 
accordingly been interpreted to mean “the battle of the storm.” Schae- 
fer, in the Apparatus Criticus, remarks that this should be χειμέριον. 
Grote, History of Greece, xi. p. 683. 





ΟΗΖΒΟΝΈΕΙ,. Ὡν 897 
pressing, yetwngt more successful than before. None of the Pelo- 
ponnesians could be deceived by the religious plea which Philip set 
up; for they speedily heard the truth from the envoys on the other 
side; and the members of the old Theban confederacy would natu- 
rally be reluctant to make war upon their former ally, with whom 
they had had no quarrel.!' _In the meantime Philip remained at Hla- 
tea, which he had chosen for the base of his operations; and we may 
presume that he employed himself in strengthening his position, 
while he awaited the arrival of reinforcements. . 

Nor was Demosthenes idle. After arranging the terms of alliance 
at Thebes, he returned to Athens, and immediately passed a decree 
to ratify the treaty. He dispatched embassies to the Peloponnesian 
and other cities, to solicit succor: he went in person to some of 
them, and obtained considerable success. Aid was promised by the 
Achveans, Corinthians, Megarians, Hubceans, Leucadians, and Cor- 
cyreans. Contributions in money were furnished by some states, 
and a large body of mercenaries was levied.2 An unwonted vigor 
was infused into the Athenian administration. The spirit of the 
people rose to meet the peril which hung over them. Under the 
advice of Demosthenes, they suspended some works that were 
going on for the improvement of the docks and arsenal; and they 
gave a still stronger proof of their warlike zeal, by repealing the 
law of Eubulus, and allowing the theoric fund to be used for the 
purposes of war. Thus was accomplished, under the pressure of 
stern necessity, a measure which Demosthenes had long in vain 
recommended. He was now (in all but military talents) the Peri- 
cles of the day: an energetic and powerful war-minister, counseling, 
directing, animating all.* 

Having completed all those measures of preparation which re- 
quired his presence at Athens or elsewhere, Demosthenes hastened. 
back to Thebes, to assist at the councils of war. Such was the zeal 
and ability which he had displayed, that even the Theban com- 
manders paid the highest deference to his judgment. Doubtless he 


' Demosthenes, De Coron. 279, 301, 302. The letters which Demos- 

thenes refers to in the last passage would appear, from the context, to 
have been written after the first successes of the allies against Philip. 
But it is impossible to rely upon such an argument. Philip’s letters 
- would never have disclosed that he had been defeated. The date was 
sufficiently vague for Demosthenes to refer them to the period which 
suited his purpose. That none of the Peloponnesians joined Philip, ap- 
pears from Pausanias. See ante, p. 874. 
- * Demosthenes, De Coron. 306. Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, allows 
that ten thousand mercenaries were raised. Compare Plutarch, Vit. 
Demesth. 17. Vit. Decem. Orat. p. 851. Justin, ix. 3° “ Legationibus 
Greeciam fatigant.” 

* Philochorus, apud Dionysium ad Amm. xi. p. 742. Demosthenes, 
De Coron. 301, 302. 


898 : APPENDIX. IX. 


was incompetent to give advice on the details of military tactics; 
yet in concerting the plan of a campaign, many questions might 
arise which required the help of a statesman and diplomatist. So 
entirely was Demosthenes identified with the cause, that he would 
_ spare himself no personal labor where he could be useful, and would 
leave nothing to be done by others which he thought he could do 
better himself. -Aischines, who charges him with mischievous inter- 
ference, admits that his influence was great both in the assembly 
and in the camp.? | 

One of the first measures determined on by the allies was, to re- 
establish the Phocian people, and to put their country in a state of 
security against Philip. It has been related how at the end of the 
Sacred War the Phocian cities were destroyed, their population dis- 
persed into villages, and large numbers of men driven into exile, 
The country was at this time in a perfectly defenseless condition, 
having neither a force of its own to resist invasion, nor shelter for 
a protecting army. The Thebans, who had been so instrumental in 
the depression of their neighbors, now repented. of the mischief 


which they had done, and exerted themselves to repairiit. This 


_ (says Grote)? evinced on their part the adoption of an improved and 

generous policy, worthy of the Panhellenic cause in which they had 
embarked. They marched with the Athenians into Phocis, restored 
the ruined cities wherever it was practicable, and brought back the 
scattered inhabitants: in some cases uniting together several com- 
munities, which would have been too weak to defend themselves 
singly. The work of restoration was complete and permanent. 
Ambrysus, a city in the south-western part of Phocis, commanding 
one of the passes into Boeotia, was fortified with a double wall of 
extraordinary strength, the building of which must have cost much 
time and labor,’ During all this time, it is clear, the Athenians 
and Thebans must have held the command of the Phocian territory. 
That Philip, however, did not leave them wholly undisturbed, we 
may infer from the mention of two engagements—one called the 
battle by the river, another the winter battle; in which, according 


* ZXschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74,75. Demosthenes justly says of him- 
self (De Coron. 288), "Edwx’ ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν ἁπλῶς εἰς τοὺς. περιεστηκότας 
τῇ πόλει κινδύνους. Plutarch, Vit. Demosth, 18, says: Ὑπηρετεῖν δὲ μὴ 
μόνον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῷ Δημοσθένει ποιοῦντας τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀλλὰ 
καὶ τοὺς Βοιωτάρχας" διοικεῖσθαι τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἁπάσας οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπ᾽ 
ἐκείνου τότε τὰς Θηβαίων ἢ τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀγαπωμένου παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις 
καὶ δυνατεύοντος, οὐκ ἀδίκως αὐδὲ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν, ὥσπερ ἀποφαίνεται Θεόπομ- 
πος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πανὺ προσηκόντως. 

2 History of Greece, xi. 682. Notwithstanding this, the Phocian sol- 
diers in Alexander’s army exhibited a most revengeful spirit against the 
Thebans. See Arrian, Anab.i. 8. Plutarch, Vit Alexand. 12. 

* Pausanias, x. chaps. 3, 88, 86; iv. 81. 


CHARONEA. 399° 


to Demosthenes, the allies had so much the advantage, as to afford 
occasion for p blic rejoicings and thanksgiving at Athens,! _ 
It-was, perhaps, in the spring of 8.c. 338 that Philip, either hay- 
ing serious misgivings about the issue of the contest, or, which is 
more probable, with the intention of misleading his adversaries or 
distracting their counsels, sent proposals of peace to Thebes. The 
Beeotarchs were inclined to consider them favorably, but were 
opposed by Demosthenes, whose counsel prevailed with the The- 
bans, and caused them to reject Philip's overtures. So far we may 
safely credit the statement of Auschines, who, however, goes on to 
charge his rival with the most unseemly conduct; viz. that he 
jumped up in the Theban assembly before the question had even 
been introduced, and swore that, if any one advised the making of 
peace with Philip, he would seize him by the hair and carry him to 
prison: and that, when the Theban magistrates had ordered the 
return of some Athenian troops for the express purpose of deliber- 
ating on the question of peace, Demosthenes became quite out of 
is mind, denounced the Beeotarchs as traitors to the cause of 
Greece, and said he would advise his countrymen to send an em- 
bassy to Thebes and ask for a passage through Boeotia to attack 
Philip: and that, by such menace, he forced the Thebans to con- 
- tinue the war. All these additions we may set down to the malice 
of the accuser. Whether Demosthenes acted imprudently in dis- 
suading all pacific negotiations, we are unable to judge, for want of 
knowing the circumstances. If there was a chance of obtaining a 
real peace, it might have been advisable to treat with Philip. But 
if he was trying to negotiate separately with Thebes, with a view to 
create disunion or dissension between the allies, or if he was maneu- 
vering to gain time or any other advantage, and if there was any 
danger that the allies would fall into the snare, we can only say, 
that Demosthenes, by defeating Philip’s crafty design, acquired an 
additional claim to the gratitude of his country.? 


* Demosthenes, De Coron. 800. There is no occasion to suppose with 
Reiske, that the battle by the river has any reference to the district of 
Parapotamii. Yet it is likely enough, that it took place near the Ce- 

hisus. 

er Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, '75. There is a difficulty about the 
words—rove στρατιώτας τοὺς ὑμετέρους πάλιν ἀνέστρεψαν ἐξεληλυθότας, 
iva βουλεύσησθε περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης. Thirlwall interprets them thus,—* A 
body of troops, which had been sent perhaps to counteract the effects of 
Philip’s proposals, was turned back by the Theban magistrates.” (His- 
tory of Greece, vi..67.) I think him right in supposing, that it was only 
a division of the Athenian troops that were sent back: as to the pur- 
pose for which they were. sent from Athens, his suggestion is ve 

doubtful. Grote explains the passage differently‘ They proposed, 
even before the negotiations had begun, to send home the Athenian sol- 
diers into Attica, in order that deliberations might be taken concerning 


ἃ 


400 APPENDIX. IX. 


The first advantage obtained by Philip over the allies was in fore- 
ing his way to Amphissa. It was important for him to accomplish 
the general object for which the Amphictyons had invited him into 
Greece. It would have discredited him with many of his followers, 


_ if he made it appear that he had come on a false pretense, or if he 


allowed himself to be baffled in his original purpose; whereas, if he 
succeeded in it, they would be encouraged to assist him in his own 
private enterprises. The road from Delphi to Amphissa, probably 
that which Philip took, traversed the declivities of Parnassus. The 
defense of it was intrusted to Chares and the Theban Proxenus, 
who commanded a large body of mercenaries furnished by the 
Athenians. They occupied the entrance of a defile, which they 
could have defended against very superior numbers. Philip, in order 
to draw them from their strong position, forged a letter from him- 
self to Antipater, stating that he had postponed his expedition to 
Amphissa, and was about to march instantly for Thrace, where he 
heard the people were rising. He contrived that this letter should 
fall into the hands of the enemy. Chares and Proxenus, deceived 
by its contents, neglected their guard of the pass:. upon which 
Philip, marching through without opposition, surprised and routed 
their army, and afterwards made himself master of Amphissa.' — 
Adschines bitterly reproaches Demosthenes for having lent the mer- 
cenaries to the Amphissians, and for having thus divided the forces 
of the allies, and enabled Philip to attach and defeat them separately. 
For this there may be better ground than for most of his charges. 
The defeat of the mercenaries was a severe loss and discouragement 
to the allies, and perhaps it might have been avoided by keeping the 
whole army together. While the generals are chargeable with the 
immediate miscarriage, it is very possible that the plan of operations 
was badly designed. : i 
Philip, having inflicted due punishment on the vanquished people 


the peace.” (History of Greece, xi. 689.) The word ἀνέστρεψαν how- 
ever points to an act done rather than one proposed to be done: while 
the context indicates that the main body of the Athenian troops was ποῦ 
separated from the Beeotian. A reinforcement may have been on its 
way from Athens, which the Beeotarchs ordered to return, with a re- 
quest that the Athenians would deliberate on the question of peace. 
That they did deliberate appears from Plutarch, (Vit. Phocion, 16,) 
which Grote with much probability refers to this period. 

 Polyzenus, Strateg. iv. 6. 2, s. 8, confirmed by Dinarchus, Contr. 
Demosth. 99. ’Emi δὲ τοῖς ξένοις τοῖς εἰς "Αμφίσσαν συλλεγεῖσι πρόξενος 
ὁ προδοτὴς ἐγένετο, and the passage of Aischines cited below. oe 

? Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, He accuses Demosthenes of taking 
the public money to pay mercenary troops who did not exist; also, of 
making a profit of those who were lent to the Amphissians. He says 
that he himself protested against this last measure, but does not state — 
upon what grounds. ae 


CH ZRONEA. 401 


of Amphissa,'and having thus performed his promise to the Amphic- 
tyons, and given them increased confidence in his fortune and abil- 
ity, resolved vigorously to push the war against the Athenians and 
Thebans. The intermediate steps are unknown to us. It appears, 
however, that shortly after the midsummer of 338 B.c., by which 
time he had received strong reinforcements from Macedonia, he was 
in a condition to strike a decisive blow. The allies, after the loss 
which they had sustained, retreated from Phocis, and took up a 
defensive position in Boeotia; whither Philip speedily followed them, 
taking (as it seems) the easiest road which led by the vale of the 
Cephisus from Panopeus to Cheronea.? Finding that they were 
posted on a hill commanding one of the passes, he began to ravage 
and plunder the adjacent country; upon which the allies quitted 
their vantage-ground, and descended into the plain to offer him 
batile.* They met not far from Cheronea; Philip encamping on 
the banks of the Cephisus, the Greeks near the temple of Hercules, 
on a stream called Hemon. Plutarch says, he remembered an oak 
near the Cephisus, which the people of the country called Alexan- 
der’s oak, because his tent was pitched under it. Philip’s army 
numbered above thirty thousand foot, and two thousand horse, con- 
sisting of Macedonians and troops from Thessaly and the north. The 
allied army, composed of Athenians, Thebans, Achzeans, Corinth- 
ians and Phocians, were, according to Diodorus, inferior in number ; 
according to Justin, greatly superior. The chief difference lay in 
the quality of the troops and their commanders.” ὅ 


' Grote thinks it may be gathered from Diodorus, xviii. 56, that the 
sacred domain was restored, and those Amphissians who had taken a 
leading part against Delphi were banished. (History of Greece, xi, 687.) 

? Pausanias, x. 4; x, 85. Strabo, ix. 407. 

* Polyznus, Strateg. iv. 2. 14. : 

* Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. 7. Vit. Demosth. 19. He cites an ancient 
oracle, which thus predicted of the battle :— 


Τῆς ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχης ἀπάνευθε γενοίμην 
Αἱετὸς ἐν νεφέεσσι καὶ ἠέρι θηήσασθαι. 
Κλαΐίει ὁ νικηθεὶς, ὁ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλε, 


Of which one explanation was, that the river Hemon, which flows into 
the Cephisus, was anciently called Thermodon, but after the battle got 
anew name from the carnage which polluted its waters. A different 
explanation however was given,.as he tells us, by Duris. 
Diodorus, xvi. 85. Justin, ix. 3. Pausanias, vii. 6,5; x. 8, 4. Strabo, 
ix, 414. The account of Diodorus, as to the number of the Greek army, 
seems nearer the truth than that of Justin. The Theban and Athenian 
civie foree would hardly exceed 22,000 foot. The Achzans, (judging 
from the succor which they lent in the Sacred War,) we may set down 
- at 2,000: the Corinthians and Phocians at about the same. The mer- 
eenaries who returned to their standards, and possibly some contingents 


402 APPENDIX IX. 


The Macedonians had never yet fairly tried their strength against 
the best troops of southern Greece. Philip had frequently encoun- 
tered small bodies of the Athenians in Thrace and Macedonia, and 
had generally, but not always, overcome them. He had defeated 
the standing army of Onomarchus; superior on the whole to any 
which a single Greek state could have brought into the. field, yet 
consisting chiefly of mercenaries, not animated (it might be thought) 
with the spirit of citizen-soldiers fighting for their country. He had 
never engaged in a fair pitched battle with the heavy-armed infantry 
of Athens, Thebes, or Sparta, the leading republics of Greece. The 
present confederacy was the most formidable which had yet been 
arrayed against him; nor could he have been entirely free from mis- 
givings as to the result. We can not doubt, therefore, that, in order 
to decide so important a contest, Philip took every precaution which 
became a prudent commander; and that he had collected around 
him not only a force powerful in point of numbers, but the flower 
of the Macedonian army, and especially the celebrated phalanx, 
which he had brought to perfection by his own training and disci- 
pline.! Of this it may here be proper to give a brief description. 

The Macedonian phalanx, as organized by Philip, was an improve- 
ment on the order of battle already in use among the Greeks.? The 
long line of heavy-armed infantry, standing with spear and shield. 
in close array, was called a phalanx.* In this way most of the 
Greek republican armies were drawn up for battle, the depth of the 
line varyingw@geording to circumstances. At Mantinea, in the Pe- 
loponnesian war, the Lacedemonians were drawn up in a line of 
four hundred and forty-eight men, eight deep. At Leuctra the 
Lacedzemonians stood twelve deep, the Thebans fifty deep.° The 
soldiers held their spears couched in two hands, the left arm being 
passed through the ring of the shield, which was also suspended by 
a thong from the neck, and covered the whole body down to the 


from other states, may be reckoned at 4,000 or 5,000. In number of 
cavalry Philip was most probably superior. 

1 Mitford in his History of Greece, vol. iv. 6. 42, s. 4, contends that 
Philip’s was a miscellaneous Amphictyonic army, with a small propor- 
tion of Macedonians, and probably without the phalanx. In support of 
his opinion he cites Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 123. which however. is 
not in point. vee 

? Diodorus, xvi. 8. ᾿Επενόησε δὲ καὶ τὴν τῆς φάλαγγος πυκνότητα καὶ 
κατασκευὴν, μιμησάμενος τὸν ἐν Τροίᾳ τῶν ἡρώων συνασπισμόν, καὶ 
πρῶτος συνεστήσατο τὴν Μακεδονικὴν φάλαγγα. He refers, as Polybius 
does, to the descriptions of the close ranks (πυκιναὶ φάλαγγες) in Homer. 
See Iliad. xiii. 181; xvi. 214. 

3 Hence én? φάλαγγος ἄγειν, opposed to κατὰ κέρας, See Schneider 
ad Xenoph. Anab. vi. ὁ. 5,8. 25, Zvydv is a file, 

4. Thueydides, v. 63. 

* Xenophon, Hellen. vi. ¢. 4, 5. 12. 


* 


1 


CHERONEA. 403 


knee.! In this order they made their charge, generally at a running 
pace, endeavoring to bear down the enemy by the force and pressure 
of their spears. Troops unprovided with good defensive armor were 
unable to withstand the shock of the heavy-armed Greeks. Thus 
the Athenians at Marathon, and the Spartans at Platea proved 
themselves superior to the numerous hosts of Darius and Xerxes: 
after which the Persian infantry never dared to face the Greek ina 
fair field of batile. : . 

_ Philip, having in his younger days seen and admired the well- 
trained battalions of Thebes, determined to introduce a similar dis- 
cipline into the Macedonian army. He formed his phalanx upon 
the general model of the Greek, making some alterations which he 
thought would increase its efficiency. He adopted the shield and 
other defensive armor of the Greek infantry, but lengthened the 
spear and the sword, as Iphicrates had done for his Peltaste. The 
Macedonian spear, called sarissa, was at first sixteen cubits or 
twenty-four feet long, though afterwards reduced to twenty-one 
feet.2 The tactical arrangements, which Arrian and other writers 
describe as in use under Alexander or his successors, were substan- 
tially the same as those adopted by Philip. The whole phalanx, 
containing from sixteen to eighteen thousand men, was divided into 
battalions, each of which was drawn up sixteen deep.? The file was 
halved or doubled, if occasion required; but sixteen was the ordi- 
nary depth. When the phalanx advanced to the attack, there was 
a distance of three feet between the soldiers both in,rank and file; 
the first five ranks couched their sarissas,* so that those of the first 
rank projected fifteen feet in front, those of the second rank twelve 
feet, those of the third nine, those of the fourth six, and those of 
the fifth three. Thus the soldiers in the first rank were guarded by 
five spears projecting on each side. The sixth and hinder ranks held 
their spearg. uplifted, resting on the shoulders of those before, and 
Late” in some measure from the arrows and missiles that 
flew over their heads. The pressure from behind added to the force 





’ The arms of the ὁπλίτης are comprehensively described by Aischy- 
lus in the Perse, v. 243 :— 


"Eyyn oradaia καὶ φεράσπιδες cayai. 
The spear for standing fight, and covering shield. 


He carried also; but seldom used, a short sword; and wore a helmet, 
cuirass, and greaves, | 

? Polybius, xviii. 12. Κατὰ piv τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν ἑκκαίδεκα 
“πηχῶν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀρμογὴν τὴν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν δεκατεσσάρων. 

* In later times it was divided into ten battalions, each containing 
sixteen hundred men, a hundred in rank, and sixteen in file. (Livy, 
xxxvil. 40.) If all the battalions were in line, the whole phalanx would 
occupy about three-fifths of a mile. 

* Supposing the spear to be of twenty-one feet. 

ὃ 3 


404 APPENDIX ΙΧ. 


of the whole battalion, by rendering it impossible for the front ranks 
to retreat. ! ' . 

Such was the phalanx, whose very aspect, two centuries after its 
‘first formation, struck Paulus Aimilius with dismay.* Encountered 
front to front, and‘upon ground favorable to its operations, it was, 
as Polybius affirms, irresistible. Its defects were, that it was un- 
wieldy and slow in its movements, and not adapted to varieties of 
place and occasion. The perfect order and regularity, which were 
required for its efficient action, could not well be maintained except 
upon level ground, free from impediments, such as trees, bushes, 
ditches, streams, and the like. A plain perfectly suitable for the 
movements of so large a body could not always be found. Again, 
it could not act with advantage, if vigorously assailed in the flank 
and rear. The wheeling round to meet a flank attack was a difficult 


and dangerous evolution in the presence of an active enemy :* and. 


if the phalanx were threatened on both sides, and the rear had to 
face about, every step which.it made in advance had a tendency to 


open the files and break the continuity of the mass. Once thrown Ὁ 


into disorder, the complex machine became utterly useless, and the 
individual soldier with his long weapon was ill fitted for a hand-to- 
hand combat. All these defects fully appeared in the wars with the 
Romans: especially at Pydna, where the legionaries, attacking the 
Macedonians on all sides at once, disordered their ranks, and break- 
ing in at the openings, slaughtered them almost without resistance.5 


* Polybius, xviii. 12, 13. 


2 Polybius, Fragmentum, xxix. 6. Livy, xl. 40, suppl. 8. “Progre- — 


diebatur interim Amilius: utque aspexit quum reliquos Macedonas, 
tum eos qui in phalangem contributi erant, partim clypeis, partim cetris 
ex humero detractis, inclinatisque uno signo sarissis, excipientes Roma- 
norum impetum, admiratus et illam densatorum agmin rmitatem, 
et vallum protentis sarissis horrens, stupore simul et terrore perculsus 
est, tanquam non aliud unquam tam terribile spectaculum conspicacus: 
ac postea id seepius commemorare et prez se ferre solitus est.” 

3 Polybius, xviii. 13—15. The advantages and disadvantages of the 
phalanx, as compared with the Roman legion, are here fully set forth. 
A good description is given in Rollin’s Ancient History, lib. xiv. s.1. 

* Polybius, xviii. 9. Τῆς δὲ τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν χρείας ἀδυνάτου καθεσ- 
τώσης ἐκ μεταβολῆς καὶ κατ’ ἄνδρα κινδυνεύειν. These manceuvres were 
perhaps better executed in Philip’s and Alexander’s time than in the 
later periods to which Polybius has reference. See Arrian’s description 
of Alexander’s arrangements before the battle of Arbela: (Anab. iii. 12.) 
from which indeed it appears that the light troops were called in aid, to 
protect the phalanx from attacks on the flank and rear. 

° When the Italians attempted to close with the front ranks, and 
break their pikes, they fared no better than the Persians did at Platea. 
(Livy, xliv. 40, suppl. 3.) “Illi preelongas Macedonum hastas aut ferro 
incidere, aut umbone impellere, aut nudis etiam interdum manibus aver- 


“ 


at « 


a CHARONEA. » 405 


The Greeks however, who fought. the Macedonians in their own 
way, ranks meeting and spears crossing in the accustomed fashion, 
allowed them the full advantage of their improved organization and 
discipline. | pate τὰ 

While the phalanx constituted the main strength of Philip’s army, 
it was supported by other troops, which had often followed him to 
victory. There were the foot guards,' who had been long talked of 
in Greece; from whom afterwards were taken the Hypaspists of 
Alexander, a body of men who wore the long shield of the phalanx, 
but carried shorter spears and lighter armor. Of these there were 
about six thousand. A select body of them, distinguished for their 
Superior bravery, were called Argyraspids, from the bright silver 
plates on their shields.2 Light troops of various kinds, slingers, 
archers, and javelin-men, were furnished by the Thracians, Peeonians, 
Illyrians, Agrianians,® and other warlike tribes of the north, who 


tere. Hi ambabus firmiter comprehensas tanté vi adigere in temere ac 
furore czeco ruentes, ut transfossis scutis loricisque transfixos etiam ho- 
mines super capita projicerent.” Aimilius however soon discovered the 
true way of proceeding: (Ibid. suppl. 4.) “Animadvertit peritus dux 
non stare ubique confertam illam hostium velut compagem, eamque de- 
hséeveMbentidem quibusdam intervallis, sive ob inequalitatem soli, sive 
ob ipsam porrectze in immensum frontis longitudinem, dum qui superiora 
occupare conantur ab inferiora tenentibus, vel tardiores ἃ citatioribus, 
et progredientes ἃ subsistentibus, instantes denique hosti ab impulsis, 
inviti licet, necessario divelluntur. Ergo ut omnino rumperet ordinem 
hostium, et inexpugnabilem illam universe phalangis vim in multa mi- 
nutatim preelia carperet, imperaét suis, ut intenti quacunque rimas agere 
hostilem aciem viderint, illue quisque impetu inferantur, seque cuneatim 
in hiantia vél tantillum spatia insinuantes strenué rem agant.” The 
result is described with equal clearne8s: (Ibid. 41.) “ Neque ulla evi- 
dentior causa victorize fuit, quam quod multa passim preelia erant, que 
fluctuantem turbérunt primo, deinde disjecerunt phalangem; cujus con- 
fertee et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt; si carptim 
aggrediendo circumagere immobilem longitudine et gravitate hastam 
cogas, confus4 strue implicantur; si vero ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid 
tumultus increpuit, ruin modo turbantur. Sicut tum adversus cater- 
yvatim ineurrentes Romanos et interrupté multifaridm acie obviam ire 
cogebantur; et Romani, quacunque’ data intervalla essent, insinuabant 
ordines suos. Qui, si universd acie in frontem adversus instructam 
phalangem concurrissent, quod Pelignis principio pugne incauté con- 
gressis adversus cetratos evenit, induissent se hastis, nec confertam 
aciem sustinuissent. 

* Πεζέταιροι. Demosthenes, Olynth. ii. 23. Οἱ ὑπασπισταὶ τὼν érai- 
pov. Arrian, Anab. i. 14. 

? Diodorus, xvii. 57. Td τῶν ᾿Αργυρασπίδων πεζῶν τάγμα, διαφέρον TH 
τε TOV ὅπλων λαμπρότητι καὶ TH τῶν ἄνδρων ἀρετῇ. Justin, ΧΙ]. 7. 

* These four people are described by Alexander as Τούς εὐρωστοτά- 
τους Te τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην καὶ μαχιμωτάτους. Arrian, Anab. ii. 7. 


” 


406 APPENDIX IX. 


were now annexed to the Macedonian empire. The Pzeonians and 
Thracians supplied squadrons of light horse: the heavy cavalry 
came from Macedonia and Thessaly.' It is not unlikely that there 
were Attolians in Philip’s army; as that people, afterwards the 
deadly enemies of Macedonia, were now ranked among his allies.? 
The choicest of the troops opposed to him were the heavy-armed 
of Thebes and Athens. Twenty years before, the Thebans were 
considered the best soldiers of Greece. The military exercises, to 
which they partly owed their pre-eminence, were probablymot dis- 
continued ; yet, that their discipline and energy had greatly declined 
since the battle of Mantinea, is shown by the events of the Sacred 
War. Among the Athenian ranks there were plenty of brave men; 
the whole body of them were animated with a good spirit: but they 
were deficient in that training, which teaches soldiers to act in com- 
bination, and converts a multitude into an arnfy. It had been the 
boast of Pericles, that his countrymen fought well enough by their 
native valor, and did not need to prepare themselves by laborious 
drilling. But Delium and many other battles proved how unsafe it 
was to rely upon such a principle. In the time of Pericles, indeed, 
the constant service for which Athenian citizens were called out 
was of itself a species of training. At this time they were little 
used to serving in person; many of them had never seen the face 
of an enemy in the field, and knew little of the art and practice of 
war beyond the use of their arms, which they learned in early years. 
How could such men, a mere national militia, be a match for the 
veterans of Philip, who had not only been the victors in numerous 
battles, but even in time of peace were exercised in toilsome 
marches, to keep them in perpetual activity ?*° ve 


But if the soldiers of the allied army were not equal to those of 


Philip, still less were their commanders to be compared with him. 
Well might they have exclaimed—“ Oh for one hour of Epaminon- 
das!” He would have contrived some means, by charging on the 
flanks of the phalanx or otherwise, to counteract the skillful tactics 
of his adversary and turn the fortune of the day. But there was 
no man at all equal to the emergency. Phocion had been absent in 
the Aigean when hostilities began: on his return to Athens he de~- 
clared himself favorable to peace; perhaps he expressed himself too 


1 Alexander led from Europe an equal number of Macedonian and 


Thessalian horse, fifteen hundred of each. (Diodorus, xvii. 17.) χὰ τὶ | 
fol- 


army at Chzeronea could not have differed much from that which 
lowed his son into Asia a few years after. See the descriptions in 
Sr Anab. i. 14; ii. 9; iii, 11,12. Thirlwall, History of Greeee, vi. 
147—149. ; ' 

* See ante, pp. 378, 889. 
_§ Thucydides, ii, 39. ‘ 

* Polyznus, Strateg. iv. 2, 8. 10. 


CHARONEA. | 401. 


strongly against the war, and this prevented his obtaining an ap- 

ointment, for which, of all his countrymen, he was the best fitted.! 
ihe Athenians were now commanded by Lysicles, Chares, and Stra- 
tocles; the Thebans by Theagenes; none of them fit to be at the 
head of an army. Demosthenes was with them, sanguine himself 
as to the result, and advising them to seek the enemy in spite of 
discouraging omens and unpropitious sacrifices:? but he could ren- 
_ der no service ithe hour of battle. 

For a description of the baitle itself we have but scanty materials. 
The best history of it is to be found in the comparison of the two 
armies. A few special incidents only are recorded. Athenians and 
Thebans rushed upon the bristling forest of sarissas, and fought with 
a valor worthy of ancient times and of a better fate. It is said that 
Philip, knowing the Athenians to be impetuous in onset but incapa- 
ble of endurance, ordered his soldiers to keep on ‘he defensive till 
the strength of their adversaries was exhausted. At one point so 
furious an attack was made by Stratocles, that the Macedonian line 
gave way; Stratocles drove before him the retreating phalangites, 
crying—‘“ Let. us chase them to Macedon;” but pressing on too 
hastily, he threw his own troops into disorder; when Philip directed 
a timely charge which put them to the rout. On the other wing 
Alexander, supported by the ablest of his father’s generals, was 
opposed to the Thebans, and was the first to charge the hitherto 
invincible Sacred band. The contest was bloody, and for a long 
time doubtful. Alexander made extraordinary efforts to prove him- 
self worthy of the post assigned to him. The Thebans, after obsti- 
nately disputing every inch of ground, yielded at last to the superior 
strength of their opponents. As soon as they had given way, Philip, 
determined not to be outdone by his son, led his phalanx in person 
against the Athenian line, and decided the victory. A fearfulslaugh- _ 
ter was made of the allied army, now broken on all sides. Of the 
total loss of the Thebans we have no account. Their general The- 
agenes was slain,* and the three hundred of the Sacred Band fell 


. * Plutarch, Vit. Phocion, 16. 

? Aischines reproaches him for this: and also for his sneering at the 
Delphian oracle, which they had proposed to consult, and saying that 
the priestess philippised. (Contr. Ctesiph. 72.) Οὐ περὲ τούτων ’Apel- 
νιάδης μὲν προὔλεγεν εὐλαβεῖσθαι καὶ πέμπειν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπερησομένους 
τὸν θεὸν ὅτι χρὴ πράττειν, Δημοσθενὴς δὲ ἀντέλεγε φιλιππίζειν τὴν Πυθίαν 
φάσκων, ἀπαίδευτος Ov καὶ ἀπολαύων καὶ ἐμπιπλάμενος τῆς διδομένης ὑφ᾽ 
ὑμῶν αὐτῷ ἐξουσίας ; οὐ τὸ τελευταῖον ἀθύτων καὶ ἀκαλλιερῆτων ὄντων τῶν 
ἱερῶν ἐξέπεμψε τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπὶ τὸν πρόδηλον κίνδυνον. Conf. Cice- 
ro, De Divinat. ii. 57. 

* Dinarchus, seemingly without cause, denounces him as a traitor: 
"AvOpwro¢ ἀτυχὴς καὶ δωροδόκος. (Contr. Demosth. 99.) Timoclea, who 
after the capture of Thebes pushed the Thracian soldier into the well, 
was hissister. (Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. 12, Polyznus, Strateg. viii. 40.) 


408 APPENDIX IX. ὃ 


side by side, perishing toa man. Of the Athenians there fell more 
than a thousand, and two thousand were taken prisoners. Demos- 
thenes, who had fought in the ranks, escaped with the fugitives to 
Athens. In one short day all his lofty hopes had been overthrown: 
all his toils and labors for the safety of his country and the inde- 
pendence of Greece had been rendered fruitless.'—“ Hic dies uni-_ 
verse Greeciz et gloriam dominationis et vetustissimam libertatem 
finivit.” 2 ᾿ 
The news of this dreadful calamity was speedily brought to Athens, 
It is said to have killed Isocrates, who at the age of ninety-eight 
was in the full possession of his health and faculties, but now ab- 
stained from food, heart-broken at the sad tidings of his country’s 
defeat. The general grief and terror may well be imagined; but 
they are described to us by an eye-witness.* It was uncertain for 
the moment, how many of the citizens had been slain or captured. 
Almost all capable of bearing arms, between the ages of twenty and 
fifty, had been sent out: and the hopes of defending Athens seemed. 
to rest upon those who were past the’age of active service. Women 
were seen standing at their doors in an agony of distress, mrs 
every one that passed if their husbands, fathers, sons, or brothers 
were alive. _Old and infirm men were walking ‘about πρὸ ‘streets — 
: 
1 Diodorus, xvi. 86. Pausanias, ix. 40. ‘Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. η; 
Vit. Pelopid. 18. Demosthenes, De Coron. 314. Demades, Fragment. 
179. Polyzenus, Strateg. iv. 2, 5. 2, ands. 7. What is told in this book 
of Stratocles, is attributed to Theagenes i in viii. 40. That Demosthenes 
was accused of cowardice in the field, of having shamefully deserted his 
post and thrown away his shield, is well known. (See Dinarchus, Contr, 
Demosth. 91. Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, 76, 89.) But, as Grote ob- 
serves, the continued confidence and respect shown to him by his coun- 
trymen prove that they did not credit these charges. It seems that he — 
only shared in the general flight of the army. A story is told in the — 
Lives of the Ten: Orators, p. 845—that, as he. was running away, his 
cloak was caught by a bramble, and he, thinking the pursuers were be- ἥ 
hind him, cried Ζώγρει, “Take me alive |” This looks very: like an in- 
vention of his enemies. yg 
* Justin, ix, 3, Compare Lycurgus, Contr. Leocrat. 154. “Ἅμα yap — 
ovToL τε TOV Biov ἱετήλλαξαν καὶ τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εἰς δουλείαν μετέπεσε" 
συνετάφη γὰρ τοῖς τούτων σώμασιν ἡ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερία. "“ 
3. Pausanias, i. 18. Πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀλγῆ- 
σας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐθελοντῆς. Milton refers to it inone of his βοπποίβ:--'οὦὦ 


As that dishonest victory 
At’ Cheronea, fatal to liberty, 
Killed with report that old man eloquent. 


The fact however has been contested. See Mitford’s disquisition st the 
end of section 6, chap. 42, vol. iv. of his History of Greece, } 
* Lycurgus, Contr. Leocrat, 149, 152, 153. 


CHARONEA. 409 


with their mantles doubled up, as if girding themselves to perform 
the duties of the young. As the fugitives successively flocked in, 
the real extent of the disaster was ascertained, and the people, rally- 
ing from their first dismay, hastened to meet as became them the 
distressing exigency of the hour. It was no longer possible to act in 
co-operation with the Thebans; each of the allied cities was thrown 
entirely upon its own resources: and it was uncertain against which 
of them the conqueror would first advance. It was necessary to put 
Athens in a condition to sustain a siege, and that without any delay. 
Resolutions for that purpose, framed chiefly by Hyperides and De- 
mosthenes, were immediately passed in full assembly, ordering 
(among other things) that the women and children should be brought 
in from the country; that the generals should be empowered to 
require for garrison duty the services of all residents in Athens, 
whether citizens or foreigners; that the members of the council 
should go down in arms to the Pirzeus, and execute what measures 
they thought best for its security; that slaves bearing arms for the 
commonwealth should be emancipated, aliens be made citizens, and 
the disfranchised restored to their rights. Energetic measures were 
taken for the restoring and strengthening the fortifications. Men of 
every age lent a helping hand for the national defense. The country 
(says Lycurgus) contributed her trees, the dead their sepulchres, the 
temples their arms. Patriotic. citizens came forward with large 
donations of money for the public service, Demosthenes himself 
contributed liberally towards the repair of the walls, which he had 
been appointed to superintend. It was further deemed expedient 
to solicit aid from some of the nearest friendly states. Embassies 
were sent to Troezen and Epidaurus: and subsidies were collected 
from some of the nearest islands. Demosthenes, who was sent on 
one of these expeditions, is reproached for it by Auschines and Di- 
narchus, as if he had deserted his country for fear of the enemy. 
We learn from Dinarchus, however, that Demosthenes was by a 
decree of the people appointed envoy, and it appears that at this 
time, notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of his counsels, he con- 
tinued to enjoy the confidence of the Athenians; for not only did 
they pass divers decrees which he had moved for the public safety, 
but they appointed him to hold the office of a commissioner of grain, 
and afterwards conferred upon him a still higher proof of their es- 
teem, by selecting him to speak the funeral oration in honor of their 
fellow-citizens who had fallen in battle. Further, when his adver- 
saries, thinking their position strengthened by the peace, assailed 
Demosthenes with indictments and other legal proceedings, he ob- 
tained a triumphant acquittal upon all.? 


. 


Δ Lycurgus, Cont. Leocrat. 149, 153. Dinarchus, Contr. Demosth. 
100. Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 76. Demosthenes, De Coron. 267 285, 
809, 310, 320, 321, 329. Plutarch, Vit. Dec. Orat. 846. 


Vou. IL—S 


410 APPENDIX IX. 


To the general zeal displayed by the citizens of Athens a few 
disgraceful exceptions are recorded. There were men who left or 
attempted to leave the city, in order to secure themselves and their 
families: and the example was considered so dangerous, that a 
special decree was passed, making it treasonable to desert the 
country in such a way. One man who had embarked for Samos 
was apprehended by the Council of Areopagus, and on the same 
day sentenced to death. Autolycus, an Areopagite, was condemned 
for having sent away his wife and children, though he himself 
remained:in Athens. But the most remakable case is that of Leo- 
crates; who, as soon as he had heard that the battle was lost, 
sailed away clandestinely with all his family and moveable effects to 
Rhodes, where he reported that Athens was taken, that Pirzeus was 
besieged, and he was the only person who had escaped. The 
Rhodians, believing his story, sent out cruisers to commit piracy in 
the Aigean; and the merchants in the harbor unshipped the corn 
and other goods which they were about to export to Athens. 
_When the real truth became known, Leocrates quitted Rhodes, and 
came to live at Megara, contriving by means of his friends to sell 
what property he had left at Athens. After the lapse of seven years 
he returned to his country, and was impeached by Lycurgus in the 
manner already mentioned. ee +h 

While we admire the spirit with which the people of Athens bore. 
up against their misfortunes, and the generous support which they 
gave to Demosthenes in the hour of his humiliation, one is sorry to 
‘find an act of the Athenian public recorded, which it is impossible 
to view with the same approving eye. Lysicles, who had com-— 
manded the army at Cheeronea, was on the accusation of Lycurgus 
brought to trial, condemned, and executed, apparently for no other 
reason than because he had lost the battle. Mitford conceives it to 
have been a bold stroke of the war party, who, knowing that popu- 
lar vengeance would demand a victim, resolved to sacrifice Lysicles 
to secure their own safety.2 Thirlwall seems to think, that the 
character of Lycurgus the prosecutor affords some proof of the just- 
ness of the sentence.? The extract from his speech, preserved to 
us by Diodorus, exhibits the Spartan-like severity of the speaker’s 
character, but indicates no special ground of cowardice or miscon- 
duct, distinguishing the case of Lysicles from that of his colleagues 
or any other unfortunate generals, His words are these:+—“ You, 
Lysicles, were the commander: a thousand citizens have fallen; 
two thousand have been made captive; a trophy has been raised 


, ; 
‘a Lycurgus, Contr. Leocrat. 149, 150. Auschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 39. 
Ante, Ρ. 3380. < 
" Mitford, History of Greece, vol. iv. 6. 42, 8, 5. 
* Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi..72. 
* Diodorus, xvi. 88. 


_ 


CHARONEA. . 411 


against Athens; and the whole of Greece'is in servitude. When all 
this has taken place under your conduct and command, dare you to 
live, and to behold the light of the sun, and to make your appear- 
ance in the market-place: you that are a monument of shame and 
disgrace to your country ?” 

Whether the Athenians with all their preparations could have 
successfully defended themselves against Philip’s army, had he ad- 
vanced to besiege Athens, was not put to the trial. Philip adopted 
such prudent and conciliatory measures, that they were tempted to 
abandon the high ground of resistance to Macedonian power, and 
to accept terms of peace which he prescribed. It is said that in the 
first moment of victory Philip gave way to feelings of indecent tri- 
umph, and insulted over his fallen enemies. Having drunk to ex- 

“cess at the banquet, he walked over the field of battle, and sang in 
iambic verse the prefatory words of Demosthenes’ decree, stamping 
with his feet and dancing to the cadence. Visiting the Athenian 
prisoners, he derided their misfortunes, and was rebuked by De- 
mades in the manner already related.2 These were but the intem- 
perate sallies of the moment. It is said however, that he at first 
refused the Athenians the customary permission to bury their dead, 
which they had sent a herald to demand. His object in so doing 
perhaps was, to prevent their opening any communication with the 
Thebans: and he may for prudential reasons have assumed an ap- 
pearance of rigor, which he never meant really to exercise. Cer- 
tain it is, he very quickly decided upon-adopting lenient measures 


1 Plutarch, Vit. Demosth. 20— Sis 
Anpoobévec Δημοσθένους Tatavied¢ tad’ εἶπεν. 


In the Life of Pelopidas (18) he is represented to have expressed his 
admiration of the Sacred Band, whose bodies he saw on the field. 

? Ante, p. 327. It may be thought that Demades, who is said to 
have been long before this engaged in the cause of Philip, would not 
have ventured to use such freedom with him. Demades however was a 
strange compound. It is certain that he was a man of consummate as- 
surance; and it is not at all unlikely that he may have taken this way 
of introducing himself to Philip. The positive testimony of Diodorus is 
not lightly to be rejected ; for, with all his faults of omission and negli- 
gence, he is too honest to record any thing destitute of authority. The 
aecounts of Philip’s conduct given by Diodorus and Plutarch are seem- 
ingly indeed at variance with those of other writers. Justin says, (iv. 4) 
—* Hujus victorie callide dissimulata letitia est. Denique non solita 
sacra Philippus illé die fecit: non in convivio risit : non ludos inter ene 
las adhibuit ; non coronas aut unguenta sumpsit; et, quantum in 110 
fuit, ita vicit ut victorem nemo sentiret.” Compare lian. Var. Hist. 
Vili. 15. The different statements are perhaps not irreconcilable. Philip 
assumed a grave and severe deportment ; but it gave way on one or two 
occasions to a fit of intemperance. What is more likely ἡ 


a 


> 


- 


“12. APPENDIX ΙΧ. 


towards the Athenians. He entered into confidential discourse 
with Demades, who must have been already known to him as an 
opponent of Demosthenes and the war party at Athens; and whom 
he found to be a man of agreeable manners, and likely to be a use- 
ful instrument to serve his present purposes. The orator doubtless 
exerted his powers of persuasion to recommend a mild and pacific 
policy: and a careful reflection upon his position and prospects con- 
vinced Philip, that it was wiser to conciliate the Athenians than to 
drive them to desperation.! He therefore intimated his willingness 
to restore the Athenian prisoners without ransom: he burned the 
bodies of the slain, and sent a deputation carrying their bones to 
Athens. It was headed by his son Alexander and Antipater, who. 
communicated the terms upon which he was willing to treat for 
peace. ‘These, though not honorable, were much better than the. 
Athenians had expected, and they were favorably received by the 
people: the war party could not venture under existing circum- 
stances to advise a prolonged resistance. Demades, who had been 
sent home for this very purpose, framed a treaty of peace, which he 
carried in the assembly without any opposition: by the terms of 
which the Athenians renounced all their pretensions to naval sover- 
eignty, and all their dominions in the Algean sea, except Lemnos, 
Imbrus, and Samos. Virtually, though not in words, they acknowl- 
edged Philip as the head of the Hellenic community. In exchange 
for these concessions, they obtained peace and present security, and 
a return of their prisoners; likewise the city of Oropus, which was 


.transferred to them from the Thebans, but to recover which in such 


a Way was more of a disgrace than an advantage. Votes of honor 
to Philip were passed in the assembly on the motion of Demades; 
who now, together with the other members of his party, began to 
regain credit and influence in Athens. -Aischines boasted that he 
was on terms of friendship with the king of Macedon, and went on 
an embassy to his camp. Submission and subserviency were the 
order of the day.? : 


' Philip’s title to the praise, which Polybius bestows upon him for 
his lenity to Athens, is upon good grounds disputed by both Thirlwall 
and Grote. The former observes, that after his severity to Thebes he 
had the less reason to dread the hostility of Athens; that it was by no 
means certain that he could have made himself master of the city and 
Pireeus ; the danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience of delay, 
was greater than the advantage to be reaped from it; he had more 
brilliant objects in view: time was precious to him, and it would have 
been wantonly to tempt his fortune, if by too grasping a policy he had 


_ raised unnecessary hindrances to his designs. (History of Greece, vi. 


74.) 

* Diodorus, xvi. 87; xviii. 56. Demades, Fragment. 179. Demos- 
thenes, De Coron, 319, 820, 821, 852. Plutarch, Vit. Decem. Orat. 349. 
Pausanias, i. 25. ; 


CHRONEA. 413 


While Philip was carrying on peaceful negotiation with Athens, 
he was taking measures of a very different character against the 
Thebans. Towards them his conduct was as harsh as it was lenient 
to their allies. _He not only exacted ransom for their prisoners, but. 
made them pay a price for the burial of their dead. Yet this was 
nothing in comparison with what followed. Very shortly after 
the battle, he contrived to make himself master of Thebes itself. 
Whether he took it by surprise, or whether it was surrendered to 
him by the philippising party or otherwise, we are not informed. 
There are no Theban writers to give us any historical particulars 
about their countrymen. It may be presumed that Philip lost no 
time in following up his victory; and the severe loss which the 
Thebans had sustained at Cheeronea must have materially impaired 
both their courage and their means for defense. Philip, having got 
possession of the city, treated it as the Spartans had done forty-four 
years before, subjecting it to all the rigors of military occupation. 
A Macedonian garrison was placed in the Cadmea. As a further 
check upon insurrection, Orchomenus and Plateea were re-estab- 
lished, and filled with a population hostile to Thebes. All the Boeo- 
tian towns were declared independent. Some of the ‘principal 
Theban statesmen were put to death by Philip’s order ; others were 
banished; their property was seized for hiseuse. He recalled a 
large number of exiles, three hundred of whom he formed into a 
council, invested with summary powers, both executive and judicial. 
One of their first acts was, to bring their political enemies to trial 
for having sentenced them to exile. The accused gloried in their: 
crime, and courted the vengeance that was prepared for them. 
This was but a foretaste of what the unhappy Thebans were to 
suffer under an oligarchy devoted to the conqueror and upheld by 
his troops. Three years of domestic and foreign oppression drove 
them into a new war, which ended in the extirpation of Thebes." 


2 Diddorus, xvi. 37; xvii. 8,9, &e. Justin, ix. 4. Dinarchus, Contr. 
Demosth, 92. Pausanias, iv. 27; ix. 1 and 6. Arrian, Anab. i. 7. 


414 APPENDIX Χ. 


APPENDIX Χ. 


“WHETHER CTESIPHON BROKE THE LAW. 


TE two special grounds upon which A’schines contended that 
Ctesiphon had violated the law, were, . 
First, because he had proposed to crown Demosthenes, before he 
had rendered an account of his official administration, Demosthenes 
having been a conservator of walls, and a treasurer of the Theoric 
fund : 
Secondly, because he had proposed to publish the coronation in 
the theatre of the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new 
tragedies. 
' ΤῈ support of the first proposition, AMschines! cites a law which 
expressly forbade the bestowing of a crown upon any magistrate 
or official personage who had still his account to render. Anticipat- 
ing an objection, that the offices held by Demosthenes were not 
magistracies, such as the law applied to, but rather inferior agencies 
or employments,” he shows that by the law of Athens all offices to 
which the people elected were to be deemed of a magisterial char- 
acter, and that all superintendents of public works, and all persons 
who were intrusted with any of the public money for more than 
thirty days, or who held a legal jurisdiction, were to be considered 
as holding such offices, and were subject to the usual scrutiny® be- 


fore they entered upon their duties. A conservator of walls was _ 


clearly a superintendent of public works; and he also presided in 
a court of judicature. Demosthenes had been appointed to’ that 
office by the Pandionian tribe in pursuance of a decree of the peo- 
ple, and had had the disbursement of ten talents of the public money. 
He had been elected treasurer of the Theoric fund by the people in 
general assembly. It made no difference, whether or not he had 
expended any of his own money gratuitously. He was liable to 
render an account in one or both of the aforesaid characters, even 
though none of the public moneys had passed through his hands. 
It was a principle of the democracy, that no magisterial functionary 
should be irresponsible. 

He then proceeds to the second point,* and produces a law, en- 


1 For this part of the argument, see Alschines, Contr. Ctesiph. pp: 
55—58. 

3 Ἐπιμέλειαι, διακονίαι, πραγματείαι, commissions, agencies, employ- 
ments, are distinguished from dpyai, magisterial offices. See Schémann, 
De Comitiis, 308, d&e. ‘ 

® Δοκιμασία. 


* Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 58—60. 


τῷ a 


-͵ 


WHETHER CTESIPHON BROKE THE LAW. 415 


acting that, if the council bestowed a crown upon any citizen, it 
should be proclaimed in the council-chamber, if the people, in the 
assembly, but not in any other place; the object of which law he 
declares to have been, that honors of this kind, which concerned 
the commonwealth and its members only, should not be ostenta- 
tiously displayed before foreigners. Ctesiphon had infringed this 
statute, for the pnrpose of making an idle parade of his friend’s 
honors at the Dionysian festival, when a large number of the Greeks 
were present. x 

Upon this part of the case he anticipates the answer which we 
find to have been actually made—viz. that there was a law which 
permitted crowns to be proclaimed in the theatre, if the people au- 
thorized it by their decree. That law, says Alschines, is not incon- 
sistent with the one upon which J rely : nor indeed can there be two 
in@onsistent laws: but it relates to an entirely different matter. A 
bad practice had sprung up; that men, who possessed influence in 
foreign states, got crowns presented to them by those states, and 
then “had them proclaimed in the theatre at home. To puta stop 
to such an objectionable custom, a statute was passed, making it un- 
lawful for crowns given by foreign states to be proclaimed in the 
theatre, except under a special resolution of the Athenian people. 
The law which Ctesiphon violated, which defined the places where 
crowns were to be proclaimed, applied to those which were given 
at home. © 

To these arguments Demosthenes makes but a short reply.' He 
does not at all dispute his general accountability in respect of the 
offices which he had held. He denies, however, that he was ac- 
countable to the state for what he had expended out of his private 
purse; and he contends that the crown was bestowed upon him, not 
for the acts of which he had an account to render, but for his gifts, 
which were not the subject of account. With respect to the place 
of proclamation, he adduces a law (as Aischines had expected) 
Seemingly at variance with that on which the: prosecution was 
founded, and not admitting the construction which Alschines had 
put upon it. He censures Adschines for misrepresenting the object 
of the lawgiver in fixing the place of proclamation, and not seeing 
that the proclamation was for the benefit of those who conferred, 
not those who received the honor. He refers also to a variety of 
cases, in which decrees similar to that of Ctesiphon, and under simi- 
lar circumstances, had been passed in favor of other men. 

With regard to.the contradictory laws, we have not sufficient 
data to form an opinion. Hach of the orators accuses the other of 
garbling the law which he cites: and we have not the whole of the 
statutes before us to enable us to see which is right. But the defense 
which Demosthenes sets up as to the time of crowning we have 


1 See ante, pp. 46—51. 


 . es. 


416 APPENDIX X. 


little difficulty in pronouncing to be sophistical. The law which en- 
acted, that no public functionary who had not passed his audit should 
be crowned, meant that the honor should not be conferred either 
for official services or on any other account. Besides, the crown 
given by Ctesiphon to Demosthenes actually purported to be a re- 
quital of his official services: for those donations to the public, 
which were specially commended, related to the business of his ad- 
ministration. In any point of view, therefore, Ctesiphon had by © 
his decree violated the letter of the Athenian law: but it is clear 
also, that he violated the spirit of it. For a magistrate might be 
very liberal in donations to the public, and yet might in some way. 
or other grossly abuse his trust: he might be generous with the one 
hand, and squander the public money with the other. At his official 
audit the whole of his administration would be inquired into: and 
he would be liable to punishment, if in any particular he had ge- 
riously neglected his duty. But by commending him for one ΕΝ 
of his conduct, while the other was kept out of view, the merits of 
the case were unfairly prejudged before it came to the auditors. 
And this is the very abuse of which Aischines complains: crafty 
orators got premature votes of honors for their friends, to screen 
them from charges for official misconduct. * ; 

The precedents cited by Demosthenes prove no more than what 
Alschines admitted; that the law had often been broken before; 
not that it ought to be broken, or was not still in force. If any 
weight were attached to them, it concerned the penalty rather than 
the verdict of guilty or not guilty. | 

Had Aischihes confined himself to these two questions upon the 
laws, it appears undeniable, that the verdict ought to have been in 
his favor. But this did not satisfy him. He wished to cast re- 
proach upon the character and politics of Demosthenes; and there- 
fore he introduced the third charge, which raised the issue, whether 
Demosthenes had deserved well of his country. By mixing the 
three issues together, he thought.to insure success in the cause; 
and he expected that a verdict against Ctesiphon, on whatever 


1 Aischines, Contr. Ctesiph. 55. Ἔν ydp τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἄρ- 
χοντές τινες τὰς μεγίστας ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς προσόδους διοικοῦντες, καὶ δωρο- 
δοκοῦντες περὲ ἕκαστα τούτων, προσλαμβάνοντες τοὺς τε ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτη- 
piov ῥήτορας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ δήμου πόῤῥωθεν προκατελάμβανον τὰς εὐθύ- 
νας ἐπαίνους καὶ κηρύγμασιν, ὥστ᾽ ἐν ταῖς εὐθύναις τῶν ἀρχῶν εἰς τὴν με- 
γίστην μὲν ἀπορίαν ἀφικνεῖσθαι τοὺς Katnydpove, πολὺ δὲ ἔτε μᾶλλον 
τοὺς δικαστάς---ἠσχύνοντο γὰρ oluar οἱ δικασταὶ, εἰ φανήσεται ὁ αὐτὸς 
ἀνὴρ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ πόλει, τυχὸν δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτῷ, πρώην μὲν πότε 
ἀναγορευόμενος ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ὅτι στεφανοῦται ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα καὶ δικαιοσύ- 
νῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου χρυσῷ στεφάγῷ, ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν ἔξεισιν 
ἐκ τοῦ δικαστηρίου κλοπῆς ἕνεκα τὰς ξὐθύνας ὠφληκώς" ὥστε ἠναγκαζοντο 
τὴν ψῆφον φέρειν οἱ δικασταὶ οὐ περὶ Tod παρόντος ἀδικήματος ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ 
τῆς αἰσχύνης τοῦ δήμόυ. ᾿ 


ον 


WHETHER CTESIPHON BROKE THE. LAW. 417 


ground obtained, would be a triumph over Demosthenes, and would 
have the effect of disgracing him and his party in the eyes of all the 
Greeks. Hereupon arises a question—whether Alschines should 
have been allowed to succeed in his manceuvre, and obtain such an 
indirect triumph over his rival. Not that Demosthenes ever raised 
such a point for the consideration of his judges—he was too old an 
orator to admit that any part of his case was weak. It is a point, 
however, which the Athenians who decided the cause ought to have 
considered, and perhaps did consider—a question of ethical juris- 
prudence, upon which the merits of their decision very much de- 
pend. ‘The reader will be better able to form his opinion upon this 
and other parts of the subject, after seeing in what light they are 
presented by the always just and clear-sighted Thirlwall :1 

_ “#ischines had indicted Ctesiphon as having broken the law in 
three points: first, because it was illegal to crown a magistrate be- 
fore he rendered an account. of his office: next, because it was for- 
bidden to proclaim such an honor, when bestowed by the people, 
in any other place than the assembly-ground in the Pnyx, but par- 
ticularly to proclaim it, as Ctesiphon had proposed: and lastly, be~ 
‘cause the reason assigned in the decree, so far as related to the public 
conduct of Demosthenes, was false, inasmuch as he had not deserved 
any reward. Among these points there was one, on which it seems 
clear that the charge of illegality was well. grounded. Though the 
superintendence of the repairs was probably not a magistracy in‘the 
eye of the law, which indeed forbade any one to hold two at once, 
the treasurership of the Theoric fund certainly was one, and one to 
which the law, which forbade the crowning of a magistrate still 
accountable, applied with peculiar force. As to the mode of the proc- 
lamation, it seems doubtful, whether the law on which the proseeu- 
tion rested had not been modified by another, which declared that 
proclamation might be made, as Ctesiphon proposed, if the people 
should so decree ; though Aischines speciously contended, that this 
exception was only meant to relate to crowns bestowed on citizens, 
not by the people, but by foreign states. But the third point, the truth 
or falsehood of the reason alleged in the decree, was that on which, 
according to the manifest sense of both the parties, of the court, 
and of all present at the trial, the case really turned. The question 
at issue was in substance, whether Demosthenes had been a good or 
a bad citizen. It was on this account that the court was thronged 
by an extraordinary conflux of spectators, both citizens and stran- 
gers. Hence the prosecutor,after a short discussion of the dry 
legal arguments, enters, as on his main subject, into a full review 
of the public and private life of Demosthenes: and Demosthenes, 
whose interest it was to divert attention from the points of law, 
which were not his strong ground, can scarcely find room for them 


1 History of Greece, vol. vii. 135. 


418 APPENDIX Σ, 


in his defense of his own policy and proceedings, which, with bitter 
attacks on his adversary, occupies almost the whole of his speech. 
“‘The spirit displayed by the tribunal, which decided in favor of 
Demosthenes on such grounds as he alleged, is at least as noble as 
that of the Roman senate and people, when they went out to meet 
and thank the Consul on his return from Canne. But the case may 
seem to exhibit the Athenian administration of justice in a much 
less favorable light. On one point at least it is clear that Ctesi- 
phon’s decree was contrary to law. The attempt made by Demos- 
thenes to prove that the law, which forbade an accountable magis- 
trate td be crowned, did not apply to his case, only shows the 
extreme looseness of legal reasoning which was tolerated in Athe- 
nian courts. It seems indeed to have been admitted, that there had 
been numerous precedents for whatever was illegal in the decree as 
to the circumstances of time and place. But this only proves the 
laxity which prevailed in the observance of the laws. [Ὁ appears 
that, according to that theory of the constitution, which had been 
universally approved and acted on in the purest times, immediately 
after the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, the court which tried the 
author of a decree denounced as illegal was bound to compare it 
with the letter of the law, and to give judgment on the simple ques- 
tion of their strict agreement. But it is evident that the courts had 
afterwards assumed greater freedom; and it is not at all certain 
that this was repugnant,- either to the spirit of the constitution, or 
to the practice of preceding ages, with the single exception of the 
short period in which the restoration of the democracy awakened 
extraordinary jealousy for the maintenance of the laws. The will 
of the people, declared in a decree, had been subjected to the revi- 
sion of a tribunal which might be expected to possess superior 
means of information, to secure the people itself against the perni- 
cious consequences of temporary measures into which it might be 
surprised. This seems to have been the general object, to which all — 
others were subordinate ; and for this purpose it might be necessary — 
that in such cases the courts should be invested with an ample dis- — 
cretion, and should not be required to adhere to the letter of the — 
laws, so as themselves to commit wrong, or to iujure the common- 
wealth. The form of the proceedings was such, that a verdict 
against Ctesiphon must have been interpreted as a condemnation of — 
Demosthenes: and it was the deliberate will, and the highest inter- 
est of the people, to show that it still honored the man who had 
not despaired of the commonwealth. It would have been better 
that the prosecutor should not have been able so to embroil the — 
question: but where he did so, it was desirable that the court — 
should have the power to decide on what it deemed the mostim- — 
portant point.” 3 : 









: ΕΣ 
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